Encyclopedia of Leadership

Encyclopedia of Leadership

Encyclopedias

Edited by: George R. Goethals, Georgia J. Sorenson & James MacGregor Burns

Abstract

The Encyclopedia of Leadership brings together for the first time everything that is known and truly matters about leadership as part of the human experience. Developed by the award-winning editorial team at Berkshire Publishing Group, the Encyclopedia includes hundreds of articles, written by 280 leading scholars and experts from 17 countries, exploring leadership theories and leadership practice. Entries and sidebars show leadership in action - in corporations and state houses, schools, churches, small businesses, and nonprofit organizations.

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  • Reader's Guide
  • Entries A-Z
  • Subject Index
  • Front Matter
  • Back Matter
    • Akbar
    • Aristotle
    • Bank of America
    • Apartheid in South Africa, Demise of
    • Akbar
    • Arts
    • Autocratic Leadership
    • Alexander the Great
    • Achievement Motivation
    • Akbar
    • Akbar
    • Aristotle
    • Adaptive Work
    • Alinsky, Saul
    • Alienation
    • History
    • Actor Network Theory
    • Anthony, Susan B.
    • Coercion
    • Influence Tactics
    • Barriers to Women's Leadership
    • Attribution Processes
    • International Leadership Association
    • Altruism
    • Anthony, Susan B.
    • Boundaries and Authority
    • Birth Control
    • Buddha
    • Ataturk, Mustafa Kemal
    • Authenticity
    • Bay of Pigs
    • Democratic Leadership
    • Business
    • Alexander the Great
    • Bank of America
    • Ben & Jerry's Ice Cream
    • Arts
    • Alexander the Great
    • Alinsky, Saul
    • Beatles, The
    • Body Shop, The
    • Bay of Pigs
    • Apartheid in South Africa, Demise of
    • Civil Rights Movement
    • Dysfunctional Leadership
    • Eisenhower, Dwight David
    • Big Five Personality Traits
    • Bay of Pigs
    • Confucius
    • Carnegie, Andrew
    • Bureaucracy
    • Apartheid in South Africa, Demise of
    • Collective Action
    • Philosophy
    • Charismatic Theory
    • Birth Control
    • Power Distance
    • Power of Ideas
    • Body Shop, The
    • Confucianism
    • Political Science
    • Follower-Oriented Leadership
    • Ben & Jerry's Ice Cream
    • Change Management
    • Carson, Rachel
    • Eddy, Mary Baker
    • Castro, Fidel
    • Charisma
    • Grant, Ulysses S.
    • E-Leadership
    • Coaching
    • Ataturk, Mustafa Kemal
    • Beatles, The
    • Business
    • Beethoven, Ludwig van
    • Anthony, Susan B.
    • Aristotle
    • Carson, Rachel
    • Carnegie, Andrew
    • Ben & Jerry's Ice Cream
    • Brighton Declaration
    • Community Development
    • Eupsychian Management
    • D-Day
    • Cognitive Structures
    • Charlemagne
    • Ethics: Overview
    • Disney, Walt
    • Coalitions
    • Birth Control
    • Followers, Motivation of
    • Religious Studies
    • Connective Leadership
    • Business
    • Power Sharing
    • Power, Six Bases of
    • Brighton Declaration
    • Constructivism
    • Sacred Texts
    • Followership
    • Body Shop, The
    • Communication
    • Dot-Com Meltdown
    • Gandhi, Mohandas K.
    • Christian Right
    • Conformity
    • Genghis Khan
    • Individualism and Collectivism
    • Congressional Leadership
    • Buddha
    • Birth Control
    • Chanel, Coco
    • Du Bois, W. E. B.
    • Ataturk, Mustafa Kemal
    • Beethoven, Ludwig van
    • Film Industry
    • Disney, Walt
    • Body Shop, The
    • Confucianism
    • E-Commerce
    • Innovative Leadership
    • Hiroshima
    • Creativity
    • Churchill, Winston
    • Graham, Billy
    • Eddy, Mary Baker
    • Competition
    • Brighton Declaration
    • Leader-Follower Relationships
    • Social Psychology
    • Decision Making: The Vroom/Yetton/Jago Models
    • Chanel, Coco
    • Power: Overview
    • Children, Socialization and Leadership Development in
    • Deep Change
    • Sociology
    • Leaderless Groups
    • Goldman, Emma
    • Conflict
    • Edison, Thomas
