Politics and Practice in Economic Geography
This is the first sustained discussion of methodological issues in economic geography in the last twenty years. It comprises an extended discussion of qualitative and ethnographic methods; an assessment of quantitative and numerical methods; an examination of post-structuralist and feminist methodologies; an overview of case-study approaches; and an inquiry into the relation between economic geography and other disciplines. With short, accessible, and engaging chapters, this is a critical assessment of qualitative and quantitative methods in economic geography.
- Front Matter
- Back Matter
- Subject Index
- Methods Matter: Transformations in Economic Geography
- Section 1: Position and Method: Producing Economic Geographies
- Chapter 1: Politics and Practice: Becoming a Geographer
- Chapter 2: Smoke and Mirrors: An Ethnography of the State
- Chapter 3: Nature Talks Back: Studying the Economic Life of Things
- Chapter 4: Sexing the Economy, Theorizing Bodies
- Chapter 5: Putting Play to Work
- Chapter 6: Of Pufferfish and Ethnography: Plumbing New Depths in Economic Geography
- Section 2: Politicizing Method: Activating Economic Geographies
- Chapter 7: Method and Politics: Avoiding Determinism and Embracing Normativity
- Chapter 8: Cultivating Subjects for a Community Economy
- Chapter 9: A Public Language for Analyzing the Corporation
- Chapter 10: The Place of Personal Politics
- Chapter 11: Locating the Thai State
- Chapter 12: Post-Socialism and the Politics of Knowledge Production
- Section 3: Quantity and Quality: Beyond Dualist Economic Geographies
- Chapter 13: Hybrid GIS and Cultural Economic Geography
- Chapter 14: Evolution in Economic Geography?
- Chapter 15: Beyond Close Dialogue: Economic Geography as if it Matters
- Chapter 16: Economic Geography, by the Numbers?
- Chapter 17: Methodologies, Epistemologies, Audiences
- Section 4: Boundary Crossings: Mobilizing Economic Geographies
- Chapter 18: Out of Africa: History, Nature, Empire
- Chapter 19: ‘I Offer You This, Commodity’
- Chapter 20: ‘El Otro Lado’ and Transnational Ethnographies
- Chapter 21: Researching Transnational Networks
- Chapter 22: Reflexivity and Positionality in Feminist Fieldwork Revisited
- Chapter 23: Researching Hybridity Through ‘Chinese’ Business Networks
© Adam Tickell, Eric Sheppard, Jamic Peck and Trevor Barnes 2007
First published 2007
Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, this publication may be reproduced, stored or transmitted in any form, or by any means, only with the prior permission in writing of the publishers, or in the case of reprographic reproduction, in accordance with the terms of licences issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency.
Enquiries concerning reproduction outside those terms should be sent to the publishers.
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List of Figures and Tables[Page viii]
- Figure 0.1 The economic iceberg 20
- Figure 8.1 Jock's story 110
- Figure 21.1 Research foci: global assemblage: Singapore, Western business schools, and the construction of a global education hub 262
- Figure 23.1 The integrated method approach to Chinese capitalism research 284
- Table 0.1 Intensive and extensive research compared 6
- Table 8.1 Methodological steps of the action research projects 107
List of Contributors[Page ix]Department of Geography, University of British Columbia,Department of Geography, University of California, Los Angeles,School of Geography, University of Oxford,Department of Geography, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,Geography and International Affairs, University of Colorado at Boulder,Susan Geiger retired from the University of Minnesota in 1999 and passed away after a 16-month battle with leukaemia in April 2001Department of Geosciences, University of Massachusetts at Amherst/Department of Human Geography, Australia National University,Department of Geography, University of Minnesota,Department of Geography, Pennsylvania State University,Department of Geography, University of British Columbia,Department of Geography, University of British Columbia,Department of Geography, York University,Department of Geography, Ohio State University,School of Geography, University of Oxford,Faculty of Social Sciences — Geography, The Open University,European Institute for Urban Affairs, Liverpool John Moores University,Department of Geography, Syracuse University,Department of Gender, Women, and Sexuality Studies, University of Minnesota,Department of Geography, University of Wisconsin-Madison,Urban Research Centre, University of Western Sydney,Department of Geography, University of Wisconsin-Madison,Department of Geography, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill,Department of Geography, University of Calgary,Department of Geography, University of British Columbia,Department of Geography, University of California, Los Angeles, [Page x]Department of Geography and Regional Development, University of Arizona,Department of Sociology, University of Lancaster,Department of Geography and Environmental Engineering, The Johns Hopkins University,Department of Geography, University of Minnesota,Department of Geography, Queen Mary, University of London,Faculty of History and Social Science, Royal Holloway, University of London,Department of Geography, Queen Mary, University of London,Department of Geography, National University of Singapore,
Foreword[Page xi]DoreenMassey and RichardMeegan
It came as something of a jolt to realize that it is over twenty years now since we convened the experimental debate between industrial geographers that was to result in Politics and Method. Times have changed. Not only have the debates within economic geography shifted radically, but the wider socio-political context has also been transformed. When we gathered for our discussions at the Open University, in 1983, while it was clear that the old model of accumulation was on the rocks, it was not clear what was to emerge in its place. The real economic geography of the UK was embattled, partly in defence of the past, partly around what might be the future. The steelworkers’ strike of 1980, the ongoing battles over inner cities, the too-late attempt by a previously complacent British capitalism to restructure (the lateness in consequence leading to far more devastation than it might have) … deindustrialization everywhere. All this formed an important context for our gathering.
