Globalization and Sport: Playing the World


Toby Miller, Geoffrey Lawrence, Jim McKay & David Rowe

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    Many thanks to those who have been involved along the way: Ian Antcliff, Rebecca Barden, Tony Bennett, Sarah Berry, David Birch, Hugh Campbell, C.L. Cole, David Denham, Jane Evans, Faye Ginsburg, Richard Giulianotti, Steve Hardy, Natalie Hirniak, Mariana Johnson, Suzanne Laberge, Dimity Lawrence, Marie Leger, Monica Marcickiewicz, Paul Martin, Randy Martin, John Nauright, Chris Rojek, Phil Smith, Deborah Stevenson, Alan Tomlinson, Dave Whitson, Federico Windhausen, and the University of Newcastle's Outside Study Programme.

  • Conclusion – Global Sport and Cultural Labour

    Holland vs. Germany. Good vs. Evil. Our shirts were bright, if unfortunately striped; the Germans wore black and white. We had several coloured players, including our captain, and our fans wore Gullit-hats with rasta hair; their players were all white and their fans made monkey noises. Our players were funny and natural; A Thousand Years of German Humour is the shortest book in the world. (Simon Kuper, 1998: 9)

    If chauvinism is ugly, so is globalization. It stands for something real, a sense from across time, space, and nation, that those very categories are in peril. Our sense of the temporal is questioned – think of the panic generated by computers dealing with the difference between 1900 and 2000. Space is problematized by the NICL, as jobs are undertaken by folks on the basis of price and docility rather than locale. And nations are threatened by corporate control, as unelected, fardistant élites displace locally accountable politicians. In each category, the sporting corollary is clear. Time is manipulated in concert with the interests of global capital – hence NBC's ‘plausibly live’ policy of editing Olympic events to suit narrative drive, audience targeting, and commercial spacing, rather than the live-ness ontology of sport. Space is torn asunder, as traditional social bonds are compromised by ownership based on profit rather than township. Democracies seem unable to deal with economic forces.

    Two Olympic stories encapsulate this dynamic. After winning the gold medal for basketball at the 1992 Olympics in Barcelona, Jordan and his colleagues on the American ‘Dream Team’ staged a protest on the victory podium (Wenner, 1994). Reebok, an official Olympic sponsor, had supplied the American team with warm-up suits that displayed its logo. Jordan, a Nike client, threatened to boycott the proceedings because he did not believe in supporting a rival corporation: ‘I feel very strongly about loyalty to my own company.’ His teammate Barkley stated: ‘Us Nike guys are loyal to Nike because they pay us a lot of money. I have two million reasons not to wear Reebok.’ At the ceremony, Barkley and Jordan wrapped themselves in an American flag to cover the Reebok emblem, while the other players unzipped their jackets to obscure it. As we saw in Chapter 3, Mexico City in 1968 had found Smith and Carlos on the podium, using their bodies to protest the oppression of African-Americans in front of a global TV audience; in Barcelona two decades on, Barkley and Jordan used their bodies to show the world they were good company men. At the Sydney Olympics, the celebrations of the African-American 100-metre relay track team, wrapping themselves in the stars and stripes, were deemed disrespectful to the flag.

    But counter-power is always at work. The 1999 Seattle action in opposition to neoliberalism's World Trade Organization hacks illustrated as much, as environmentalists, trade unions, and consumer groups problematized globalization as defined by laissez-faire nostrums. Textiles, shipping, and agriculture remain massively subsidized across the world. The US, supposedly the poster-child for free trade and true competition, has hundreds of anti-dumping measures aimed at blocking imports where prices have been ‘unfairly’ set, and even has a semi-secret deal with Japan to restrict steel sales, while the EU remains firm on refusing to import bananas and genetically modified beef. All of this leads The Economist, a key neoliberal business advocacy voice, to admit that ‘Globalisation is not irreversible’ (‘Storm Over Globalisation’, 1999).

    The modernizing impulse announced for the 1994 Winter Olympics, heralded by the Norwegian media and government as ‘good’ for Lillehammer, was met with serious retorts from conservation and environmental movements, coupled in a contingent alliance with neoclassical economists' appropriate questioning of the actual multiplier effects of state investment in expensive sporting arenas and allied facilities. This coalition did not stop the Games, but it did persuade the IOC and its local apparatchiks to include environmental considerations in their plans. And not just for the 1994 Games, but as a permanent, codified item, alongside culture and sport itself. When the son of an IOC official was appointed without consultation to produce the Games mascot, a Disney-style figure, local outrage saw the decision overturned and the mascot altered in concert with local cultural workers (Klausen, 1999b: 34–35, 39). Similarly, for all its neoliberal frottage, the Labour government in Britain commissioned a 1997 report on soccer that proposed fan fora to monitor clubs' commitment to their supporters and regular low-admission games (‘Chairman Slams’, 1997). It went on to establish a unit to help fans set up supporter–shareholder trusts (Hamil, 1999).

