Democracy as Socio-Cultural Project of Individual and Collective Sovereignty

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    • 00:19

      NATALIE DOYLE: My name is Natalie Doyleand I am a senior lecturer in French studiesat Monash University in Melbourne, Australia.I felt interested in the research projectwhich led to the article that I published in Thesis Elevenin 2003.Halfway through my PhD, that's when I discoveredthe work of Marcel Gauchet.

    • 00:42

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: At the time, though, because it was halfway through the PhDand there also wasn't a lot of scholarshipinto the work of this particular philosopher,I didn't really have the time to go into it for my PhD,so when my PhD was complete that'swhen I really, really got interested and didmore research into the background to his work.

    • 01:03

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: The work of Marcel Gauchet has notbeing known outside of Australia for a very long time,but he had two mentors, Cornelius Castoriadisand Claude Lefort.And the work of these two people startedbecoming much better known in the 1990s,not least because of the work done by people associatedwith the journal Thesis Eleven, whichwas located at La Trobe University which

    • 01:24

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: is in Melbourne where I live.And so slowly, slowly but surely their workstarted getting known, and so when I started doing researchinto Gauchet I decided that Thesis Eleven was definitelythe journal that I had to submit my work to for publication.There was really very little known about Gauchet.

    • 01:45

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: Thesis Eleven published some articles translatedinto English, some interviews, I think maybe two or three,but there was a little scholarship in English.There was also a little scholarship in French.So when I started to work on Gauchet's workand I wanted to establish intellectual genealogy,and I found that I had to become a bit of a detective trying

    • 02:07

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: to find clues that would help me piece togetherhow he had constructed his intellectual projectthrough that interaction with his two mentors, Castoriadisand Lefort.When I set out to establish the intellectual genealogyof Gauchet's work I had to look for clues because, as I said,

    • 02:29

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: there is not much scholarship around-- or there wasn't much,there's a bit more now.So, first of all, I simply had to do a bit of exegesis.You know, look at the text very closely, read earlier texts,then read the text of those thinkers whoI thought had had a bit of influence on Gauchet's work.

    • 02:49

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: And I found one clue, which was the word autonomy,the notion of autonomy.That led me back to Castoriadis and that led me back alsoto Lefort.I also read a book in French which was on Lefort's work.Lefort's work at the time was not very well known.And I came across a passage which said,

    • 03:10

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: well Lefort had done this.He's looked into the theological political dimensionof European modernity, but he hadn't reallyexplained how you get from what he called heteronomyto modern autonomy.And he said, that would have requiredlooking at the high Middle Ages but he wasn't interested in it.

    • 03:32

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: And then suddenly I thought, ha ha!That's exactly what Gauchet did.In his first major work it's really just disenchantmentof the world.So I put all this together, and I went looking down that path.If I look back to 2003 when I first published an articleon Gauchet, I think I can see that intellectual context

    • 03:56

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: and the sociopolitical context was very different.My interest in Gauchet in that sensecame out of my frustrations with whatI had encountered during my undergraduate studies, whichwere very much dominated by what is called French theory.So, the work of people like Foucault, Baudier, Derrida,Baudrillard, Lyotard, it's a whole long list.

    • 04:19

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: And so I really got interested because the work of Gauchetand the work of these two mentors,and the way they focused on autonomyoffered a totally different take on societywhich wasn't just about social discipline, the dominanceof discourse.It was about the role of the imagination.