Our aim was to explore both how industrial geographers might analyze such a situation and, of equal importance, the kinds of policy/political stances they should take. But we were caught up in changing times in another way too. There was fierce debate, across the social sciences more widely, about method, and our aim was also to address that. We wanted genuinely to listen to and argue with each others’ positions, and also to explore the question of whether there was any connection between our different methodological approaches and our, equally different, policy/political stances.
The big methodological debates were between intensive and extensive research, the epistemological positions that underlay them and the different notions of rigour that each of them assumed. The relation to policy/politics was argued (by some) to derive from the fact that some approaches (extensive) took the capitalist nature of production as given while others (intensive) strove to conceptualize it explicitly. The question was whether the former approach led to ‘policies’ which sought to tinker with the system (taking it as given) while the latter tended to favour a ‘politics’ that addressed the nature of production more systematically. Maybe this reflected the times, before the neoliberal variant of capitalism had become so hegemonic. For if the methodological contest has, for now, been won by intensive research it is not clear that its subsequent development has retained the radical, system-questioning character.
[Page xii]Yet those questions of politics and method remain important, and it is good to welcome this new book. Politics and Method was a comparatively small venture. We were all from the United Kingdom, but we met face-to-face and tried to debate our differences without defensiveness or antagonism. The book reflected this — it was a handbook to be used. Politics and Practice in Economic Geography is bigger and rangier (though as its editors say even now still mainly Anglo-American), and its extent and variety is an indication of the major changes that have taken place in economic geography over the period. We are delighted to have the chance to welcome it, and appreciative of its reflections back over the period to Politics and Method. Being clear about method, still more actually debating method, continues to be important in all the ways the editors point to, from being more exacting about our own rigour, to forcing us to address the question of what is our political purpose within this field of ‘economic geography’.Doreen Massey, Department of Geography, Open University, UK.Richard Meegan, European Institute for Urban Affairs, Liverpool John Moores University, Liverpool, UK.
Cover collage by Holly Peck, based on an original design by Andrew Robey for Politics and Method, 1986, Methuen.
Preface[Page xiii]AdamTickell, EricSheppard, TrevorBarnes and JamiePeck
Politics and Practice in Economic Geography is centrally concerned with research methods in the dynamic and heterodox field of economic geography, and the related social science disciplines with which it is increasingly closely embedded. But it is also a somewhat unusual book. Rather than explicating or advocating a particular set of research methods and techniques — the standard fare of research methods books — we attempt a bolder, and rather more unsettling, approach that lays bare the practice of using research methods to understand the social world. We take it as axiomatic that research methods matter — they are, after all, the means by which economic geographers (and others) encounter and explain the world; render research findings transparent and communicable; define their research objects and engage with research subjects; establish positionality; bring in political and moral views; connote the community of practitioners with whom they are associated; and make statements about the discipline they constitute.
Given this, it is remarkable how little attention methods have received in economic geography. A handful of insightful methodological interventions have episodically sustained the conversation, but too few economic geographical contributions are explicit about their methodological underpinnings or the ways that these influence their knowledge claims. These silences have come at a price: insufficient methodological transparency can get in the way of collective learning; the verification and triangulation of knowledge claims becomes more difficult; and communication and exchange with cognate fields, indeed across the field itself, are encumbered. Put baldly, the lack of explicit conversations about research methods has contributed to economic geographers talking past, rather than with, one another. It has probably also impeded the discipline's capacity to communicate effectively with cognate social-science fields.
