Criminals in the Making: Criminality across the Life Course


John Paul Wright, Stephen G. Tibbetts & Leah E. Daigle

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    To my wife, Kathleen, for whom I am eternally grateful, and to my offspring, who have taught me the value of truth.


    To my wife, Kim Tibbetts; you are the very best.



    At a point in the not so distant past, dedicated criminology and criminal justice programs did not exist. Instead, they were embedded in sociology programs. During the 1960s and 1970s, however, sociologically trained criminologists began to break away from the yoke of sociology. By most accounts, their efforts were successful. Dedicated criminology programs can be found across the United States and Europe—the number of students in these programs dwarfing those who now take sociology as a major. Yet a focus on the number of students, number of faculty, or number of programs masks many of the problems criminology now faces.

    First, while criminology officially broke away from sociology it did so in name only. The majority of criminologists have been trained as sociologists and because of this, they imported sociological methods, procedures, and theories into criminology. To be certain, we have learned much about the nature of crime using these tools. The downside, however, is that sociological trained criminologists also imported their disciplinary biases and their political ideologies. These biases shaped the development of the study of crime by emphasizing the social qualities of crime while banishing discussion of individual differences related to criminal behavior. The incredible advances in personality theory, intelligence testing, and psychometrics made by psychologists were walled off to criminologists because recognizing individual differences was politically intolerable to sociologists.

    Second, despite phenomenal advances in the fields of human biology and human genetics, only a few scholars dared risk making a connection between biology and crime. Their fear was warranted because others who had done so were (and continue to be) excommunicated from the discipline—their careers savaged, their motives questioned, and their characters assassinated. The personal and career price paid by these scholars, however, was only part of the damage done. The purge of large swaths of science allowed criminologists to create entire fictions about criminal behavior. Because criminologists did not have to be bothered by findings in the hard sciences, they were free to make dramatic statements about criminal behavior and thus were free to theorize about crime independent of scientific constraint. Open an introductory criminology textbook, for example, and count the number of theories the field has generated. This is not a sign of scholarly advancement.

    Finally, the (in)complete break from sociology occurred at a unique point in American history. The political turmoil of the 1960s and 1970s affected every American institution—including the professoriate. This time period saw the radicalization of university faculty—especially those in the social sciences. Today, every survey of university faculty finds that they are not only politically liberal, they are more liberal than most liberals. This pattern is especially true in fields such as sociology, social work, teacher education, and anthropology, where it is safe to say that scholars with a conservative worldview are unwelcome and are thus few in number. The same, however, is true of criminology. Survey data finds that the majority of criminologists are politically very liberal. To be certain, there is nothing wrong with being liberal or conservative. There are many objective scholars who are liberal. Even so, as Freud stated long ago, people who share the same delusion cannot see the reality. It was the injection of politics into the social sciences that led to the exclusion of biology and the punishment of individual scholars. It was the injection of politics that allowed criminologists to craft political theories and to pass them off as “social” theories of crime. It was the injection of politics that prevented the unhindered investigation of crime and the publishing of results critical of specific social perspectives. We believe it is time to put politics aside and for the field to strive to become more scientific, more rigorous, and more critical.

    Have things changed? The answer to this question is complicated. At one level, we have seen the rise of biosocial criminology and the rise of an integrated life course perspective. We have also seen greater discussions about the role of personality factors and individual traits in criminal behavior. We have also seen the advent and growth of courses dedicated to these perspectives and we are now seeing doctoral students trained, or at least sensitized, to the biology-crime link. Indeed, we are especially proud our book has played a role in these developments. Thousands of undergraduate and graduate students have now been exposed to the science of human development.

    Even so, there remains substantial disciplinary bias against recognizing the joint and complex interconnections between biology, personality, and behavior. Studies that should be published in mainstream criminology journals, for example, get published in other fields because criminologists raise so many barriers. Developments that continue to occur in disciplines as diverse as child development and molecular genetics remain on the margins of criminology with journal editors arguing they have no place in criminology. Moreover, theories with limited or no empirical support—even theories that simply cannot be true—continue to be taught instead of discarded. Clearly, there is much work to be done. This is why we wrote this book. It was born out of our displeasure with the current state of criminology and its reliance on theories that exclude the science of human development.

    Students of complex behavior understand well the challenges in describing and explaining serious, recidivistic criminal behavior. Although the difficulties are numerous, we cite three that make the endeavor even more difficult. The first problem can be found in the way science operates. To make the complex understandable, science reduces information by categorizing findings into parts derived from a larger whole. As applied to the study of criminal behavior, many disciplines conduct research on the causes and consequences of criminal conduct. Psychologists study cognitive growth and its relationship to aggression, and behavioral geneticists study the influence of heritable genes on adult criminal conduct. Ye t findings in one science rarely penetrate the other. This is especially true for criminology. Sound scientific findings relating genetic influences or cognitive growth to criminal conduct are surprisingly absent from most influential criminological theories. From our perspective, for criminology to rise above its current state of relying on empirically challenged theories, it must begin to incorporate reliable and valid findings well known to other disciplines. For too long we have relied on the exclusion of other disciplines to help define our own discipline.

