The World of Crime: Breaking the Silence on Problems of Security, Justice, and Development Across the World
Publication Year: 2008
2008 SELLIN-GLUECK AWARD
“This book is important for students who want to put domestic crime and justice issues and criminological theories in an international perspective…. It is more than likely that this book will also interest all those who are professionally or privately interested in issues of crime, corruption, terrorism, law enforcement, criminal justice and sustainable development.”
—Johnson Thomas, BUSINESS INDIA
In today's interdependent world, governments must become more transparent about their crime and justice problems. The World of Crime: Breaking the Silence on Problems of Security, Justice and Development Across the World seeks to break the “conspiracy of silence” regarding statistical information on these sensitive issues. It subsequently analyzes the macro causes of crime such as rapid urbanization, economic inequality, gender discrimination, abuse of alcohol, and drugs ...
- Front Matter
- Back Matter
- Subject Index
Part I: The Challenge of Measuring Crime Internationally
- Chapter 1: The Need for Better Crime Diagnostics
- The Uses of International Crime Statistics
- International Crime Statistics: The Sorry State of the Art
- Crime as a Social Construct
- International Crime Statistics as Controversial Knowledge
- Twenty Years of Thwarted Efforts
- ICVS: Bringing the Bad News
- Breaking the Silence
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
- Chapter 2: Mismeasuring Crime: A Technical Note with Far-Reaching Implications
- International Crime Figures Available
- A Crime Is a Crime?
- Recording Practices of the Police
- Reporting Patterns
- The Breakthrough of Crime Victimization Surveys
- Victim Satisfaction and Trust Levels
- The More Recorded Crime, the Less Crime?
- Police-Recorded Crime and Victimization Rates Compared
- Other Uses of Police-Recorded Crime Statistics
- Police Figures as Trend Indicators
- A Moratorium on International Police Figures?
- The Political Context of Crime Surveying
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
Part II: Common Crimes Across the World
- Chapter 3: The Burden of Property Crime
- Introducing the ICVS
- Overall Levels of Crime
- Other Measures of the Crime Burden
- Theft and Frauds
- Consumer Fraud
- Car Crimes
- Car Theft and Joyriding
- Car Hijacking
- The Heavy Crime Burden of the Business Sector
- Costs for Businesses
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
- Chapter 4: Patterns of Violent Crime
- National Homicide Rates
- Hate Crimes in Western Europe
- Sexual Assault/Rape
- Violence Against Women Revisited
- Toward Further Standardization
- Child Abuse and the Cycle of Violence
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
- Chapter 5: Determinants of Common Crimes
- Comparative Perspectives
- Urbanization and Crime
- Regional Patterns and Future Trends of Urbanization
- Demographics and Crime
- Future Demographic Trends
- Affluence and Crime
- Mass Transportation and Crime
- Patterns of Vehicle Theft at Second Sight
- More Affluence, Less Crime?
- Development and Crime Revisited
- Correlates of Violence
- Poverty and Inequality
- Criminal Victimization and Gender Inequality
- Drugs and Alcohol Abuse
- Alcohol Abuse and Violence
- Trends in Alcohol Consumption
- Availability of Guns
- Firearms and Violent Crime
- Guns and Violence in Developing Countries
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
- Chapter 6: Global Trends and Regional Profiles
- Global Trends in Common Crimes
- European Trends in Focus
- Trends in Police-Recorded Crimes
- Explaining the Drop in Crime
- Responsive Securitization and the Drop in Crime
- Security Measures and Trends in Burglary Victimization Rates
- Security Measures and Trends in Car Theft and Joyriding
- The Growing North-South Security Divide
- The Asian Exception
- Crime and Conflict
- Latin America: The Price of Democracy
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
Part III: Emerging Global Crime Threats
- Chapter 7: Assessing Organized Crime
- The New Crime Threats
- Defining Organized Crime
- The Changing Nature of Organized Crime
- Illicit Markets
- The Pressure to Measure
- Victimization Surveys Among the Business Community About Organized Crime
- Toward an Organized-Crime Perception Index
- Other “Markers” of Organized-Crime Presence
- Instrumental Violence
- The Organized-Crime-Corruption Complex
- Money Laundering and the Black Economy
- Composite Organized-Crime Index
- Country Scores
- Fifteen Countries with the Highest Scores
- Trends in Organized Crime
- Participation of National Organized-Crime Groups in Specific Criminal Markets
- Trafficking in Persons
- Organized Car Theft
- The Intercorrelates of Crime
- Tentative Transnational Responses
- The U.S. Report on Trafficking in Persons
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
- Chapter 8: Other Global Security Threats: Corruption, Terrorism, and Cybercrime
- Defining Corruption
- Corruption Indicators: Perceptions and Experiences
- Assessing the Merits of Objective and Subjective Indicators
- Corruption Victimizations in the Corporate World
- Business Crime Surveys
- Patterns and Trends in Terrorist Crimes
- The Incidence of Terrorism
- Trends in Terrorism
- Correlates of Terrorism
- Terrorism and Organized Crime
- Cybercrime: Trends in Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Crimes
- Computer-Facilitated Crime
- Internet-Based Fraud and Credit-Card Fraud
- No Asian Exception
- Computers, Organized Crime, and Terrorism
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
Part IV: International Trends in Criminal Justice
- Chapter 9: Law Enforcement, Crime Prevention, and Victim Assistance
- Trends in Criminal Justice Resources
- Allocation of Resources to Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice
- Human Resources for Police and Private Security
- Police Workloads
- The Private Security Industry
- Trends in Private Policing
- More Police, Less Crime?