We seek here to reinvigorate methods talk. Our aim in this book is to reflect on, and learn from, the interrelationships between research methods, politics and research practice in economic geography, thereby disinterring a range of long-buried methodological discussions. The inspiration for this volume came from a previous attempt to initiate just such a disciplinary conversation — Doreen Massey and Richard Meegan's Politics and Method[Page xiv](1985b) — which put methods questions on the table for the first time, in the midst of searching debates around industrial restructuring. We have also drawn inspiration from more recent conversations among feminist geographers concerning the intimate connections between methodology, theory, politics, and practice. In this spirit, we asked contributors to reflect on methods in the context of the wider field of research practice — inviting them to take up such issues as ethics, the politics of writing, researcher positionality, commitments to relevance and transformative action, conceptualization, meaning interpretation, and research design.
We also asked each contributor to lay bare their personal engagements with methods in their research, inviting them to place themselves in the story and think about their own agency as researchers. We were seeking discussions that really opened up the dilemmas and challenges of practice. Too often, discussions of method suffer from an elision between an understanding of methods as a set of tools for practising science that can be separated from the research, and the reality that methodological choices generally have strong political, personal and serendipitous aspects. Our choices are almost always shaped by our training and socialization into the discipline (and our desire to position ourselves as extending or contesting prevailing trends); and our field sites, like our research questions, invariably reflect pre-existing interests and biographies.
Many of the decisions we make about methods we seem to make ‘in private’, or we bury them deep in research funding proposals, footnotes, or dissertation appendices. Only sporadically do we ventilate methodological concerns in our published output. For these reasons, Politics and Practice in Economic Geography cuts somewhat across the grain of disciplinary practice, and deliberately so. It is an invitation to the discipline to deepen its methodological conversations, to give voice to questions of research practice. Given the pluralized and fast-moving character of contemporary economic geography, these conversations are overdue. It is notable, but hardly surprising, that the essays that follow vary widely in tone, as well as in methodological inclinations, justifications offered for the choices made, and discussions of how politics and methodological practice are — inevitably — intertwined. We are a diverse field, and these conversations are really only just beginning.
This posed some challenges to organizing the volume: we encouraged our contributors to be reflexive and bold, to say things they might not normally say, and this is precisely what they did! As a result, the essays we received frequently exceeded the boxes originally conceived for them — in all manner of interesting and challenging ways. We have organized them around four overlapping themes, though most of the essays could appear in more than one place: (1) Essays that problematize the shifting relation [Page xv]between researcher and the subjects of research; (2) those that interrogate a number of the ways in which practices are bound up with politics; (3) contributions that examine the ongoing role of quantitative practices, and their relationship to qualitative economic geographies; and (4) those that take up the intrinsically geographical challenge of moving between different field sites, places of ‘analysis’, and spaces of engagement. These themes run throughout the volume, and we also pick them up in our own selective survey of methodological transformations in economic geography that introduces the book.
This collection demonstrates that there is not, nor should there be, methodological consensus in economic geography. Beyond demonstrating rude diversity for its own sake, our intention is that the different positions articulated here form the basis for a critical re-engagement with questions of research practice and politics in economic geography, and beyond. More methods talk, we hope, will enable new kinds of conversations and new practices. Ultimately, these should build on and learn from, rather than setting aside, their predecessors. This is not just about producing new economic geographies; it is about producing them in new ways.
The impetus for this volume came from discussions at the Madison and Bristol meetings of the Summer Institute in Economic Geography. Here, economic geographers gather to debate and discuss issues that they don't always find enough time to talk about, including methods. And it was here that the idea of a different kind of Politics and Method for a different kind of economic geography first arose. We gratefully acknowledge core funding for past meetings from the National Science Foundation, the Economic and Social Research Council, Economic Geography, the Universities of Wisconsin-Madison and Bristol, and the Worldwide Universities Network, as well as scholarship funding from Antipode, Blackwell, Geoforum, Sage, and the Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography. The moral and practical support of Kris Olds and David Angel in these endeavours has never been less than critical.
Proceeds from the book will help support future meetings of the Summer Institute.
All four editors would like to thank their current and former colleagues and students who, over the years, have challenged and unsettled their methodological suppositions. Adam Tickell thanks the University of Bristol for providing him with a remarkable amount of space to pursue his own interests. Eric Sheppard acknowledges the support provided by residency at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, CA. Jamie Peck acknowledges the support of the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, the University of Wisconsin-Madison Vilas Associates program, and, not least, all the staff and inmates at Meriter and UW hospitals. And Trevor Barnes is grateful to the National University of Singapore, where he held a Visiting Professorship during the formative period of the book's assemblage.
We would also like to thank the contributors to the book for their forbearance in the face of a protracted editorial process, and Doreen Massey, Richard Meegan and Robert Rojek for their support for the project.AdamTickell, EricSheppard, JamiePeck and TrevorBarnes
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