Being Muslim and Working for Peace: Ambivalence and Ambiguity in Gujarat
Publication Year: 2013
Being Muslim and Working for Peace explores various ways in which religious beliefs, ritual practices and dynamics of belonging impact the politics of Muslim peace activists in Gujarat, and traces how their activism in turn transforms their sense of being. It challenges popular notions about Muslims in India and questions ill-conceived research designs in the sociology of religion.
More than a decade after the 2002 riots in Gujarat, this empirical typology sheds light on the diversity of Muslim civil society and Muslims in civil society. Muslim peace activists in post-conflict Gujarat experience the ‘ambivalence of the sacred’ as a personal dynamic; as faith-based actors, secular technocrats, emancipating women and doubting professionals, they struggle for a better future in diverse and sometimes surprising ways. By taking their ...
- Front Matter
- Back Matter
- Subject Index
Thank you for choosing a SAGE product! If you have any comment, observation or feedback, I would like to personally hear from you. Please write to me firstname.lastname@example.org—
SAGE India offers special discounts for purchase of books in bulk. We also make available special imprints and excerpts from our books on demand.
For orders and enquiries, write to us at
SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd
B1/I-1, Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area
Mathura Road, Post Bag 7
New Delhi 110044, India
E-mail us at email@example.com
Get to know more about SAGE, be invited to SAGE events, get on our mailing list. Write today firstname.lastname@example.org
This book is also available as an e-book.
Copyright © Raphael Susewind, 2013
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.
First published in 2013 by
SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd
B1/I-1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area
Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044, India
SAGE Publications Inc
2455 Teller Road
Thousand Oaks, California 91320, USA
SAGE Publications Ltd
1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road
London EC1Y 1SP, United Kingdom
SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd
33 Pekin Street
#02-01 Far East Square
Published by Vivek Mehra for SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd, typeset in 10/13 Berkeley by RECTO Graphics, Delhi, and printed at Saurabh Printers, New Delhi.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Susewind, Raphael, 1984–
Being Muslim and working for peace: ambivalence and ambiguity in Gujarat / Raphael Susewind.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Muslims—Political activity—India—Gujarat. 2. Peace-building—India—Gujarat— Citizen participation. 3. Conflict management—India—Gujarat. 4. Gujarat (India)—Politics and government—21st century. 5. Peace-building—Religious aspects—Islam. I. Title.
DS432.M84S956 303.6'6095475—dc23 2012 2012046749
ISBN: 978-81-321-1042-2 (HB)
The SAGE Team: Neelakshi Chakraborty, Dhurjjati Sarma and Vijay Sah
The anthropologist in the first world, regardless of her national or ethnic background, does not necessarily lack critical reflection or empathy or even responsibility; what she is divested of, crucially, is insecurity. (R. Robinson 2005: 15)
While pursuing this project on Muslim peace activists, I travelled through many disciplines, institutions and even countries. I learned a lot, and am indebted to many for their support and guidance. First and foremost, I would like to thank the 21 anonymous peace activists, who sat down with me in 2008 in Ahmedabad and Halol, shared their experience and urged me to voice their struggle in academic fora. It is their insecurity that I am divested of, while this study is based on their courage. I can only hope that I do them justice.
In Gujarat, Gagan Sethi opened many doors for me and critically commented on my findings once they took shape. I am grateful that he agreed to write some of his critique down in a no-nonsense commentary at the end of this book—a small experiment in giving voice. Further, I am deeply thankful to Pushpa Yadav, my research assistant; Nayan Patel, my contact at Jan Vikas, Ahmedabad; and Azim Khan, Academic Director at School for International Training, Jaipur, who helped me through the field phase. I am also indebted to the Cusanuswerk, and by extension the German Ministry for Education and Research, which continue to fund my life with scholarships and generous travel grants: thank you.