- Homicide Conviction Rates as a Performance Measure
- Toward a Composite Index for Police Performance
- Resources, Performance, and Integrity
- Victim Empowerment and Support
- Victim Reception by the Police
- Trends in Victim Satisfaction
- Victim Support Services
- Implementing the UN Victims Declaration
- International Best Practices in Crime Prevention
- Guidelines for the Prevention of Crime
- Evidence-Based Approaches
- Planning and Implementation
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
- Chapter 10: Courts and Sentencing
- Judges and Magistrates
- Gender Balance in the Courts
- Perceived Independence and Integrity of the Judiciary
- Toward an International Code of Conduct for Judges
- Public Attitudes Toward Sentencing
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
- Chapter 11: Corrections: A Global Perspective
- Trends in Imprisonment Rates
- National Prison Populations
- Expanding Use of Imprisonment
- Interpreting Imprisonment Rates
- Costs and Limits of Imprisonment
- The Search for Alternatives
- Benchmarking Imprisonment Rates
- An Index of Punitiveness
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
Part V: International Perspectives on Crime and Justice
- Chapter 12: Security, Rule of Law, and Sustainable Development
- Introductory Remarks
- Legal Institutions and the Level of Complex Crime
- Organized Crime and the Rule of Law
- Rule of Law and Terrorism
- Trafficking in Persons and Police Performance
- Good Governance and Development
- Good Governance, Development, and the Role of Crime
- Organized Crime as a Trojan Horse
- Vicious Crimino-Economic Circles
- Summary Points/In Conclusion
- Chapter 13: Crime and Justice: The Need for Global Reform
- Diagnosing Crime
- A Culture of Lawfulness
- Cross-Validating the Index
- Country Profiles at a Glance
- Crime Alert
- Costs of Crime: The Global Crime Bill
- Lawfulness and Human Development
- The North-South “Security Divide”
- The “Justice Deficit”
- Security and Justice Reform First
- The UN Millennium Development Goals
- A More Secure World
[Page ii]To Ruscha
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Dijk, Jan van. The world of crime: breaking the silence on problems of security, justice and development across the world / Jan Van Dijk.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4129-5678-9 (cloth)
ISBN 978-1-4129-5679-6 (pbk.)
1. Crime. 2. Crime prevention. I. Title.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
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This book gives a comprehensive and up-to-date overview of the new generation of survey-based statistics on both common crimes and on emerging global threats. Following the example of Transparency International's rankings of countries on levels of corruption, the book presents “league tables” on various types of crime. Using information from a wide range of sources, over 150 countries, from both the developed and developing world, are benchmarked on their levels of crime, violence, sexual violence, organized crime, trafficking in persons, petty and grand corruption, and terrorism. All information is presented in easily understandable tables and graphs, depicting levels of crime in world regions and individual countries. Statistics on the most important types of crime are depicted also in the form of color-shaded world maps. The book offers a first-ever World Atlas of Crime.
Part I of this book explains why it had to be written. Crime is rapidly becoming global in its various manifestations. Terrorist attacks are funded, planned, prepared, and executed across borders. Chemical drugs are shipped from Asia through Europe or Australia to end up in discos in North America. Cocaine goes from South America through the Caribbean or Africa to Europe. Young women are trafficked for sexual exploitation from countries in Asia, Africa, and Eastern Europe to the European Union, North America, and Australia. Billions in criminal assets are moved around the world by money launderers and stashed away in safe havens. Every year millions of naïve people fall victim to Internet-based frauds emanating from Nigeria: Their savings end up in banks in, for example, China within seconds.
The international community is slowly rising to the challenge of global crime. More and more people have started to realize that no American or European judge, however dedicated, can arrest a scam artist in Lagos, Nigeria, or freeze and confiscate assets hidden in Beijing. Something needs to be done to protect the victims of global crime. Governments appreciate that more international cooperation in criminal justice is needed. They understand that the strengthening of criminal justice agencies in poorer countries is the first line of defense against global crime. In recent years, the first global treaties against organized crime, human trafficking, corruption, and terrorism have entered into force. Both the United States and some European countries are detaching some of their best law enforcement experts and prosecutors abroad to assist local colleagues in countering global threats.