    • 04:41

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: And that mission of social imaginarywhich was presented by Cornelius Castoriadis in 1975 in his bigopus The Imaginary Institution of Society.So I thought that was a very interesting lineto pursue because it offered both an interpretation of howsocieties do control, do produce, as Castoriadis said,

    • 05:05

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: the individuals that match what they see as their purpose.But at the same time, imaginationopened the door for social change,for something new to come along.Which French theory, I felt, did not really account for.So I was looking for something else

    • 05:26

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: than French theory, which, as I say, was so dominant.And I did think that Gauchet was not only influencedby the work of his two mentors Castoriadis and Lefort,but that in a sense together, they had constructeda new strand of French theory.These strain of theories are not limited to those three names,

    • 05:47

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: but I think maybe they are the three major names.These strain of theories didn't have a name at the time,so I didn't call it anything.But in my 2003 article I tried to showthat they were concerned with what in philosophy is calledthe subject, but which I decided to approachfrom the angle of sovereignty because it was something

    • 06:09

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: that had always interested me.Sovereignty which is both social and political,and also individual and psychological, if you want.Now since then there's been more scholarship.And an American academic, Warren Breckman,published a book which is called Adventures of the Symbolicin which he has called this strain of theory post Marxist.

    • 06:33

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: I agree with the label, although I'm notin full agreement with Breckman for two reasons.One is I think that he underplaysa little bit the Marxist bit, the fact that eventhough those office became post Marxist they in factowe a lot also still to Marx and his theory.

    • 06:54

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: The other point of disagreement I have with Breckmanis I think he perpetuates some of the misconceptions thatare around the English-speaking world.We've got in the work of Gauchet that heis a fundamentally literal thinker which I think is reallya misreading of his work.What is interesting about the relationship

    • 07:14

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: between French theory and what I would considerto be a rebuttal of French theory in Gauchet's workis that really it's not explicit.At the beginning of his career, the very beginningof his career, Gauchet wrote a book with his late wife.Which has been translated to English, it's only oneof two books that have been translated into English.

    • 07:34

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: And which is called Madness and Democracy.And in that book Gauchet and his late wifecompletely refuted Foucault's theory of madness, whichis a big, big strong point, their supposed big theoryof social discipline.They showed that it is not sustainablefrom a historical perspective.So that is where you can see that Gauchet's work really

    • 07:59

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: was itself not fully satisfied with the paradigmof French theory.French theory, of course, is a labelthat was applied much later on.It's the title of a book by Frenchman Cusset,then got translated into English.That shows how the work of some French theories got,I suppose, important to the United States,how it changed radically the curriculum in humanities

    • 08:22

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: and some of the social sciences in North American universitiesand then got exported back into France.But as I said, Gauchet really only dealt with thatin his first book.There are a couple of comments here and there about it.But he just moved on and then he did his own thing.So you have to reconstruct that.Now what is interesting is I think

    • 08:43

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: that this interest in French theory,phenomenal interest in French theory in North Americanuniversities but also at late in Australia,was an obstacle to the work of post Marxist French theory,if you want, getting known in the English speaking world.That's only happened in the last, I suppose,

    • 09:06

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: 10 years or so.But what is interesting and what makes it more challengingif you want to work on Gauchet today as I dois that the reception of Gauchet was fragmented.There is a lot more scholarship todayabout Cornelius Castoriadis, about Claude Lefort.But for Gauchet's work it's fragmented.On the one hand you have the work

    • 09:28

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: which has been done on psychoanalysis,the history of psychiatry, the history of the individual self.It's that book that I was talkingabout which refutes a tool called madness and democracy.So there's been quite a bit of interest in that,but that's kind of a niche area, if you want.Then there is another dimension to his reception, that'sGauchet's theory of contemporary depoliticization

    • 09:50

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: and his understanding of depoliticizationis very, very different from the oneyou can find in the work of peoplehave been inspired by Foucault, for example.As part of his work on depoliticization.Gauchet has talked about the role whichrights-- individual rights, human rights--have acquired in contemporary democratic culture.And that's inspired another, I suppose, another school

    • 10:15

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: of followers, if you want.And it, for example, led to the workof Sam Moyn who has published a book calledThe Last Utopia of Human Rights in History,not sure if this is the exact title, but close enough.The first bit, The Last Utopia is correct.And so that's another strand to the interpretation