[Page viii]Back in Germany, Thomas Noetzel and Mathias Bös, University of Marburg, supervised my analysis and guided me in the many methodological issues that came up. Jayendra Soni helped with language issues, while Hannah Franzki read through several drafts and ripped them apart, always for the better. After I submitted the first version of this work as my diploma thesis in political science (Susewind 2009a), I went on to the Contemporary South Asia Studies Programme at the University of Oxford. Amidst dreaming spires, I found distance from Gujarat, gained perspective and learned to write. I am particularly grateful to Barbara Harriss-White for this year, and also for keeping me as an Associate once familial consideration compelled me to return to Marburg in 2010. There, Andrea Fleschenberg and Daniel Pineu urged me to rework my thesis into an academic book and initiated me into the mysteries of academic publishing. Claudia Derichs, in turn, employed me as a full-time research fellow, which allowed me to write without financial worries; she also kept teaching manageable and held administrative tasks at bay. During the last weeks of writing, expert copy-editing by Anna-Maria Müller of TextExMachina made my task considerably less stressful than what it could have been. In 2011, I shifted disciplines and institutions once more, and began my doctoral studies in social anthropology at the University of Bielefeld. I thus write these lines while technically on fieldwork in Lucknow for the next project; my current supervisors, Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka and Lucia Michelutti, deserve special thanks for their patience with my detours.
In all these years, many more people have contributed in one way or the other to the success of this book, knowingly and unknowingly. I am grateful to the German Research Network on Religion and Conflict at FEST, the German Association for Asian Studies, the Catholic Academic Exchange Service, the Religion and Development Programme at the University of Birmingham, the German Oriental Society and the Gujarat Studies Association for inviting me to present at their conferences, and to the audiences for their critique. Likewise, I had the opportunity to present my work in seminars and workshops in Jaipur, Marburg, Oxford, Allahabad and Lucknow, and benefited much from the feedback received. Earlier versions and cut-offs have been published elsewhere [Page ix](Susewind 2009b, 2011, in press); I thank the editors and readers of those for their comments and, where necessary, for their permission to reproduce.
Overall, it remains unusual for a young scholar like me to publish an academic book before he obtains his doctorate. In addition to all those named above, I am thus especially thankful to my editor at SAGE, Rekha Natarajan, for her encouragement and willingness to take a risk, and to the anonymous reviewer of the manuscript for his or her wholehearted endorsement of quality and relevance. Neelakshi Chakraborty and Dhurjjati Sarma steered me through the production process: thank you.
Since the self-doubts of the young remain, however, my last vote of thanks goes to those who accompanied me on my personal journey throughout these four years. My wife, Julia, and my parents, Angelika and Alexander, missed me for months in India, had to face the fallout of frequent frustration, joined in occasional jubilation and continue to support my academic passion in many, often less obvious, ways. I am forever grateful to them.
Despite all the help of so many people, however, I am the only one to blame for the shortcomings that remain. If I learned one thing from the various transformations of this project, it is that mediocrity in retrospect is the fate of all research. I thus sincerely wish that future contributions de-construct and re-construct my arguments in exciting new ways, and I am curious to hear about those.Lucknow, April 2012[Page x]
Epilogue: An Activist's Comments[Page 143]
Many activists portrayed in this book opened their minds and hearts in the hope that perhaps through me, the foreign scholar, their voices might at last be heard. They knew that I would soon return to distant lands, building a successful career out of whatever they told me—and they expected that I would likely never come back, at least not to them. This is not my fault, they consoled me: it simply is the way in which the global knowledge economy operates. The accurateness of their observation, and even more so the certainty in their voice, continue to greatly disturb me, even while I can offer little else than my best intentions. I am thus very glad that Gagan Sethi, one of my closest contacts in Gujarat, agreed to follow up on my findings and interpretations from an activist's perspective. Gagan is a senior human rights activist and social worker, co-founder of Jan Vikas, Centre for Social Justice and Dalit Foundation and sits on the board of several other civil society initiatives. He was also part of a special monitoring group on the Gujarat riots for the National Human Rights Commission (on which he reflects in Nampoothiri and Sethi 2012). Here is his reaction to my study:
It has been a privilege to be associated with Raphael Susewind on his journey of immersing himself in the Indian Muslim reality post the Gujarat 2002 carnage. His lens of an outsider-insider is important, as most people within the country are only seen as taking sides, and their accounts are often brushed away as biased towards an incident that caused immense pain and injured the body politic of the Indian Nation—a nation that some say had just about healed from the trauma of 1947. Thus, the initiative of a German scholar, young, intense and wanting to understand peace activism in the context of Gujarat's communal violence was extremely welcome. It also proved that human rights are a universal concept and that people of different cultures can be moved [Page 144]to start asking fundamental questions, to extricate the truth and also to deepen the knowledge-building process around this topic.