The question is whether criminology has also risen to the challenge of globalizing crime. Strangely enough, most research and most courses in criminology have maintained a distinctly domestic focus. We learn about the operations of domestic law [Page xii]enforcement and justice systems and about the characteristics of local offenders and local victims. Prevailing criminological theories are almost exclusively tested in national settings, using national or city data. The comparative approach, prevailing in economics and so many other advanced fields of study, remains conspicuously absent in criminology. Some textbooks offer a brief section on international or comparative issues for curiosity's sake, often using statistics on crime from Interpol. Ironically, even these statistics are no longer available. In 2006, Interpol made the decision to remove all crime statistics from its public Web sites. After publishing international figures of crime for 50 years, Interpol has discontinued its series precisely at a time when international information on crime makes more sense than ever.
In this book, I will argue that Interpol's decision is criminologically sound and its director should be commended. Statistics of police-recorded crimes reflect the performance of the police rather than levels of crime. Where police forces are incompetent or corrupt, fewer victims report crimes and recorded crime rates will consequently be low. Where police forces are more effective, levels of reporting are higher and rates of recorded crimes go up. This mechanism explains why according to international statistics, rates of recorded crime are highest in Sweden and New Zealand and lowest in Albania and Colombia. As measures of the levels of crime across countries, police figures of crime are a source of disinformation. Fortunately, new sources of information on crime in an international perspective have become available. The International Crime Victim Survey, a standardized survey on victimization experience, was carried out in 1988 for the first time in a dozen countries. It has since been repeated once or more in 78 countries. For many countries, including the United States, Canada, England and Wales, Australia, and the Netherlands, comparable survey-based data on victimization are available from five sweeps of the ICVS, the latest from 2005. Similar new sources of information have been created regarding organized crime and corruption.
Comparative surveys on various types of crime such as the ICVS have been given a clean bill of health by leading crime survey experts such as American scholar Jim Lynch. And yet the execution of the ICVS has remained a vulnerable undertaking, receiving more criticism than support. Its results have not been widely distributed through the UN or other international channels. In fact, many governments are opposed to international crime statistics, which they regard as a potential threat to their national sovereignty. They are unwilling to see their “dirty laundry” of crime and violence exposed in the international arena. As promoter of the ICVS and senior official within the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, responsible for crime issues, I have witnessed several instances where governments thwarted efforts to collect international statistics on crime, corruption, or terrorism. In 2004, for example, I coauthored a lengthy report on trends on crime and justice for the occasion of the 11th UN Crime Congress in Bangkok. This report was generally well received—and even praised in the Political Declaration adopted at the end of the Congress. And yet it never evolved into a full-fledged UN publication. At the United Nations' Crime Commission in Vienna later in the year, the executive director of UNODC, Antonio Maria Costa, tossed to the commission the idea of a biannual World Crime Report of the United Nations. This obvious proposal was, at the prompt initiative of the [Page xiii]U.S. delegation, summarily rejected. The consensus among the diplomats and experts convening in Vienna was that crime statistics are too politically sensitive for the United Nations.
In the current era of globalization, crime problems often have “spillover” effects across national borders. Governments can no longer treat crime problems as domestic affairs. The current book can be seen as an attempt to break the “conspiracy of silence” around international crime information. It is the personalized version of the kind of report that the Crime Commission voted down in Vienna 3 years ago.
Part II presents available data on common crimes, such as burglaries, robberies, and assaults based on the ICVS and on homicides based on police and health statistics. A special section is devoted to results on violence against women based on other international research. Subsequent chapters discuss the main causes of common crime at the macro level. The most important determinants of crime appear to be (rapid) urbanization, extreme poverty/economic inequality, overrepresentation of young males, discrimination of women, alcohol abuse, and availability of guns. Scatterplots depict the statistical links between national scores on known macro causes and national rates of crime. This visual presentation of the data allows the reader to see at a glance how individual countries are placed on, for example, beer consumption or gun ownership and rates of assaults. The plots also reveal which countries are outliers (e.g., score high on alcohol consumption but low on assaults). Readers can see for themselves whether the statistical relations look strong enough to be convincing. All data used in the analyses are also put in appendices, which makes them easily available for secondary analyses by the reader. The information on the causes of crime provides several entry points for strategies to prevent crime at the national or local level. Governments in Europe and Africa are, for example, alerted to the role of alcohol abuse in youth violence. Governments in the Americas will be informed on the links between gun ownership and various forms of serious violent crime.