    • 10:40

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: of Gauchet's work in the English speaking world.What's missing, and where I want to come in,is discussion of his work on contemporary democracy.What is going on, why there is a crisispolitical representation, why has politics of fearsuddenly come up?But in conjunction with something much more

    • 11:02

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: fundamental, which has been discussed as neoliberalism.And neoliberalism could be interpreted justas a bunch of economic ideas.But Gauchet argues that it is in fact a societal phenomenon,and that it can be explained, and it can, in fact,be used to interpret a wide range of phenomena going

    • 11:23

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: from the crisis of political representation, whichI mentioned a minute ago, to things that we experienceevery day such as the cult of celebrity,the rise of narcissism, that whole psychological dimensionalso.So there's less work in that area,in that aspects of Gauchet's work,

    • 11:45

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: and especially as it connects with this very, veryrecent work.Which I find very interesting because it speaks to the crisisthat a lot of Western countries are experiencing nowsince the global financial crisis.You can see different waves in Gauchet's work.

    • 12:06

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: There's the very early work, and this workat the beginning of his career I mentionedMadness and Democracy.Then came The Religious Disenchantment of the World,and then there's some historical work on the French Revolution,but you can see also a major turning point in 2007.It's not a break with what he did before because it extends

    • 12:29

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: the work he did on depoliticizationand the role of rights and the ideal individual rightswhich I mentioned before, which he did a lot of workon from around about the year 2001.But in 2007, Gauchet embarked on a radically new project,a very, very ambitious project whichis a history of European liberal democracy.

    • 12:50

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: But it's a theoretically informed historyof European liberal democracy.So it's very, very, I suppose, hard,to get all that there is in that historyof European liberal democracy if you're notfamiliar with the theoretical frameworkthat he's been establishing throughout his career,and that's his theory of religious disenchantment,the desacralization of European societies starting

    • 13:12

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: their political systems.So in 2007 he embarked on his new project.And I wasn't actually aware of ituntil 2008 because in 2008 he published an article which,in a sense, presented an overview of the project whichhe's been working on for a number of years.

    • 13:32

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: He's only just about to publish the last volume of it whichwill be called The New World.So to go back to that article published in 2008.It was an article which I found really, really,very interesting.It was about the crisis of European democracy.And he started talking about things which in face reallyonly became fully apparent after the global financial crisis.

    • 13:55

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: That article was very prescient.It talked about the degradation of democracy-- especially,obviously, he was a European thinkerso he was thinking of European democracy--the exquisite degradation in the form of oligarchy,even maybe plutocracy, the dominance of whathe called neoliberal economism, the dominance

    • 14:16

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: of economic thinking over many different areas of our livestoday.I found the article so interesting that I thought,I got to translate it.Because, as I said before, Gauchet's workis not translated.So much that if you can't speak Frenchthat you just can't read if you don't read French.So I thought, OK I'll translate it.

    • 14:37

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: It was a long article and I worked on it in my spare timebut I also needed to find an outlet to publish it.I eventually did, which is the journal Social Imaginary,with which I am associated.Gauchet's theory is that European democracyis in crisis.He talks mostly about European democracy.

    • 14:58

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: There are in fact many aspects to his theorywhich are also very relevant to democracyin other Western countries.Although he does say that there arecertain reasons which make the crisis more acute in Europe.And his argument is that this crisis has been be, in a sense,provoked because democracy was too successful.

    • 15:22

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: And as part of this success it has, I suppose,empowered the liberal dimension of modern culturewhich includes, obviously, economic activity,the incredible explosion of technological knowledge,but also the empowerment of individuals, their abilityto assert their independence from the kind

    • 15:45

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: of hierarchical forms of authoritywhich used to dominate European societies.And all these phenomena he associates with somethingthat they call neoliberal ideology.So for him the degradation of European democracyis associated with the neoliberal ideologyand neoliberal economism, which has

    • 16:06

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: been the focus of left-wing critique for quite a while,is only one aspect of a neoliberal ideology.The most interesting aspect of this critic to my mindis that he goes beyond the standard criticismof neoliberalism which, I have just said,are mostly focused on economic.