Raphael unfolds the incidents of 2002 from the lens of different peace activists who are engaged in relief and rehabilitation work post the Gujarat carnage—and herein lies the first question: were they all really peace activists or were they not rather human rights activist/defenders and victims seeking justice, who could not call themselves by these identities because these very identities had been degraded and denigrated by the local state government? On the first visit of the chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission, there was slogan shouting by the Hindu activists and even damaging of his convoy; this was much before the chairperson even gave his first public report, while the commission was still in a fact-finding mode. Somewhere in the penumbra of the Indian consciousness, the word human rights has acquired a negative connotation with the police and the establishment. Hence, my question whether these activists, who were actually engaged in relief and rehabilitation work, and in the attempt of bringing people to justice, were really peace activists—and are not rather ordinary human rights defenders who could not call themselves that?
Moreover, while Raphael focuses on individual stories of being Muslim, I wonder whether he did then not overlook the identity of many of them as being competent, trained social workers? Be it as NGO staff doing a project or as a faith-based organization (FBO) person doing what their leaders asked them to do, whether one understands peace as absence of conflict or as more, whether one redresses victims of violence or were supporting individuals to seek justice, one question always prevails: in which sense was there any real effort during this time to engage with ‘the other’? The Muslim identity was in any case such a ghettoized identity in Gujarat, seemingly above all other identities; this often reduced Muslims to being just Muslims and nothing else. Now this identity of being Muslim also consumed the identity of the peace activists and NGO workers—seen as pro-Muslim and little else. Could these activists really contribute in any way to peace in this context? Or did they not rather end up stabilizing their community as a community victimized, because they, too, now appear above all as Muslims?
[Page 145]This question of ghettoizing the Muslim identity is crucial because it connects to wider processes. The Gujarat carnage was unusual in that the political right wing had systematically broken all associational linkages whether economic or social long before the actual violence started (challenging the proposition of Varshney 2002). The truth is that children were divided based on faith-based schools for already a long time. For instance, in Dang district and other Adivasi-dominated areas, one saw three schools: one school run by the local district panchayat (often merely on paper), one Saraswati Mandir (temple of learning) run by the different outfits of the RSS, and one school run by the Christians. In Bharuch, a Muslim-dominated district, it is the makatib competing with the Christian school. Everywhere, religious identity was being highlighted.
Beyond schools too, special squads to promote vegetarianism by accosting transport of beef by private militia and so on have been on the prowl, and large sammelans (congregation) were held by Hindu religious leaders to win over the Adivasis. The Adivasi Hindu identity, which earlier was a misnomer, has dramatically changed through shudhikaran (cleansing processes)—again trying to put religious identity on top of everything else. All these processes beg the question: was the violence a starting point or the ending of a long-drawn conflict, which began with highlighting one particular identity above all others (and in contrast to all others)? The systematic use of the Dalit sub-castes to lead the violence in 2002—through offering spoils and not based on ideological belief—creates a guilt-based loyalty, which is dangerous to say the least. This, too, is something that Raphael could have gone deeper into.
In the context of these two criticisms—about peace activism and about emphasizing Muslim identity—Raphael's classification of faith-based actors, secular technocrats, emancipating women and doubting professionals shows the ambivalence in and of identity. But at times, Raphael's categories—though real and very identifiable on the ground—will need further sharpening, both regarding the relative strengths the identity brings and regarding the specific vulnerability that mark the interventions of these four types of activists. Raphael's analysis of the attributes of these diverse ways of ‘being Muslim and working for peace’—be it that [Page 146]some do not like talking about themselves, that others subsume immediate pain to mysticism as a ‘flight’ and that again others resort to other forms of defense mechanisms—is interesting and will eventually help to unravel the inner motivations of peace activism. But in this unraveling, it remains important to see whether being a peace activist and being a Muslim are proactively chosen identities and are not rather reactionary ones coming out of convoluted fear, anger and hate, sublimated through religious discourse—as in the case of young people who, put through extreme trauma, find solace in religion.