The trend data on common crime, presented at the end of Part II, show that levels of crime are declining not just in the United States but in nearly all developed countries. This finding makes it important to find explanations for the drops in crime that are applicable across countries. In the United States, lower crime rates are often attributed to wider use of imprisonment. The international information shows that similar drops in crime have occurred in countries such as Finland and France where rates of imprisonment have remained stable or declined. Results of the ICVS and other studies demonstrate that in all Western countries, middle-class families and businesspeople have responded to increased losses from crime with massive investments in self-protection. This phenomenon of “responsive securitization” is presented as the main driving force behind the near-universal drops in common crime. Chapter 7 discusses the fact that poorer countries as well as low-income groups in richer ones cannot afford to invest as much in self-protection as those better off. This factor of security affordability explains why public safety is increasingly unequally distributed both between countries and within. While risks of crime have gone down in the North, many developing countries in the world's South are still struggling with rising rates of violence and crime. Within Western nations, risks have gone down steeper among high- and middle-income groups than among less well-protected low-income groups.
[Page xiv]In Part III of this book, the focus is shifted from common crimes to the emerging global crime threats such as organized crime, corruption, and terrorism. Official statistics on organized crime are shown to be of little use. Harnessing information from a variety of sources such as surveys among business executives, risk assessments by security experts, and country rates of unsolved murders, a composite index is made of the prevalence of organized crime in countries. Unsurprisingly, this index is found to correlate strongly with a composite index of grand corruption. Organized crime and high-level corruption are shown to be two of a kind. Terrorism indices, however, point at a distribution that is very different, with a concentration in the Middle East.
In Part IV, countries are ranked according to the performance of their police forces, the independence and integrity of their courts, and their use of imprisonment. As before, results are presented in the form of tables and graphs, indicating differences between countries and regions. The results point at a major “justice deficit” in developing countries: In the world's South, police forces and courts are seriously underfunded and often perform poorly. As expected, the United States comes out as world leader in imprisonment. Perhaps more surprisingly, data from surveys among business leaders show confidence in the integrity of courts to be declining in both developing and developed countries, including western Europe and North America.
In Part V, the final part, police performance and judicial integrity are linked to levels of organized crime. The results reveal that institutional failures to uphold the rule of law are root causes of organized crime and grand corruption as well as of terrorism. In countries where police forces are not performing and the rule of law is not assured, organized crime and grand corruption can flourish and terrorist groups are more likely to attack. The analyses also show that such lawlessness is closely linked to economic stagnation. In the short term, national economies may receive a boost from criminal activities such as drug production and trafficking. But our analyses suggest that, on balance, the organized crime-corruption complex is a major obstacle for economic growth. Several developing countries are in the grips of vicious circles of institutional failure, generalized lawlessness, and economic stagnation. Crime emerges as a vitally important development issue.
Over the past years, the member states of the United Nations have adopted international legal instruments to strengthen the fight against organized crime, corruption, and terrorism. Insiders are unimpressed by the pace and scale of implementation of these treaties. The book ends with a plea for global reform in the justice and security sector. International cooperation in law enforcement and criminal justice should no longer be just preached over conference tables but practiced in police stations and criminal courts. In order to generate reliable partners in developing countries, a large-scale transfer of skills and equipment to the South is required. This book hopes to convince readers that functioning police and justice systems can do much to improve the quality of life and prosperity of those living in the poorest countries and would simultaneously serve the interests of the world community in its fight against international terrorism.
The book is important for students who want to put domestic crime and justice issues and criminological theories in an international perspective. The many tables, [Page xv]graphs, and scatterplots will induce advanced students to engage themselves in secondary analyses of the unique data contained in the appendices. The book should also appeal to readers professionally or privately interested in issues of crime, corruption, terrorism, law enforcement, criminal justice, and sustainable development. It puts, as said, the security and justice problems of over 150 countries on the map and formulates proposals for remedial action both at home and overseas. The many detailed world maps of crime, violence, and police performance will also be of use to those planning trips abroad for business or pleasure. This book, in sum, puts available international knowledge on crime in the public domain, regardless of national sensitivities.[Page xvi]
This book builds on the sustained efforts of a large group of persons. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime published in 1999 a Global Report on Crime and Justice, edited by Graeme Newman. Work has since been ongoing on the collection and analysis of crime and justice statistics. A document on Trends in Crime and Justice was prepared by me and colleagues at UNODC/UNICRI for the occasion of the United Nations Eleventh Congress on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice in Bangkok, Thailand, 2005.
Over the years, I have had the pleasure to collaborate on the International Crime Victim Surveys with a dozen or more colleagues involved in quantitative criminology. Their work is quoted widely throughout this book and I won't mention them here by name. I want to make use of this occasion to thank them all for two decades of shared commitment and friendship. One person deserves to be named here. John van Kesteren, now at Tilburg University, the Netherlands, has for more than a decade been the master of the ever-growing ICVS data set. Without his knowledge and dedication, all users, including myself, would be lost in numerical translation.