    • 16:28

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: Things like austerity, the obsession with budgets,I could go on.Everybody is so familiar with it.But he argues that in kind there are two facetsto the neoliberal ideology.There is a right wing facet, if youwant, which is one that maybe we're most familiar with,

    • 16:48

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: which is freedom of markets.Markets are more efficient, individualshave got to become entrepreneurs of their own lives.But there's also a left wing version to it.And it is where he is, I think, very interesting.And that connects back maybe to whatI said before about French theory whichis the obsession with individual rights, minority rights.

    • 17:13

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: I don't see politics.And this is where Gauchet gets very much misunderstood.Because he's not at all saying that this is not democratic.Of course it is democratic to wantto extend the scope of rights to empower individualsby removing sources of discrimination.But he argues that this part of the neoliberal ideology,

    • 17:34

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: in the way it has contributed to depoliticizingEuropean societies and depriving them of the capacityto debate democratically an alternative directionto the one that has been formulated by neoliberalism.There is, I think, I think a strong relationship

    • 17:54

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: between Gauchet's latest work, especiallythe last volume of the Theory of Liberal Democracy--History of Liberal Democracy but it'sa theory of liberal democracy-- and the financial crisis.Because the financial crisis has exposeda lot of things which he had in factobserved and analyzed before.But it became very obvious during

    • 18:17

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: the global financial crisis.Especially the impact it had upon Europe.I suppose we all know how it played out economically.How the debt was shifted back to the states.How austerity policies were introduced in Europe.

    • 18:37

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: That whole dimension of economic neoliberalism I'vealready mentioned.I think that where Gauchet's work has a lotto say about the intellectual implications, if you want,of the global financial crisis, is to do with a puzzle.The puzzle is that when the global financial crisis hit,

    • 18:60

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: when it hit in Europe and in the year or so following,that there was a lot of expectations among people,who I suppose have more wing ideas,that it was the end of an era.That there was going to be a lot more thatwas going to be said politically that was going to questionthe direction taken by Western societies for the last three

    • 19:23

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: decades at least.It was also anticipated, intellectually,it was going to lead to a new critical paradigm.Now politically, it didn't really happen.There were movements such as Occupy Wall Street.There were things like the Indignadosin Spain-- lots of different movements.[INAUDIBLE] in Greece.

    • 19:44

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: But there was really no left wingpolitical movement supported maybeby left wing intellectuals, if you want, toin fact contest what had become the dominant political paradigmin Western society.So in a sense all that protest fizzled out very quickly.

    • 20:05

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: And that's been the puzzle for a lot of academicsover the past few years.Why wasn't there more anger?Or, why wasn't there more protests?Why did people continue acceptingthings which led to a degradation of the rightsthat they had acquired over the previous decades,

    • 20:27

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: of their living conditions, the return of inequalitieswhich we thought had been in factabolished since the early '50s?A lot of people now commenting about the parallelsbetween the current period and the 1930sand in the return of inequalities.

    • 20:48

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: But the rise of politics of fear, xenophobia.We have seen in particular a new form of xenophobiawhich is Islamaphobia.That has become extremely powerful in Europe.So Gauchet's theory, I think, offers some avenuesfor interpretation of what's going on and to what extent

    • 21:12

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: we can speak of a parallel with the '30s.The return of radical politics today, politics of fearsI mentioned in the form of Islamaphobia.There's also in some countries, obviously, incredible hostilitytowards migrants, refugees.