    Relatedly, the second problem that emerges is the sheer volume of information now known about human development. To say that there has been a boom in scientific research into various aspects of human evolution would be to understate the magnitude of growth in studies. Although not all of the information found in academic journals or disseminated at professional meetings is of the same quality, sorting through the multitude of studies found in psychology, sociology, child and adolescent development, and behavioral genetics is daunting and sometimes discouraging. Even as this book goes into publication, new studies are being published that will call into question old findings or push research into a direction different from its past. Indeed, the second edition of this book includes over 150 new citations from a diverse range of scholarly disciplines.

    The final problem is related to the nature of human development—that is, events and happenings that occur in our past affect our future as well as the views and perceptions of others around us. Human beings have the rather remarkable capacity to remember the slightest details of events that transpired years ago. We also base our current behavior on our subjective interpretation of the causes and consequences of those events. What this means is that our development is linked across time by our cognitive understanding of the past, which, in turn, can alter the choices we make to direct our future. In short, life does not follow a chapter-by-chapter guide, like a book inevitably will, but ebbs and flows across time with future reference points becoming objects of past concern. For our part, however, we are limited to a chapter-by-chapter approach that traces human growth across time.

    The starting point of our book recognizes the union between biological development and the social environment. The past decade witnessed unparalleled scientific growth in our understanding of the brain, the central nervous system, neurotransmitters, hormones, and the heritability of traits related to crime and misbehavior. At no other time in history have scientists had available to them the tools to peer into the brain, to watch the electrical energy inside the brain send its signals to the appropriate regions, or to view firsthand how factors that disrupt this flow of electrochemical energy produce disturbances in behavior. These tools now exist, and their use has revolutionized the science of human development.

    But merely recognizing that biological factors are related to crime is sure to cause some degree of trepidation in many criminologists. After all, almost every introductory criminology textbook begins its discussion of biology and crime with the recognition that biological theories have been used to justify Nazism, eugenics, and the gross oppression of various minority groups. What they fail to notice, however, is that the ideas from radical sociologists, who view humans as the mere products of society, have also been used to justify the death and destruction of millions of people. Their names are forever etched in history: Marx, Stalin, Pol Pot, and Mao Zedong.

    Science cannot advance when it eschews facts—indeed, hard scientific facts—for the sake of political correctness or out of fear that the rich complexity of findings will be misunderstood by politicians, businesses, or laypeople. From our point of view, criminology now stands on the threshold of scientific acceptability, but it will be accepted as a science only if it begins to incorporate the important, scientifically valid findings from various disciplines. This includes those research findings that link biological development with human aggression and violence. Other fields readily accept the fact that genes and biology affect virtually all behavioral phenotypes. Criminology needs to catch up and we hope this book represents one small step in that direction.

    So, do we believe that biology is all that matters? Of course not. Biology is only part of the crime equation. Biology interacts with and correlates with environment, and there is clear evidence that the social environment also influences our biology. Those tangible and intangible elements found in our environments help shape our thoughts, behaviors, and biological development. Thus, our approach to understanding crime is a biosocial approach—that is, we highlight the important interaction between healthy biological and social maturation. Biosocial criminology views behavior as the product of complex interactions between biologically rooted influences and social environments that may, or may not, promote or inhibit certain behaviors. These factors likely change over time. Certainly, social influences ebb and flow in their influence (think parents), but so do biological influences. The brain, for instance, develops rapidly from the time it is in the womb through much of the first part of life. During adulthood, however, synaptic pathways remain fairly stable in number and in efficiency until old age, when metabolic rates decline and pathways are pruned. It is this type of change across the life course, both biological and social, that our book traces. Life is dynamic and complex, and to appreciate what is truly remarkable about human behavior, you only have to recognize our unique adaptive abilities. These abilities clearly change over time.

    As should be clear by now, we went to the trouble to write this book because we believe in science. Over time we have grown increasingly uncomfortable with the state of criminological theory and its rigid adherence to sociological dogma. Each of us, in his or her own way, sought out answers from other fields. When we looked beyond our traditional training, we began to see the utility and scientific necessity of incorporating biology and genetics into our understanding of the unfolding of lives. What we seek is consilience, or the unity of knowledge from diverse fields.

    Our goals in this book are thus threefold:

    • Present the reader with an understanding of how humans develop, and how that development can go awry.
    • Link scientific findings from various fields, including neurology, molecular genetics, and behavioral genetics, to the development and maintenance of criminal propensity across time.
    • Detail many of the consequences accompanying faulty development, such as school failure.

