Representing ‘Race’: Racisms, Ethnicities and Media

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John Downing & Charles Husband

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    Dedication

    To Barbara Husband, my essential colleague and co-author of my life.

    [CH]

    To Ash Corea, the fire and the rose, and to the necessary spirit, courage and commitment of the next generation of media-makers.

    [JD]

    Acknowledgements

    In writing a text like this you are inevitably aware of all the very many contributions, concrete and intentional as well as elusive and serendipitous, that very many colleagues and friends have made to its production. It is always invidious to single out some for explicit mention whilst failing to similarly identify others. However, in this case there are two colleagues and friends whose support and input unequivocally demands recognition.

    In writing Chapter 5, The Distinctive Challenge of Indigeneity, Dr Lia Markelin, who was the Doctoral Research Fellow on the University of Bradford Ethnicity and Social Policy Research Unit's Sami Media Project, has been a source of specific advice and invaluable generic support. Lia's personal and scholarly skills were central to the success of that project and the insights generated through it have been central to the production of this chapter and her continued friendship and support is invaluable. Additionally, both Lia and I would wish to record our thanks to the very many persons in Sami media and political life whose generosity, openness and commitment made that research both possible and so rewarding.

    Equally, in writing Chapter 6, Media Monitoring and Codes of Practice, I am deeply indebted to my colleague and friend Yunis Alam. This chapter draws directly upon our work ‘Codes of Practice and Media Performance: a Systems Approach’, which was an element of a larger EU funded project entitled Tuning in to Diversity. Not everyone is fortunate enough to have a Yunis in their life. For his sharp-edged, untrammelled and creative stimulation, I remain perpetually grateful. His warmth, humour and humanity are an ever present antidote to some of the persistent irritations of contemporary academic life.

    As a representative of the elusive and serendipitous support I have enjoyed and savored I would like to acknowledge my gratitude to the staff group and many students of the European Doctoral Programme on Migration, Diversity and Identities, of which I have had the privilege of being Director for the past four years. This demonstration of the viability and rewards of interdisciplinary international collaboration has been in equal parts hugely demanding and profoundly enriching. Something of the style and ambitions of this Programme are invested in this text.

    And, of course, ‘J.D.’ – lifelong friend, sounding board and too infrequent collaborator.

    HusbandCharles

    My deep thanks indeed, first and foremost, to the many, many people of colour who over my life have thought it worthwhile to try to make me wiser on these issues; at their head the Right Reverend Dr Sir Wilfred and Lady Ina Wood. I hope that my contribution to this book echoes at least some of their efforts. Listing them all by name would fill a real Book of Life. Gratitude as well to my former students, and faculty and staff friends at the University of Texas, and before that at Hunter College (New York), at Greenwich University (London) – and now in the College of Mass Communication and Media Arts at Southern Illinois University, Carbondale.

    I must log my tremendous appreciation of Julia Hall at Sage, editor extraordinaire, whose fierce commitment to this project weathered its lengthy production, and of her ever-supportive colleague Jamilah Ahmed. Fabienne Pedroletti ferreted out a dismayingly large stock of oversights, but if Barbara Steele had not, unpaid, thrashed the manuscript into shape first, Sage would rightly have returned it to its senders. As for Charlie Husband, if you don't like perspicacity, wit, self-mockery and a consuming passion for practicable roads to social justice – stay away from him.

    DowningJohn

    Preface

    The Political and Ethical Correlates of Research in This Sphere

    We have been struck for well over thirty years now, in both the USA and the UK, and via research evidence from still other nations, by the continuing failures on the part of mainstream media, globally, to fulfill their potential to inform, enlighten, question, imagine and explain in this often troubled and dangerous field of ethnic diversity in the contemporary world. These potentials could be and urgently need to be realized in entertainment as well as news, in sports coverage as well as popular music, in computer games as well as trade magazines and textbooks. But, mostly, this does not happen, or only in badly tarnished forms.