    Bourdieu postulates a model of world culture that continues the bipolarity of the Cold War, but without its political ramifications, military corollaries, and economic isolations. His vision of the struggle for world culture puts the United States against France – laissez-faire dogma juxtaposed with nationalism. This Enlightenment conflict, between anomic monads and collective identities, sets bourgeois individualism and collaborative unity against each other, with the incarnation of the Depression and Sovietism hanging over each model. Bourdieu calls for a pre-Marxist, Hegelian way through the debate, a democratic mode that favours the state not as totalitarian or an aid to capital accumulation, but as the expression of a popular will that acts under the sign of general interest rather than singular egotism (1999: 20). French sport in the 1990s resembled the ethos of imperial Britain, as a metaphor for the good life – but with integration displacing war as the crucible, and multiculturalism rather than chauvinism as the problematic (Marks, 1999: 54).

    This is equally relevant for the grass roots. Glancing at soccer fans, we might casually note the ultrás model of Southern European play, with its connotations of carnival or hooliganism, depending on where you sit; the barras bravas of Argentina, with their spectacular arena conduct and its global intertexts for Spanish speakers; the uptake of Latin American chants on British terraces in the 1990s; and the 1999 Liverpool fans who paraded a banner reading ‘Cosmopolitanisme Vaincra’ (Cosmopolitanism will Triumph) (Giulianotti, 1999: 64; J. Williams, 1999). Whilst these groups may be queried for their maleness and violence, they are significant counters to the deracinated domain of corporatized sports.

    In New York City projects, African-American youth responded to 1998 disclosures of Asian sweatshops making Nike shoes by returning their sneakers to the corporation's Manhattan Niketown, all too aware that these essentially unwaged jobs were at the expense of their own class prospects (LaFeber, 1999: 154–55). We do not wish to get too romantic about this, for the right wing is alive to worker rejection of neoliberalism and seeks to exploit this disaffection. The Nazi fellow-travellers of the British National Party recruit at soccer games in the name of ‘the British working classes … angry young men’ who have seen their country ‘sold off by those who want the fast buck’ (Brimson and Brimson, 1996: 97–99). Clearly, this opportunistic exploitation by racist violence is not a desirable alternative – but it manifests the disaffection of ordinary people with the powerlessness handed down to them by the high priests of neoliberalism. The deterritorialization brought on by economic exigencies and political fractures has also produced a vast array of stateless European soccer fans, represented by teams whose locale has no sovereign referent (Giulianotti and Armstrong, 1997: 240). This has long been the case for Palestinians. The famous al-Wihdat soccer club in Jordan's refugee camp is both a symbol of the many defeats in military action that have led to dispossession, and a sign that they will not be totally suppressed (Tuastad, 1997: 105).

    Criticisms that neoliberal true believers are faceless, unrepresentative, and gormless have hit home. Consider our friends over at the World Bank (the words that follow in quotation marks are theirs). Concerned as the century drew to a close that its name conjured up images of ‘overpaid and underworked bureaucrats’ in a ‘beehive of corruption’, who ‘value economic theories’ over ‘human beings’, the Bank's staff association promulgated personal anecdotes recounting small acts of kindness perpetrated by its functionaries in the course of their office duties. As a more public part of improving staff morale, Jim Wolfensohn, who runs the Bank, encouraged employees to wear badges in the shape of a soccer ball. What a neat way of humanizing World Bank executives! No doubt it will be easier now for the rest of us to identify them as organic intellectuals of the working class (‘Kick and Tell’, 1999).