In his conclusion, Raphael rightly states that ‘the acknowledgement that religion is neither irrelevant, nor always violent, but not peaceful by default either, is an important first step to more clarity in the debate on peace and conflict’. Likewise, his own study is a departure in that he looks at the Indian Muslim mind from the lens of peace and brings to light both the ‘ordinary’ and the charismatic leadership within the community. While we should not forget the contextual restraints on identity, the individuals he portrays do extraordinary acts and can thus rightly be called peace activists. I hope this will be recognized more widely: all categories of people exist in all communities, and the gross labeling of all Muslims in the negative needs to be shunned. Raphael's book will hopefully also spur the imagination of other young researchers nationally and internationally to understand ‘what makes a peace activist’—and thereby dovetail the attempts to train people for peace. The above are, therefore, merely some points of critique which came to the mind of a practising conflict transformation student. However, the book is very readable and thought provoking and should be part of the mind space of students and practitioners of ‘understanding conflict’., Ahmedabad, May 2012
References[Page 147]1995. ‘Surat, Savarkar and Draupadi: Legitimising Rape as a Political Weapon’. In Women and the Hindu Right, edited by T.Sarkar and U.Butalia. New Delhi: Kali for Women.2009. Islamism and Democracy in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press.2004. ‘Sustaining Peace, Re-Building Livelihoods: The Gujarat Harmony Project’. Gender and Development12 (3): 94–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135520704123313323502007. ‘Political Management of Islamic Fundamentalism: A View from India’. Ethnicities7 (1): 30–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968070739162008. The Languages of Political Islam in India. Ranikhet: Permanent Black.2000. The Ambivalence of the Sacred. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield.2003. Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity. Stanford: Stanford University Press.2000. Moses der Ägypter. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer.2003. Die Mosaische Unterscheidung oder der Preis des Monotheismus. München: Carl Hanser..2006. Monotheismus und die Sprache der Gewalt. Wien: Picus.2009. Feminism in Islam: Secular and Religious Convergences. Oxford: Oneworld.1999. ‘Resisting the Sacred and the Secular’. In Resisting the Sacred and the Secular: Women's Activism and Politicized Religion in South Asia, edited by A.Basu and P.Jeffery. New Delhi: Kali for Women.2011. Die Kultur der Ambiguität: Eine andere Geschichte des Islams. Berlin: Verlag der Weltreligionen.[Page 148]1991. Der Giessen-Test (GT): Ein Test für Individual- und Gruppendiagnostik,, and .4th ed. Bern: Huber.1998. ‘Introduction’. In Secularism and Its Critics, edited by R.Bhargava. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.2010. ‘Religious Violence and Its Many Victimhoods’. Master's dissertation, University of Oxford.1974. Language, Religion and Politics in North India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.1985. Ethnic Groups and the State. London: Croom Helm..1991. Nationalism and Ethnicity. New Delhi: SAGE..1996. Riots and Pogroms. London: Macmillan..2003. The Production of Hindu?Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. Oxford: Oxford University Press..2006. Forms of Collective Violence: Riots, Pogroms and Genocide in Modern India. Gurgaon: Three Essays Collective..2004. Ethnicity Without Groups. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.2005. Gujarat Unknown: Hindu?Muslim Syncretism and Humanistic Forays. New Delhi: Mittal.2010. ‘Soteriological Journeys and Discourses of Self-Transformation: The Tablighi Jamaat and Svadhyaya in Gujarat’. South Asian History and Culture1 (4): 597–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19472498.2010.5070292011. ‘Resurrecting Seva (Social Service): Dalit and Low-Caste Women Party Activists as Producers and Consumers of Political Culture and Practice in Urban North India’. The Journal of Asian Studies71 (1): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S002191181100297X1973. Homo Sociologicus,2nd ed. London: Routledge.2009. Religion in Development: Rewriting the Secular Script. London: Zed.and .1989. The Muslim Communities of Gujarat: An Exploratory Study of Bohras, Khojas and Memons. Delhi: Ajanta Books International.1995. Lifting the Veil: Communal Violence and Communal Harmony in Contemporary India. London: Sangam.2003. The Gujarat Carnage. Hyderabad: Orient Longman.2001. ‘Clash of Civilizations or Clash of Religions: Which Is a More Important Determinant of Ethnic Conflict?’