    Published research on this subject grew very substantially indeed over the 1990s, a sharp difference from the 1970s and 1980s when the topic drew remarkably little scholarly attention from sociologists, anthropologists, political scientists or even media analysts. After a long gap following the very early work of Robert Park (1970 [1922]) on the USA's immigrant press,1 British researchers2 were among the first in the field, but by even as late as 1990 it was still difficult to fill a short shelf with book-length publications on the topic from all countries combined. The bulk of what has become available since, stretching over a number of shelves, has come from the USA, but there is a continuing contribution from Britain, together with a rise in research from other nations such as the Netherlands, France, Australia and Canada.3 There is also a particularly welcome growth in work from scholars of color.4

    Why this sudden interest, especially in the USA? A necessary element in the equation is no doubt the expansion of communication technologies and the corresponding growth of media studies,5 but to provide a sufficient explanation we need to look further.

    Migration, as a major and ongoing international phenomenon, forced public attention to ethnicity and ‘race’ in general from the 1970s onwards. In Western Europe it took a generation for the reality to percolate that migrant workers and their families had arrived to stay. In the USA, 1965's immigration law changes and continuing economic expansion jointly stimulated the arrival of new Asian and Latin American migrant workers, unprecedented in number since the massive industrialization of 1880–1920. They in turn were pivotal to sustained economic growth thereafter.6

    Subsequently, links between media representation of African, Asian, Latin American and Middle Eastern nations and of their emigrants within metropolitan countries, summoned the attention of some more globally focused scholars.7 So did media discourses in the 1990s, glibly projecting ‘ethnicity’ as the cause of brutal civil wars in Bosnia, Rwanda and Chechnya.8

    Other factors made themselves felt as well. However, much as governments, corporate leaders and majority populations persist in trying to sweep them under the rug, the unresolved issues of institutional racism and the pervasive tenacity of racist discourses consistently attract the attention of some of the more alert and responsive among academic researchers. Ever since the 1950s civil rights confrontations, aspects of ‘race’ relations, however distortedly, have been common in the US national news. Intermittent urban explosions acted via their media coverage – to quote Dr Martin Luther King – as ‘the voice of the unheard.’

    Examples come from the USA and beyond. As well as the tumults such as those in Los Angeles following the Rodney King assault verdict in April 1992, and the four days of rioting against police violence in Cincinnati, Ohio, in 2001, these include the 32 British cities in which violent street protests took place in 1981, the 1990 explosion of migrant workers' rage in Vaulx-en-Velin, France, and the Asian riots in Bradford, England, in 2001. The repeated success of neo-Nazi and authoritarian populist movements in Europe, local pogroms against migrant workers and Roma communities (e.g. eastern Germany and the Czech Republic during the 1990s, southern Spain in 2000), issues raised by refugee migration, the question of indigenous peoples' demands brought to the surface by the Zapatista movement in Mexico and by Aboriginal and Maori movements in Canada, Australia and New Zealand, the victory for majority rule in South Africa, the two intifadas against the Israeli government's illegal occupation of Palestinian soil, all featured from time to time across the world's media.

    However, it would be Pollyanna-like to assume that the sources of academic interest in media coverage of ‘race’ and ethnicity were solely intellectual alertness and responsiveness to these expressions of injustice and protest. Intellectual alertness does not automatically include any commitment at all to working for ‘racial’ and ethnic equity. State- and corporate-sponsored research have indeed often been designed precisely to enable the sting of protest to be drawn, but in no way to attack the roots of racism. Ethnicity may simply offer a tempting array of the diverse and exotic to academics hunting for something fresh to focus on for their dissertations and research grant proposals. Such ‘research opportunities’ may seem almost inexhaustible within the so-called ‘gorgeous mosaic’ of most metropolitan nations.

    We only need observe how sadly feminist research has sometimes lost its original impetus through getting enmeshed in the dead ends of academic culture, to see how easily research on ethnic and ‘racial’ issues, including their media representation, may go down exactly the same dismal path. Therefore research on this subject that merely seeks to feed a career or fill pages is much more likely – if it has any impact at all – to contribute to perpetuating racism and ethnic discrimination than to help overcome them. Our position is, unequivocally, that the prime motive in framing research on ‘race’ and/or ethnicity needs to be to contribute to a just and thus – indeed only thus – peaceful and stimulating society. Our aim should be to critique media failures and outrages tellingly, not sloppily, and to help reframe media practice.