Since comparative work on crime and justice is underfunded wherever it is undertaken and most certainly at the United Nations, most of the hard work was done by interns. It is my pleasure to thank and name them here: Kleonika Balta, Fabrizio Sarrica, Michaela Messina, Alicia Burke, Linda Geradts, Resham Mantri, Mila Versteeg, and Tonia Strachey. In the Netherlands, Marisca Brouwer and Jaap de Waard of the Ministry of Justice and Fanny Klerx of Tilburg University helped me with the necessary updates. You were all Excel—lent.
I want to thank Marcus Felson for introducing me to Sage and Evelyn Rubin and Ineke Haen-Marshall for support in the preparation of the manuscript. Finally, I wish to express my sincere gratitude to my former colleagues at UNICRI and present colleagues at Tilburg University for having been with me in this undertaking. The following reviewers are gratefully acknowledged:
Robert Homant, University of Detroit
Nick Larsen, Chapman University
Wayne Pitts, University of Memphis
Pamela Jean Preston, Penn State SchuylkillTilburg, March 2007[Page xviii]
Appendix A: Data Sources[Page 321]International Crime Victim Surveys (ICVS)
The International Crime Victim Surveys (ICVS) provide internationally comparable information on victimization by crime through a standard questionnaire. To ensure comparability, all aspects of the methodology have been standardized to the maximum possible extent. The first round of international surveys was done in 14 countries in 1989, providing a first comparable estimate of the level of common crime in 1988. The interviews were done by phone using the CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing) technique. That year pilot studies were also done in Indonesia (Surabaja) and Poland (Warsaw). Results were presented in Van Dijk, Mayhew, and Killias (1990). The United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI) became involved in 1991 with the aim of providing a wider geographical coverage to the project. Since in most non-Western countries telephone interviewing was not possible, a face-to-face methodology was used for this purpose. For cost reasons, it was agreed that face-to-face surveys would be mainly conducted in the capital (or largest) cities of participating developing countries.
The second round of surveys took place in 1992 with a total of 33 participating countries, including 20 developing or transitional countries where the face-to-face technique was used. The third round of surveys was done in 1996 in 48 countries (36 face-to-face). The fourth round of surveys was done in 2000–2002 with a total of 48 participating countries again, including 30 face-to-face. A fifth round of surveys was conducted in 2004–2005 under the supervision of UNODC, UNICRI, and INTERVICT. Surveys were executed among 18 member states of the European Union by a consortium, consisting of UNICRI, Gallup/Europe, and the Max Planck Institute in Freiburg, Germany, among others, and with partial funding of the European Commission (DG Research). Participation in the 5th sweep was secured with national samples in 28 countries and capital city samples in another 5. The 33 participants included several new entrants such as Bulgaria, Cambodia, Greece, Ireland, Luxembourg, Mozambique, Iceland, Turkey, Mexico, Hong Kong, and Peru. By 2005, over 140 surveys had been done in 78 different countries (in 37 countries nationwide). Over 320,000 citizens have been interviewed in the course of the ICVS so far. Funding for the ICVS has come from a variety of sources. In most developed and middle-income [Page 322]countries, data collection was funded by national ministries or research agencies. Surveys conducted in developing and transitional countries in 1992, 1996, and 2000 were mainly funded by the Dutch Ministry of Development Cooperation. The Dutch Ministry of Justice has over the years been the main contributor to the overhead of the ongoing project. A consortium of research institutes from England/Wales, the US, Canada, Australia and The Netherlands, is planning a repeat of the survey in 2009.Methodology
The ICVS targets samples of households in which only one respondent age 16 or above is selected for interviewing. National samples include at least 2,000 respondents who are generally interviewed by telephone (CATI). In the countries where this method is not applicable because of insufficient distribution of telephones, face-to-face interviews are generally conducted in the capital city, with samples of 1,000–1,500 respondents. To reduce memory errors in the timing of incidents (forward time-telescoping), respondents are first asked whether they have been victimized in the course of the past 5 years and, if yes, whether it (also) happened during the past calendar year. Victimization percentages relate to incidents that are placed in the last year (for details, see Van Dijk, Manchin, Van Kesteren & Hideg, 2007; Van Dijk, Van Kesteren, & Smit, 2007).
Samples for the ICVS surveys using CATI are based on random-digit dialing of land-line phone numbers stratified by local area. Interviews are taken with the member of the household whose birthday is coming up next. Results are weighted for the variables gender, age, household composition, and area. Surveys using face-to-face interviewing in Estonia, Poland, and Japan used randomly selected persons drawn from official national registrations. These samples were also stratified by local area. The surveys in the main cities in developing countries were, as said, done face-to-face. The sample method was tailored to local circumstances, but generally, a multi-stage stratified sample was used.