    Such attempts to paper over the exercise of power through sport are all too common. We recall the ecstasy when a multiracial French team won the '98 World Cup, a pleasure all the greater for the grip of racism that has long characterized that country. Here, some of us thought, might be a moment when Zinedine Zidane and his colleagues symbolically trumped the banality and brutality of white racism. But a few months later, the comedian Guy Bedos referred to the North African Zidane's goals in the Final like this: ‘two head shots from an Arab and France starts going around like it's in some kind of Benetton one-world commercial. What is this?’ (quoted in Vinocur, 1999: 34). Just as Benetton has a paper-thin commitment to multiculturalism and the environment, so the suggestion that myths of nationhood can be transformed by a new racial makeup of a football team is wish-fulfilment in the extreme. Here, liberal and radical thought was caught in a mirror-image of right-wing mythification. Oh, we almost forgot: when the World Bank's soccer-badge campaign was formally inaugurated in December 1998, a net and posts were erected at HQ. Executives lined up to demonstrate their prowess. But the Bank's principal neoclassical economics maven missed his shot on-goal (‘Kick and Tell’, 1999).

    This cosmic ambivalence has become part of capital's own, ironized delivery. Consider a 1999 US television commercial for Adidas. It shows a white businessman in the back of a New York cab, whingeing and whining about Yankees baseball and how much he loathes the Bronx Bombers. The driver is not identified, but it is Sunil Gavaskar – illegible to the majority of the TV audience, but readable by South Asian taxi workers and audiences as the most storied batsman in Indian cricket history. He deposits the business leech in a derelict neighbourhood for an assignation with someone coded as a transsexual prostitute. As Gavaskar drives off laughing, the final shot of the sequence discloses that his cab bears a Yankee licence plate, and we are drawn to the US network Home Box Office's candid documentaries on taxis and their late-night denizens. In its latent and manifest levels of address and content, this commercial bears witness to the complex intermeshing of global and local, and their conflicts, that we have sought to trace in this book, as sport makes its contradictory way somewhere between civil society, the marketplace, and unrepresentative demagoguery – always collective, however commodified it may become (Dietrich et al., 1999).

    Sport is assuredly a source of pleasure to many of us, including the authors of this book. Contemporary technology increases the availability of this pleasure in ways that we can all enjoy, and it is possible to see commodification and governmentalization as adding to the quality of athletic performance and its artistry, not to mention breaking down pre-existing social relations (Burbach et al., 1997: 52). Our message is, however, a cautionary one – before you buy the sneaker, or sign on for the TV package, follow the life of the commodity sign through its history, keeping citizenship and labour at the forefront of your thoughts.