    We do not propose these principles as an excuse for rhetorically virtuous but clumsy research design. We do not imagine for a second that there is a single shining path to good media coverage that basic principle alone will uncover, nor do we suppose that good media coverage, however it might be defined, will rapidly by itself unlock the door to ‘racial’ justice: structures of privilege do not just melt on exposure to light. Nor can we escape the fact that a number of those whose research work is used to underpin policies hostile to communities of color have claimed that they are setting the scene for a truly non-racist society, that they are actually the only non-racists or anti-racists in the field.9 The painless claim to be non-racist or even anti-racist guarantees neither solid research nor the absence of racism, whether in intent or effect.

    To sum up so far: for over a decade now, media representations of political upsurges and social conflicts have sparked substantial research interest in media, racism and ethnicity. In and of itself that does not render the results insightful, the objectives laudable, or the methods adequate. Neither academic nor government sponsorship, nor goodwill, offer any such guarantee.

    We plan to propose and partially illustrate significant and often under-explored directions for research in this centrally important sphere. Our best reward for writing this book will be to find it rapidly overtaken by committed and searching scholarship, aimed at fomenting an exciting and imaginative media revolution that engages citizens of every background.

    Notes

    1 Park's research was funded by the US government following the USA's 1917 entry into World War I because of anxiety concerning the national loyalties of the many new European migrant worker communities which had formed over the previous thirty years.

    2 Cf. Hartmann, Husband and Clark, 1974; Hartmann and Husband, 1974; Husband, 1975; Critcher et al., 1977; Hall et al., 1978; Downing, 1980.

    3 In developing this manuscript we have for some time used the ‘working title’ Representing ‘Race’, and now that it is complete we feel that this title, with the sub-title, very accurately indicates the focus of our work. We are aware that there is a prior text by Robert Ferguson (1998) with the same title. The existence of such texts confirms to us the importance and ongoing topicality of this issue and we hope that those authors who have preceded this text will understand our wish to keep this title.

    4 E.g. Daniel Bernardi, Venise Berry, Jacqueline Bobo, Arlene Dávila, Oscar Gandy Herman Gray, Ed Gnerrero, Darrell Hamamoto, Darnell Hunt, Jacquelyn Kilpatrick, Robert Lee, Lisa Lowe, Robin Means Coleman, Chon Noriega, Charles Ramírez-Berg, América Rodríguez, Otta Santa Ana, Beretta Smith-Shomade, Linda Steet, Angharad Valdivia, Craig Watkins.

    5 It may be that the difference between the earlier expression of research interest in media and ‘race’ in Britain than in the USA had its source partly in academic fashions. That is, the dominant assumption in the US academy throughout the 60s and 70s was that media had little or no social impact, as per Joseph Klapper's influential The Effects of Mass Communication (1960). Conversely in Britain, the two most active centers for media and cultural research (the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester University and the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham University), whatever their differences in approach, were populated by people mostly skeptical of American empiricist sociology and broadly committed to an anti-racist agenda. Meanwhile the upsurge in racist sentiment and action catalyzed by speeches from 1968 onwards by a British Conservative Party politician, Enoch Powell, speeches given tremendous media coverage in part because of Powell's own detailed knowledge of journalistic routines, helped to focus attention on these issues (Smithies and Fiddick, 1969; Reeves, 1983).

    6 Similar labor migration waves were evident in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States, in India, China, Australia, Brazil, Mexico, Egypt, Nigeria, South Africa and many other places, but media studies as an academic specialization was only widely developed outside the USA and Britain in Australia, Canada, Mexico and Brazil, and in the two latter nations the refusal to acknowledge the force of ‘racial’ and ethnic divisions was only beginning to be challenged during the 1990s (Araújo, 2000; Fernández and Paxman, 2000).

    7 E.g. Johnson (1980), Said (1980/1997), Dorfman (1983), Shaheen (1984).

    8 Cf. Allen and Seaton (1999). Oddly, the decades-long repression in Guatemala, where anti-Maya racism really was a major dimension, never made the headlines in the same way.

    9 Cf. Charles Murray and Herrnstein, The Bell Curve; Dinesh D'Souza; Thomas Sowell; Thernstrom and Thernstrom.

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