The average duration of the interview in the CATI-based studies was around 20 minutes. The surveys that were done face-to-face took more time; this interview technique generally takes 30% to 50% longer. In Japan, the interviews lasted on average 50 minutes, due mainly to the elaborate formulations needed in the Japanese language.
The use of different modes of interviewing raises the issue whether this may have compromised comparability of results. Methodological work has shown that, generally speaking, responses to questions on victimization from telephone interviews are similar to those obtained face-to-face (Van Dijk & Mayhew, 1992). This conclusion is based on, among other things, experimental work carried out in the Netherlands comparing CATI-based interviews on a core set of ICVS questions with face-to-face interviews. Both modes of interviewing produced the same prevalence rates. No significant differences in victimization rates were found in a similar ICVS-based experiment in Slovenia. Tests in the course of the NCVS in the United States, however, have demonstrated higher victimization counts in CATI-based interviews than in either face-to-face or telephone interviews. This difference seems to have been caused primarily by better supervision of interviewers in centralized CATI facilities. The available experimental evidence suggests that, given the same standard of field work, interview mode does not significantly affect victimization counts (for references, see [Page 323][Page 324]Van Dijk, Van Kesteren, & Smit, 2007). In the framework of the ICVS, all surveys were supervised by experienced experts receiving methodological guidance from the key coordinators.Table A.1 Countries That Have Participated in the ICVS at Least Once, 1989–2005*
The ICVS provides rates of victimization in the previous year by 11 types of common crimes. In the 2005 survey, a question on car vandalism was deleted to create room for other questions such as those on hate crimes. An important secondary objective of the ICVS is to assess attitudes of respondents to crime and justice. Respondents are asked to explain reasons for nonreporting of crimes, thus to provide comparative information on why police statistics do not reflect the full crime picture. Those who have reported victimization to the police are asked to assess the way the police have handled their report. Furthermore, all respondents are asked to assess the performance of the police in preventing and controlling crime in their areas, the use of common crime-prevention measures by their household, and attitudes toward punishment of offenders. More details on methodology and content are given in Van Kesteren, Mayhew, and Nieuwbeerta (2002), Van Dijk, Manchin, Van Kesteren, and Hideg (2007), and Van Dijk, Van Kesteren, and Smit (2007).Definitions
The standard questionnaire1 has been translated in to the languages of all participating countries. The questionnaire includes sections on different types of common crime, which are described in colloquial nonlegal language, providing a common definition (see Table A.2).2 Furthermore, questions on consumer fraud and corruption are included, also accompanied by standard definitions. The questionnaire, as said, also explores whether crimes were reported to the police, reasons for not reporting, attitudes toward the police, fear of crime, use of crime prevention measures, and opinions about sentencing. A complicating factor in the conduct of the ICVS is the tendency of partner organizations to introduce small changes in the questionnaire. Where this had happened, results on such issues were either dismissed for comparative purposes or adjusted. This has, for example, happened with some Australian results from ICVS 2005.Table A.2 ICVS Definitions of 13 Types of Crime
Among the 11 common crimes, some are “household crimes,” that is, those that can be seen as affecting the household at large, and respondents report on all incidents known to them. One group of crimes deals with the vehicles owned by the respondent or his or her household, and a second group refers to breaking and entering. A third group refers to victimization experienced by the respondent personally (including corruption and consumer fraud/cheating).Technical Note on ICVS Data Presentation
Results of the ICVS presented here are mainly based on capital city surveys or, in a few cases, subsamples from populations living in cities of 100,000 inhabitants or more (urban rates). Country rates are based on data from the latest available surveys conducted between 1996 and 2005, occasionally supplemented with data from the ICVS 1992 (five countries). All country rates used in cross-sectional analyses relate to capital city or urban rates to enhance comparability. Trend data, presented in Chapter 6, are [Page 325][Page 326]based on national rates since capital city data on developed countries are not available for the older sweeps of the ICVS. Analyses of the correlates of crime are done on data of the ICVS 1996 and 2000 whereby 1996 and 2000 rates have been averaged if both were available. Data on correlates relate mainly to 2000. Rates of victimization used in these analyses can differ significantly from those used in the descriptive tables that are based on results of the ICVS 2005. Regional rates are based on averaging of rates from individual countries from the region (not weighted for population), and world rates are based on averaging of regional rates (not weighted for population). National sample sizes are 2,000 or more in most countries, with the exception of Luxembourg (850). Urban sample sizes per country are given in Table A.3.Table A.3 Sample Sizes of Urban Victimization Rates, ICVS, 1996–2005, Latest AvailableTable A.3 Sample Sizes of Urban Victimization Rates, ICVS, 1996–2005, Latest AvailableTable A.3 Sample Sizes of Urban Victimization Rates, ICVS, 1996–2005, Latest AvailableTable A.3 Sample Sizes of Urban Victimization Rates, ICVS, 1996–2005, Latest AvailableThe International Crime Business Survey (ICBS)
The first International Commercial Crime Survey (ICCS) was carried out in 1994 in eight countries (Van Dijk & Terlouw, 1996).3 The same questionnaire was used in 1997 in Estonia and 1998 in South Africa (Naudee, Prinsloo, & Martins, 1999). A national survey with a very similar questionnaire was also conducted in Australia (Walker, 1994), which was followed by a national survey on the retail sector in 1999 (Taylor & Mayhew, 2002). Two surveys were carried out in southwestern Finland in 1994–1995, mostly based on the same questionnaire (Aromaa & Laitinen, 1994). Between 1995 and 1999, surveys with the same methodology were also replicated in St. Petersburg, Latvia, and Lithuania to address the issue of security of foreign businesses (Aromaa & Lehti, 1996).