    • Americanization: the export of products, symbols, ideologies, and organizational practices of the US, producing an Americo-centric view of how the world should be, including the ways people should act, and the icons and symbols they should admire.
    • Autotelic: a term derived from philosophy describing a situation in which the self achieves its own ends.
    • Capitalism: the form of social and economic organization most consistently associated with the pursuit of private wealth; the defence of private property; the creation and exchange of commodities for profit; and the direct sale by workers (the working class) of their labour power to employers (the ruling class). Over the last two or three centuries of its existence, capitalism has gone through various stages. The current phase of capitalism is characterized by shifts in class relations and identities, linked to changes in the organization both of paid work in the public world (such as the shift from manual to non-manual labour) and of unpaid work in the private world (like the large-scale movement of women into the workplace and pressures for gender equality at home and at work).
    • Commodification: the making into a commodity for sale on the marketplace of items or services which were previously not part of market logic. The sale of the sporting body, Olympic rings, or sporting personae as part of a process in which private firms can derive income from the development of new products.
    • Or the process by which people and things acquire value, which enables them to be exchanged for profit. In sport, for example, amateur play and players have been turned into exchangeable services and products.
    • Corporatization: the growth in the number, importance, and influence of private corporations, as capitalism, especially in its global form, provides opportunities for private entities to invest in new areas.
    • Cultural economy: a term used to describe both the cultural industries (such as publishers, music companies, and art galleries) and the manner in which forms of culture (like films, books, music, and even ideas and values) take on the appearance of ordinary commodities, with their value rising and falling according to critical reception, status, scarcity, public demand, and so on.
    • Decolonization: the movement within older, colonized nations, toward nation-statehood. While political domination from the centre may be formally ended, there is often a significant economic tie to the old, or to new, nations or bodies for the financing of development. When this results in increasing debt and the need for internal policies which act, ultimately, to disadvantage the local population, this economic dependence can be viewed as imperialism.
    • Deindustrialization: a process in which industrialized nations lose their so-called comparative advantage in manufacturing, as the withdrawal of private capital leads to such rust-belt outcomes as idle plant and equipment, increased unemployment, and regional economic decline.
    • Deterritorialization: the loss of the bonds of time and space, as people and texts move from one place to another in concert with capitalist mobility, delocalizing processes and practices as they move.
    • Developmentalization: a prevailing ideology and practice from the Second World War to the mid-1970s which justified the application of science and technology to underpin the economic progress of both developed and developing nations. In the capitalist nations and the colonies, it was characterized by faith in science (such as the green revolution), state–capital relations (regulated national markets to assist profit-making), and the view that economic growth would provide the best outcomes for society.
    • Diaspora: derived from the Greek word for scattering, it refers to the dispersion of people of common nationality or beliefs from one home location to other sites throughout the world.
    • Discourse: the social and cultural framework of institutions and (often unacknowledged) assumptions that organize everyday language, thought, and behaviour. Because multiple discourses exist and are connected to structures of power, social life is characterized by competition between discourses for legitimacy (for example, monarchism versus republicanism) and, consequently, sovereignty over groups in society.
    • GGATaC (Globalization, Governmentalization, Americanization, Televisualization, and Commodification): the combination of processes leading to the contours of modern social existence. Sport is fashioned in particular ways under the influence of these five factors, such that it becomes yet another product within capitalism – but one, importantly, which can be made spectacular, can be used for profit-making, and carries with it older meanings (of tradition, history, and dedication) that allow it to be harnessed for ideological purposes.
    • Globalization: a process through which space and time are compressed by technology, information flows, and trade and power relations, allowing distant actions to have increased significance at the local level.
    • Governmentality: coined by Roland Barthes and applied, later, by Michel Foucault to describe the management and regulation of citizens both through the formal organs of the state, and the informal interpersonal interactions which are subject not to external but to internal sanction.
    • Media: all the organizations, large and small, through which pass various types of message in the process of communication (by which meaning is exchanged). The term is increasingly restricted to specialist organizations with the substantial technology, knowledge, and capital at their disposal to enable large scale or mass communication. The term mediatization refers to the extension of the influence of media into all spheres of social life.
    • Media–Sports–Culture complex: a concept which embraces all the media and sports organizations, processes, personnel, services, products, and texts which combine in the creation of the broad, dynamic field of contemporary sports culture.
    • Multinational corporation (MNC): a capitalist firm with a main office in one nation-state, but which has created similar firms in other nations. MNCs aim to maximize profits by producing, or selling, similar products in each location where they are based. The idea here is the production of similar products in similar countries, rather than trading components between branches of the firm on a world scale. Such firms may organize their economic activities on a global, rather than a national, scale. Production is for the world system, rather than for domestic distribution, and sites of production are coordinated through a web of exchange by companies that often owe loyalty to no one nation.
    • Myths: wide-ranging cultural beliefs and meanings, usually so familiar that they appear to be natural, universal and eternal elements of society. Sport, which generates strong emotions, antagonisms, hierarchies, and romantic ideals, is particularly prone to mythologization.
    • Neoliberalism: describes a belief system in which the individual pursuit of self-gain is understood to provide maximum benefits to the individual and society. Once such an ideology is accepted, other things fall into place. It is considered inappropriate for governments to undertake activities for the good of citizens. Governments should, in contrast, not hamper individual decision-making. Market liberalization, restrictive monetary policy, reduction in tariff levels, removal of the welfare net, privatization of government utilities and outsourcing are all components of the policies of neoliberalism.
    • New International Division of Cultural Labour (NICL): as per the NIDL (see below) but with reference to cultural industries.
    • New International Division of Labour (NIDL): the division of the world into areas of specialized economic activity, including enclaves of cheap labour (particularly areas in the Third World), state-subsidized production (free trade zones), and centres of finance capital (capital cities such as London, New York, and Tokyo) and raw-material extraction.
    • Political economy: an analytical approach which links socioeconomic power (for example ownership of a major newspaper chain) with politico-cultural power (such as the promotion of conservative values through the owner's newspapers or the shaping of newspaper stories by commercial rather than cultural or ethical considerations). The master concepts in political economy are class and class conflict, although there is often substantial departure from elements of Marxism that have traditionally underpinned these (such as the inevitability of a proletarian revolution).
    • Spectacularization: in sport, this refers to the ways in which sporting activities have been reorganized, often by the media, to focus spectator attention upon the more dramatic, controversial, emotional, and confrontational aspects of display.
    • Sport: recreational and professional competitive, rule-governed physical activity. While physical play and game contests have clearly existed in many societies and epochs, sport of a regular and organized kind is the product of a social institution with its origins in Victorian England.
    • Technologization: the embedding of technology into all major components of life, together with the celebration and endorsement of technology as a major force for good in society.


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