    • 21:32

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: Certainly it has brought back to the fullthe question of whether we're notseeing the return of phenomena that were that very muchinfluential in the 1930s in parallel with that.It's been a renewed interest, obviously, in Marxism,

    • 21:53

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: in Marxist theory, or radical Marxist Lenin theory,because it was very much influential in the '30sand it fueled one type of radicalization,I suppose, obviously to the extreme right wingcurrent which, as we know, led to Nazism.One author in particular, Alain Badiou,

    • 22:17

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: has been looking at these parallels.He's absolutely convinced that what we are seeing today isa return of phenomena that were very influential in the 1930's.To him what we're seeing is the return of fascism.And he uses fascism to discuss both, obviously,the success of extreme right wing populist parties--

    • 22:41

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: and it's hard to find a label for those parties in Europe--and Islamism, for want of a better name.Islamic jihadism, terrorism, and so on.For him these are two forms of fascism.And Gauchet disagrees with this.He thinks that they are interesting parallels

    • 23:02

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: between the '30s and today.He presented these ideas in a debate that he had with Badiouwhich was published in French in 2014.I think in a book which was called,Que Faire?, What Is To Be Done?It was obviously echoing Lenin's book by the same title.

    • 23:26

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: That book wasn't translated in English.It's a book of debate between Badiou and Gauchet.They have very, very strong disagreements because, as Imentioned, Badiou thinks that you just cannot save liberaldemocracy because for him liberal democracy is justa facade for capitalism.It's a very, I suppose, a very traditional Marxist Leninist

    • 23:49

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: view.And Gauchet, on the other hand, says you can't in fact give upon liberal democracy.As he said, liberal democracy has not yet been discredited,capitalism has not had the last word.Liberal democracy might still surprise us.That's his argument.

    • 24:10

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: And he has a few suggestions about howliberal democracy could in fact addressthe contemporary crisis.Now what's interesting is that Badiouis extremely popular in the English speaking world.He's very well-known.His publications have been translated very, veryregularly as opposed to Gauchet, who as I've alreadymentioned, has remained pretty much

    • 24:32

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: an unknown in the English speakingworld except for those niche area which I mentioned,to do with theology of religion, to dowith the history of human rights, and so on.But the book Que Faire was then translated in English.And then people obviously who don't read French

    • 24:55

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: could read it.And then they knew about Badiou because as Isaid he's very well known in the English speaking world.And so, there's this guy Gauchet, who is he?And they started wandering, who is this French thinkerthat we don't know about?And they went looking for publications,

    • 25:15

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: for commentaries on his work.And I think that's contributed to the interest in my 2003article because it was, I think, the first maybe, or the onlyone or so that really looked at the intellectual genealogyof Gauchet's work.So I think this has contributed to needing different contexts.

    • 25:39

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: If I look back to 2003, as I mentioned before,Gauchet was unknown.His two mentors Castoriadis and Lefort were known.There were quite a number of people in Australiaand the United States that were starting to write about him.They had in fact started writing about those twopeople in the 1970s.But in the 1990s I think it startstaking off, and again, in the last five years

    • 26:01

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: there's been a lot more interest in Castoriadis and Lafort.Why?Because they offer an alternativeto radical paradigm, if you want, radical critique of whatis wrong with liberal democratic and capitalist societies today.And now also it seems, because of the book with Badiou

    • 26:23

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: and Gauchet's work is starting to attract interest.I think that there is a lot, as I've alreadysaid, in Gauchet's latest work that is really, reallyuseful for understanding the contemporary crisisthat European societies find themselves today,as I said, with many similarities

    • 26:43

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: for the different forms of crisisthat we see in other Western countries.The most obvious sign of this in the United States,for example, is the presidential electionand what's happening there.When I discovered that article that he wrote in 2008-- well,he didn't write it in 2008, I discovered it in 2008--

    • 27:06

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: from democracy from one crisis to another.I really got interested again in Gauchet's workthat I had maybe a little bit neglectedfor a few years as I was looking at other avenues of research.And then came the volumes of his history of liberal democracy.And as I read those volumes I decided

    • 27:29

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: to revive a project that I'd had in the pastbut which, for various reasons, I had not actuallybrought to completion, which was a book on Gauchet'stheory of democracy and his theoryof contemporary depolitilization.So that is what I'm currently working on.