. Ethnicities1 (3): 295–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796801001003022004. ‘Religion and State Failure: An Examination of the Extent and Magnitude of Religious Conflict from 1950 to 1996’. International Political Science Review25 (1): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512104038167[Page 149]2006. Changing Contours of Gujarati Society: Identity Formation and Communal Violence. New Delhi: Indian Social Institute., and .2012. Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India. Princeton: Princeton University Press.2005. Religion and Spirituality in the Life Cycle. New York: Peter Lang.2000. Between Eden and Armageddon. Oxford: Oxford University Press.1971. ‘A General Coefficient of Similarity and Some of Its Properties’. Biometrics27 (4): 857–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25288232011. Justice Before Reconciliation: Negotiating a ‘New Normal’ in Post-Riot Mumbai and Ahmedabad. New Delhi: Routledge.2008. ‘Narrative and the Cultural Psychology of Identity’. Personality and Social Psychology Review12 (3): 222–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10888683083168922006. ‘Review Symposium: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India by Paul R. Brass.’Ethnicities6 (1): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796806062238, , and .2005. ‘Introduction’. In In a Minority: Essays on Muslim Women in India, edited by Z.Hasan and R.Menon. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.and .2007. Event Structure Analysis. Available from: http://www.indiana.edu/~socpsy/ESA/home.html2009. ‘“There Is Peace Here”: Managing Communal Relations in a Town in Central Gujarat’. Journal of South Asian Development4 (1): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174109004001072008. ‘Islamic “Reform,” the Nation-State and the Liberal Subject: The Cultural Politics of Identity in Kachchh, Gujarat’. Contributions to Indian Sociology42 (2): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0069966708042002011999. ‘Conceptualizing Social Identity: A New Framework and Evidence for the Impact of Different Dimensions’. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin25 (1): 120–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167299025001010and .2012. ‘Gujarat 2002: What Justice for the Victims?’. Economic and Political Weekly47 (8): 77–89.2008. ‘Violence, Reconstruction and Islamic Reform: Stories from the Muslim “ghetto”’. Modern Asian Studies42 (2/3): 431–56.1999. ‘Agency, activism and agendas’. In Resisting the Sacred and the Secular, edited by A.Basu and P.Jeffery. New Delhi: Kali for Women.2008. Social Identity,3rd ed. Abingdon: Routledge.2005. Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence,[Page 150]3rd ed. Berkeley: University of California Press.1996. ‘The Colours of Violence’. In Indian Identity, edited by S.Kakar. New Delhi: Penguin.1996. ‘Rape and the Construction of Communal Identity’. In Embodied Violence: Communalising Women's Sexuality in South Asia, edited by U.Jayawardena and M.de Alwis. London: Zed.1999. Gott ist schön: Das ästhetische Erleben des Koran. München: C.H. Beck.2005. Islamic Fundamentalism and Modernity. Jaipur: Aavishkar.2004. Crossing the Threshold: Understanding Religious Identities in South Asia. London: IB Tauris.2011. ‘Beyond the Impasse: “Muslim Feminism(s)” and the Indian Women's Movement’. Contributions to Indian Sociology45 (1): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0069966710045001012007. ‘Ästhetik statt Religion? Systematische Erwägungen zu einer kulturgeschichtlichen Dynamik’. In Ästhetik und Religion, edited by W.Gräb, J.Herrmann, L.Kulbarsch, J.Metelmann and B.Weyel. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.1996. The Trouble with Blame. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.2003. Aligarh's First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in British India. Oxford: Oxford University Press.2002. What Went Wrong? Western Impact and Middle Eastern Response. London: Phoenix.2008. ‘Narrating Human Actions: The Subjective Experience of Agency, Structure, Communion and Serendipity’. Qualitative Inquiry14 (4): 613–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077800408314352, and .2006. ‘Religious Cover for Political Power: Narratives of People and Select Extracts from Vernacular Press on the Gujarat 2002 Riots’. In Communal Violence and Minorities: Gujarat Society in Ferment, edited by L.Lobo and B.Das. Jaipur: Rawat.and .2002. Die Religion der Gesellschaft. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.1981. ‘Religious Ideology and Social Structure: The Muslims and Hindus of Kashmir’. In Ritual and Religion among Muslims in India, edited by I.Ahmad. New Delhi: Manohar.1998. ‘Secularism in Its Place’. In Secularism and Its Critics, edited by R.Bhargava. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.2003. ‘Canons, Charismas and Identities in Modern Islam’. In Charisma and Canon: Essays on the Religious History of the Indian Subcontinent, edited by V.Dalmia, A.Malinar and M.Christof. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.2009. Fear and Forgiveness: The Aftermath of Massacre. Delhi: Penguin.[Page 151]2004. Towards Understanding Islam. Dhaka: Ahsan.1997. Resisting Regimes: Myth, Memory and the Shaping of a Muslim Identity. Oxford: Oxford University Press.1993. Oxford Hindi–English Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press.2010. ‘Religion and Development: An Islamic Model Emerging in Bangladesh’. Journal of South Asian Development5 (2): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174110005002022004. Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900. Oxford: Oxford University Press.2006. ‘“Traditionalist” Islamic Activism: Deoband, Tablighis, and Talibs’. In Islamic Contestations: Essays on Muslims in India and Pakistan, edited by B.Metcalf. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.1994. Public Faces, Private Voices: Community and Individuality in South India. Berkeley: University of California Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520084780.001.00011999. ‘“Gerichtsbarkeit bis in die verborgensten Winkel des Herzens”:Ästhetische Religiosität als politisches Konzept’. In Ästhetik des Politischen, Politik des Ästhetischen, edited by K.Barck and R.Faber. Würzburg: Königshausen und Neumann.2012. Lest We Forget History. Bangalore: Books for Change.and .1998. ‘The Politics of Secularism and the Recovery of Religious Tolerance’. In Secularism and Its Critics, edited by R.Bhargava. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.1997. Creating a Nationality: The Ramjanmabhumi Movement and Fear of the Self. New Delhi: Oxford University Press., , and .2007. ‘Rape and Murder in Gujarat: Violence Against Muslim Women in the Struggle for Hindu Supremacy’. In Violence and Democracy in India, edited by A.Basu and S.Roy. Oxford: Seagull.2008. Reconciliation in Post-Godhra Gujarat: The Role of Civil Society. New Delhi: Pearson Longman.2010. ‘Islam, Politics, Anthropology’. In Islam, Politics, Anthropology, edited by F.Osella and B.Soares. West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444324402and .1917. Das Heilige: Über das Irrationale in der Idee des Göttlichen und sein Verhältnis zum Rationalen. Breslau: Trewendt & Granier.2008. New Frontiers of Jihad: Radical Islam in Europe. London: Tauris.1997. God of Battles: Holy Wars of Christianity and Islam. London: Harper Collins.[Page 152]1958. ‘On the Logic of Drawing History from Ancient Documents, Especially from Testimonies’. In Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Peirce, vol. 7, edited by A. W.Burks. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.1981. ‘Mira Datar Dargah: The Psychiatry of a Muslim Shrine’. In Ritual and Religion Among Muslims in India, edited by I.Ahmad. New Delhi: Manohar.2007. Heilen und Trance in Indien: Die besessenen Frauen von Mira Datar Dargah. Berlin: Leutner.1995. Ritual und Heilung: Eine Einführung in die Ethnomedizin. Berlin: Reimer., , and .2009. Kites Over the Mango Tree: Restoring Harmony Between Hindus and Muslims in Gujarat. Westport: Praeger.2006. Islam in the Public Sphere: Religious Groups in India 1900–1947. Oxford: Oxford University Press.2005. ‘“Only a Third of a Banana”: Dirty Joking as an Attempt to Maintain Dignity’. Anthropos100: 73–89.and .1996. Inventar zur Messung der Ambiguitätstoleranz (IMA). Heidelberg: Roland Asanger.2006. Zenana: Everyday Peace in a Karachi Apartment Building. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.2008. ‘Sen's Capability Approach and Feminist Concerns’. In The Capability Approach: Concepts, Measures and Applications, edited by F.Comim, M.Qizilbash and S.Alkire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.2007. Islam, South Asia, and the West. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.2005. Tremors of Violence: Muslim Survivors of Ethnic Strife in Western India. New Delhi: SAGE.2002. ‘Social Identity Complexity’. Personality and Social Psychology Review6 (2): 88–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037//0022-35188.8.131.52and .2004. Globalized Islam: The Search for a New Ummah. New York: Columbia University Press.2007. Secularism Confronts Islam. New York: Columbia University Press.1996. Devotional Islam and Politics in British India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.2008. Kampf der Fundamentalismen: Radikales Christentum, Radikaler Islam und Europas Moderne. Frankfurt am Main: Verlag der Weltreligionen.2006. Wie Feindbilder entstehen: Eine Theorie Religiöser und Ethnischer Konflikte. München: C. H. Beck.[Page 153]1985. ‘Well-Being, Agency and Freedom’. The Journal of Philosophy82 (4): 169–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20261841999. ‘The Other Side of the Discourse: Women's Experiences of Identity, Religion and Activism in Pakistan’. In Resisting the Sacred and the Secular, edited by A.Basu and P.Jeffery. New Delhi: Kali for Women.Shaikh, F., ed. 1992. Islam and Islamic Groups: Worldwide Reference Guide. Harlow: Longman.2006. Hindutva: Exploring the Idea of Hindu Nationalism. New Delhi: Penguin.2002. The Origins and Development of the Tablighi-Jama'at (1920–2000): A Cross-Country Comparative Survey. Hyderabad: Orient Longman.2005. Bastions of the Believers. New Delhi: Penguin.2006. ‘The State of Gujarat and the Men Without Souls’. Critique of Anthropology26 (3): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275X060665812009a. ‘Being Muslim and Working for Peace: Group Identification, Religious Beliefsets and Political Behaviour in Gujarat’. Diploma thesis, University of Marburg..2009b. ‘Religiöse Identitat und Friedensarbeit Indischer Muslime: Eine Empirische Typologie zur Ambivalenz des Sakralen’. Wissenschaft und Frieden27 (4): 44–46..2011. ‘“Opfer” und “Aktivistin”: Zwei Muslima aus Gujarat ringen mit der Ambivalenz des Sakralen’. Internationales Asienforum42 (3–4): 299–317.‘Muslimische Friedensaktivisten in Gujarat, Indien’. In Religion und Konflikt: Die Ambivalenz von Religiosität in Südasien, edited by J.Kursawe and V.Brenner. Baden-Baden: Nomos.In Press.2007. ‘Secularization as a Property of Action’. Social Compass54 (2): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00377686070770252002. Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India. New Haven: Yale University Press.2010. ‘Violence, the Everyday and the Question of the Ordinary’. Contemporary South Asia18 (1): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/095849309035615641994. ‘Brief an Ferdinand Tönnies, 19. Februar 1909’. In Max-Weber Gesamtausgabe II/6 Briefe 1909–1910, vol. II/6, edited by M. R.Lepsius and W. J.Mommsen. Tübingen: Mohr-Siebeck.2007. ‘Introduction’. In Religious Politics and Communal Violence, edited by S. I.Wilkinson. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.1999. Embroidering Lives: Women's Work and Skill in the Lucknow Embroidery Industry. Albany: State University of New York Press.
About the Author[Page 159]
Raphael Susewind is currently Associate of the Contemporary South Asia Studies Programme, University of Oxford, Oxford and Doctoral Candidate in Social Anthropology, University of Bielefeld, Germany. He was earlier Research Fellow in Comparative Politics and International Development Studies at the University of Marburg, Germany.
In his studies, teaching and research, he explores the various relations between politics, religion and belonging and between development and violent conflict in South Asia. He has published articles on Muslim peace activists in Gujarat and on India's diplomacy vis-à-vis Bangladesh, and currently explores Muslim belonging and contemporary diversity in Lucknow, in affiliation with the Centre for the Study of Social Systems, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.