    In the end, our hope is that the reader will come away more informed about the development of criminal propensity and criminal behavior. We also hope that the reader will be forced to think more broadly about potential factors related to pathological behavior, and that the reader will have an appreciation for the complexity of human behavior. Finally, we hope the reader of this book will come away with a new appreciation of human growth and behavior. Many of the studies we cite in our book are new to criminology, as is much of the information we present. Time will tell if our work has any influence, but we do believe that one thing is certain: We have learned much from writing this book.

    John Paul WrightStephen G. TibbettsLeah E. Daigle


    Many people have aided in the production of this book. With immeasurable gratitude, we thank the research assistance of Michelle Coyne, Mark Morgan, Jennifer Childress, Kevin Beaver, and Danielle Boisvert. We also want to thank the multitude of comments from the following reviewers:

    For the first edition:

    Robert Apel University at Albany, State University of New York

    Matt DeLisi Iowa State University

    Joshua Freilich John Jay College & The Graduate Center, City University of New York

    Elaine Gunnison Seattle University

    Carter Hay Florida State University

    Lila Kazemian John Jay College of Criminal Justice

    Lisa M. McCartan Le Moyne College

    Wilson Palacios University of South Florida

    Craig T. Robertson The University at North Alabama

    For the second edition:

    J. C. Barnes University of Texas at Dallas

    Shannon Barton-Bellessa Indiana State University

    Kevin Beaver Florida State University

    Matt DeLisi Iowa State University

    Danielle Harris San Jose State University

    Nancy Hogan Ferris State University

    Most importantly, we would like to thank Jerry Westby for believing in our vision of this book. He fully embraced our concept for this work and has supported us throughout this process. We would also like to acknowledge the staff at Sage who worked on this project. Sage has exhibited the highest level of professionalism and efficiency in preparing this book for publication.

    I, John Paul Wright, would like to thank Francis T. Cullen for all of his years of academic and personal mentorship. I would also like to acknowledge Kevin Beaver, Matt Delisi, and Michael Vaughn for their encouragement and dedication to this field of study. I also want to recognize the pioneers in the field, whose work has informed much of my thinking: E. O. Wilson, David Rowe, Steven Pinker, Avshalom Caspi, Terri Moffitt, and Judith Rich Harris. Finally, I would like to salute Anthony Walsh and Lee Ellis, whose careers exemplify the scholarly pursuit of truth.

    Stephen G. Tibbetts would especially like to thank Laura Wheeler at California State University, San Bernardino, who aided in selecting and copying many of the figures that appear in the chapters dealing with brain structure and functioning. He would also like to thank Julie Humphrey, currently a doctoral student at Indiana University of Pennsylvania, who edited and revised the sections on The Jack-Roller. Additionally, Stephen Tibbetts would like to thank Dr. Larry Gaines and Dr. Pamela Schram, both at California State University, San Bernardino, for their constant support and advice. They have both been invaluable mentors and friends throughout the writing of this book; no one could ask for better colleagues.

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    About the Authors

    John Paul Wright is Associate Professor of Criminal Justice in the Division of Criminal Justice at the University of Cincinnati. He earned his undergraduate degree in criminology from Indiana State University and his PhD from the University of Cincinnati. He has published extensively in criminology, psychology, behavioral genetics, and molecular genetics journals and is a frequent lecturer to professional organizations interested in the development of serious, violent offending. He teaches in the area of life course development and biosocial criminology.

    Stephen G. Tibbetts is Associate Professor in the Department of Criminal Justice at California State University, San Bernardino. He earned his undergraduate degree in criminology and law at the University of Florida, and his master's and doctoral degrees at the University of Maryland, College Park. For more than a decade, he worked as an Officer of the Court (Juvenile) in both Washington County, Tennessee, and then for San Bernardino County, California, in which he provided recommendations for disposing numerous juvenile court cases. He has published more than 30 scholarly articles in scientific journals (including Criminology and Justice Quarterly), as well as several books, all examining various topics regarding criminal offending or policies to reduce such behavior. His recent research interests include developmental and biosocial factors in predicting offending, particularly factors that affect brain function, as well as testing traditional theoretical models of criminal offending and gang intervention/prevention strategies. His most recent book is a coedited anthology, American Youth Gangs at the Millennium (Waveland Press, 2005), which was given a Choice award by the American Library Association as an Outstanding Academic Title.

    Leah E. Daigle is Assistant Professor in the Department of Criminal Justice at Georgia State University. She received her PhD in criminal justice from the University of Cincinnati. Her most recent research has focused on the development and continuation of offending and victimization over time, the sexual victimization of college women, and gender differences in the antecedents to and consequences of criminal victimization and participation across the life course. Her recent publications have appeared in Justice Quarterly, Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, and Journal of Interpersonal Violence.

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