The ICCS questionnaire focused mostly on experiences of victimization, information on perceptions, and attitudes toward several aspects of everyday business. However, from the surveys conducted in St. Petersburg and the Baltic countries, it became clear that extortion and corruption were among the most pressing problems of businesses in eastern Europe (Aromaa, 2000). In the late 1990s, the ICCS questionnaire was modified to include more items on extortion and corruption. A second round of the International Crime Business Survey (ICBS)—a new name for the international survey was deemed desirable—was conducted by UNICRI in 2000 in nine central and eastern European countries. The national coordinators appointed for the ICVS in each participating country were also requested to monitor the progress of the ICBS. The role of the national coordinators included ensuring the correctness of the translation/localization of the questionnaires, monitoring of the sampling procedure, and participation in the training of the interviewers. Sampling designs for the ICBS were more complicated than for the ICVS (see Table A.4).Table A.4 ICBS 2000. Participating Cities/Countries, Sample Size, and Sampling Information
Funding was provided by the Ministries of Justice and Foreign Affairs/Development Cooperation of the Netherlands and the Ministry of Justice of Hungary.4 In order to provide for the highest comparability of the results, the fieldwork was contracted to a major international survey company, Gallup/Europe, which used its branches and associates in each participating country. Survey teams received standard training and guidelines for the project, along the lines of training provided for the ICVS. Because of the elevated costs involved, it was decided to limit the surveys to capital cities in each participating country.5
[Page 327][Page 328]
[Page 330][Page 331]The International Violence Against Women Survey (IVAWS)
The International Violence Against Women Survey (IVAWS) was started in 1997 with the development of a draft questionnaire and methodology. In late 1999, the International Project Team was formed comprising HEUNI, UNICRI, and Statistics Canada. Preparations for pilot studies were commenced in November 2001, with Canada carrying out a 100-respondent pilot study. Other countries followed with pilot studies during 2002, including Argentina, Costa Rica, Denmark, Estonia, Italy, Kazakhstan, Poland, Australia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Serbia, Switzerland, and Ukraine. In early December 2002, the questionnaire was ready for the full-fledged surveys. To date, surveys have been conducted in 10 countries.The United Nations Survey on Crime Trends and the Operations of Criminal Justice Systems
The Economic and Social Council, in its resolution 1984/48 of May 25, 1984, requested that the Secretary-General maintain and develop a United Nations crime-related database by continuing to conduct surveys of crime trends and operations of criminal justice systems. The major goal of the United Nations Surveys on Crime Trends and the Operations of Criminal Justice Systems is to collect data on the incidence of reported crime and the operations of criminal justice systems with a view to improving the analysis and dissemination of that information globally. The survey results should provide an overview of [Page 332]trends and interrelationships between various parts of the criminal justice system to promote informed decision making nationally and internationally.