    • 27:50

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: If I look back, I don't think that, in fact, what I'mdoing in this book which I'm calling the completing has mademe change my fundamental assessment that I formulatedback in 2003.I think I still believe that Gauchetoffers an alternative theoritcal paradigm.

    • 28:12

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: I still believe that is, in fact, a very valuable one.It's just become more obvious because, I suppose,history has produced change.And what's happened in all those yearssince the publication of 2003 has, in fact, made

    • 28:33

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: some aspects of Gauchet's work become even more relevant,and in a purer fashion.So that's my challenge now, tryingto show how it is relevant.As I said before, this theory of liberal democracyis theoretically informed.And so it is hard to approach it if you

    • 28:54

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: don't know a lot about that theoretical framework whichGauchet has established.So in my book that's what I've been trying to do.I've therefore gone back to his relationshipwith his two mentors, Castoriadis and Lefort,to look more into it.I mentioned before the work by Breckman, Adventures

    • 29:15

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: of the Symbolic, in which Breckmanargued that there is such a thing as a postMarxist French strand of theory.Breckman actually referred to my 2003 article and a suggestedin a footnote that I had, in a sense,have emphasized the continuity between Castoriadis, Lefort,

    • 29:36

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: and Gauchet.There is some truth to it, but I thinkthat, in fact, the continuity outweighs the discontinuity.And having done additional research for my book,I am in fact convinced that thereis a very strong continuity especially between a Gauchetand Castoriadis and that's what I'm trying to show.

    • 29:56

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: The last volume of Gauchet's History of Liberal Democracy,which I have been lucky enough to beable to read before it actually is in print,shows clearly that Gauchet in many waysis an intellectual heir to Cornelius Castoriadisand his discussion of modern autonomy,

    • 30:16

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: his discussion of the role of imagination in the waysocieties structure themselves, organize themselves,formulate their purpose.So this is what I'm trying to do in this bookbut I'm also trying to connect it to those phenomena whicha lot of people are reflecting upon at the moment

    • 30:40

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: because they are very complex.And this is this question of radicalization, especiallyislamophobic radicalization on the one hand.On the other, the appeal of Islamicterrorism for youth in European societies.Youth who don't necessarily have,in fact, the cultural connection to Islam.

    • 31:04

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: So in that book I'm trying to do two things.I'm trying to obviously dig deeperin terms of that intellectual genealogy of Gauchet's work.Where does it come from?How did he construct his own theoretical paradigm?To what extent does it does it owe a lot

    • 31:24

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: to the work of those two people that he worked very closelywith in the 1970s?To what extent do you see a new theoretical paradigm?What are the disagreements between the three people?And how relevant it is, that theoretical paradigmthat Gauchet has in fact established

    • 31:44

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: for himself for an understanding of the contemporary challengesto liberal democracy?Because, I have to say it, I'm more on Gauchet's sidethan I am Badiou's side in the sensethat I think that the Communist hypothesis isof the realm of utopia and that liberal democracy, however,

    • 32:04

      NATALIE DOYLE [continued]: secured a lot of things that maybe got forgotten,but that can be used to, in fact,address the problems that all Western societies face today.

Democracy as Socio-Cultural Project of Individual and Collective Sovereignty

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Abstract

Dr. Natalie Doyle describes the theories and work of Marcel Gauchet, particularly his ideas that stand in opposition to French theory. Gauchet has written a series of books on the history of liberal democracy in Europe, which includes explorations of the financial crisis, growing xenophobia, and neoliberalism.

Democracy as Socio-Cultural Project of Individual and Collective Sovereignty

Dr. Natalie Doyle describes the theories and work of Marcel Gauchet, particularly his ideas that stand in opposition to French theory. Gauchet has written a series of books on the history of liberal democracy in Europe, which includes explorations of the financial crisis, growing xenophobia, and neoliberalism.

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