The definitions used in the questionnaire are broad enough to be applicable in the varying context of national criminal codes. Data from the eighth (covering 2001–2002) and previous surveys are available at the UNODC Web site (http://www.unodc.org). The questionnaire is available to download in Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Spanish, and Russian. The ninth survey (covering the years 2003–2004) was launched mid-2005 and has not yet produced results. A critical review of the methodology of the UN Crime Survey by Marilyn Rubin and other researchers of John Jay College, New York, is available on the UNODC Web site. For an overview of participating countries, see Table A.5.Table A.5 Countries Responding to the UN Survey (1995–2002)-Police SectionTable A.5 Countries Responding to the UN Survey (1995–2002)-Police SectionTable A.5 Countries Responding to the UN Survey (1995–2002)-Police SectionSome Other Technical MattersMethod for Constructing Composite Indices
The following procedure was used to build the composite indices presented throughout the book. First, variables are selected that can be seen as indicators of the construct at issue (e.g., perceived prevalence of organized crime or quality of police performance). Second, the values of countries on these selected variables are rank-ordered. Third, the rank numbers are standardized by dividing them by the highest rank, multiplied by 100. Finally, country scores on the index are calculated by averaging the standardized rank numbers. This formula has been applied in previous work on comparative crime statistics done under the aegis of HEUNI in Helsinki, Finland. For more detail, see Kangaspunta et al. (1998) and Aromaa et al. (2003). For some indices, however, this method was used without applying Step 2. These indices were calculated to a 100% scale without being rank-ordered first. This was done in order to give a more detailed picture of the location of countries on the scale. The composite organized-crime index and the lawfulness index were constructed by the latter method.Method for Constructing Scatterplots
It should be noted that most scatterplots in this book are constructed on the basis of reversed rank numbers. For both variables presented in a plot, the lowest score is given the lowest rank and the highest score the highest rank. This was done in order to make the pictures easier to understand and to be able to add country labels for as many countries as possible. Some countries are, however, not explicitly named, due to a lack of space in the plot area. Values can be found in Appendix B. In the case of the scatterplot depicting the relationship between bicycle ownership and bicycle theft in Chapter 5, we have used nonranked scores to show the exponential relationship.Method for Constructing Bar Charts
Two different methods were used for constructing the regional bar charts in this book. In case only a limited number of data were available (<70 observations), the following regions were used: Africa, Asia, eastern Europe, western and central Europe, Canada and [Page 333][Page 334][Page 335]the United States (North America; weighted as 1:9), Latin America and the Caribbean (including Mexico), and Oceania (Australia and New Zealand). This is the case for most bar charts with ICVS data. In case data on more countries were available, the following regional division was used: East Africa, North Africa, southern Africa, West and central Africa, the Caribbean, Central America, North America (the United States, Canada, Mexico; unweighted), South America, Central Asia and Transcaucasian countries, East and Southeast Asia, the Near and Middle East (Southwest Asia), southern Asia, eastern Europe, southeastern Europe, western and central Europe, and Oceania (excluding Papua New Guinea). In a few cases, however, the first method was also used for larger data sets. Data on Papua New Guinea that are not available in machine-readable form and have been added on an ad hoc basis were not included in the regional rates for Oceania.
The details on both regional divisions are showed in the tables below:
[Page 336]Table A.6 Regional Divisions for Smaller Data Setsast;Table A.6 Regional Divisions for Smaller Data Sets*
[Page 337]Table A. 7 Regional Divisions for Bigger Data Sets
[Page 338]Table A. 7 Regional Divisions for Bigger Data Sets[Page 339]Notes
2. Much attention has been paid to the issue of translation of concepts and terms into the various languages. Regular meetings of survey coordinators from participating countries have facilitated the exercise.
3. Full-fledged surveys in 1994 were conducted in the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. Pilot surveys were also done in Australia, Indonesia, South Africa (Johannesburg), and Spain (Malaga).
4. Funding for the surveys in Albania, Croatia, and Romania was provided by the Dutch Ministry of Justice within the framework of the ICVS/ICBS 2000. Funding for the surveys in Belarus, Bulgaria, Lithuania, Russia, and Ukraine was provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands within the framework of the project “Assessing Violence, Corruption, and Organized Crime in Eastern-Central European Countries.” The survey in Hungary was funded by the Hungarian Ministry of Justice within the framework of the joint UNICRI/CICP project Assessment of Corruption in Hungary, a component of the UNODC Global Programme Against Corruption.
5. Another reason for carrying out city rather than national surveys was the lack of systematic information in the participating countries. The same decision was made with the ICVS in central-eastern Europe and developing countries. For more detailed information and technical discussion on the ICVS methodology in developing countries, see Alvazzi del Frate, Zvekic, & Van Dijk (1993), Svekic & Alvazzi del Frate (1995), and Hatalak, Alvazzi del Frate, & Zvekic (2000).[Page 340]
Appendix B: Data Tables[Page 341][Page 355]Data in Figure 6.1Data in Figure 6.2
[Page 356]Data in Figure 6.3Data in Figure 6.4
[Page 357]Data in Figure 6.6Data on trends in rates of victimization by burglary per income quartiles; sources: ICVS 1998–2005Data on trends in % use of burglar alarms per income quartiles; sources: ICVS, 1998–2005
[Page 358]Data on trends in victimization by joyriding (car recovered) and car theft (not recovered) in Chapter 6[Page 384]Appendix Chapter 11Data in Table 11.3
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About the Author[Page 435]
After a career as a professor in criminology and policy adviser at the Ministry of Justice in the Netherlands, Jan Van Dijk joined the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime in 1998 and served in several senior positions, including as Officer in Charge of the Centre of International Crime Prevention. He currently holds the Pieter Van Vollenhoven Chair in Victimology and Human Security at Tilburg University, the Netherlands. He served as President of The World Society of Victimology from 1997 until 2000 and received the Stephen Schafer Award of the National Organization of Victim Assistance in the United States for his contributions to the international victims' rights movement.