    • Gregory I, St.
    • Civil Rights Act of 1964
    • Dominance and Submission
    • Israel, Founding of
    • Invisible Leadership
    • Education, Higher
    • Confucius
    • Brighton Declaration
    • Dot-Com Meltdown
    • Ford, Henry
    • Buddha
    • Carnegie, Andrew
    • Freud, Sigmund
    • Enron Scandal
    • Christian Right
    • Cross-Cultural Leadership
    • Education, K-2
    • Laissez-Faire Leadership
    • Lee, Robert E.
    • Efficacy
    • Congressional Leadership
    • Handsome Lake
    • Environmental Justice
    • Contingency Theories
    • Farm Worker Movement
    • Mentoring
    • Discourse Ethics
    • Congressional Leadership
    • Elizabeth I
    • Distinctive Competence Approach
    • Obedience
    • Human Rights
    • Corporate Social Responsibility
    • Environmental Protection Agency
    • Harris, William Wade
    • Cromwell, Oliver
    • Ethics, Contemporary
    • Long March
    • Leading at a Distance
    • Education: Overview
    • East Timor, Founding of
    • Civil Rights Act of 1964
    • Ford, Henry
    • Graham, Martha
    • Carson, Rachel
    • Castro, Fidel
    • Hitchcock, Alfred
    • Kroc, Ray
    • Cuban Missile Crisis
    • Gandhi, Mohandas K.
    • Entrepreneurship
    • Narcissistic Leadership
    • Manhattan Project
    • Ethics: Overview
    • Cuban Missile Crisis
    • Jesus
    • Ford, Henry
    • Crisis
    • Green Parties
    • Self-Management
    • Elite Theory
    • Enron Scandal
    • Film Industry
    • GLOBE Research Program
    • Intentional Communities
    • Cross-Cultural Leadership
    • Hiroshima
    • John XXIII, Pope
    • Eisenhower, Dwight David
    • Happiness
    • Mau Mau Rebellion
    • Reconstructive Leadership
    • Family Businesses
    • Genghis Khan
    • D-Day
    • Labor Movement
    • Jefferson, Thomas
    • Chanel, Coco
    • Charlemagne
    • Kurosawa, Akira
    • Management
    • Dot-Com Meltdown
    • Globalization
    • Family Leadership
    • Shared Leadership
    • Napoleon
    • Hope
    • Elizabeth I
    • Jonestown Mass Suicide
    • Lewis and Clark Expedition
    • Decision Making
    • King, Martin Luther, Jr.
    • Grounded Theory
    • Friedan, Betty
    • Gender and Authority
    • Group and Systems Theory
    • Malcolm X
    • Dirty Hands
    • Manhattan Project
    • King, Martin Luther, Jr.
    • Gandhi, Mohandas K.
    • Humor
    • Nelson, Horatio Lord
    • Socio-Emotional Leadership
    • Film Industry
    • Green Parties
    • East Timor, Founding of
    • Management, Business
    • Libraries
    • Churchill, Winston
    • Confucius
    • Literature
    • Mayer, Louis B.
    • Enron Scandal
    • Guevara, Ernesto Che
    • Gangs
    • Strategic Leadership
    • Patton, George S.
    • Idiosyncrasy Credit
    • Grant, Ulysses S.
    • Lee, Ann
    • Mead, Margaret
    • Distribution of Leadership
    • Mandela, Nelson
    • Hot Groups
    • Gender Gap
    • Gender Stereotypes
    • Implicit Leadership Theories
    • Mau Mau Rebellion
    • Economic Justice
    • Morgan, Arthur E.
    • Luther, Martin
    • Groupthink
    • Intelligence, Emotional
    • Pearl Harbor
    • Transformational and Transactional Leadership
    • Human Rights
    • Haile Selassie
    • Environmental Protection Agency
    • Morita, Akio
    • Marx, Karl
    • Cromwell, Oliver
    • Disney, Walt
    • Mead, Margaret
    • Nader, Ralph
    • Farm Worker Movement
    • Handsome Lake
    • Intentional Communities
    • Tyrannical Leadership
    • Pueblo Revolt
    • Intelligence, Social
    • Guevara, Ernesto Che
    • Malcolm X
    • Morita, Akio
    • Empowerment
    • Nader, Ralph
    • Integrative Theory
    • Gender-Based Structure of Work
    • Goldman, Emma
    • Justice
    • Organizing
    • Ethics, Contemporary
    • Panama Canal, Building of
    • Moses
    • Haile Selassie
    • Intelligence, Verbal
    • Saladin
    • Labor Movement
    • Harris, William Wade
    • Free Press in Panama, Creation of
    • Rockefeller, John D.
    • Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus
    • Du Bois, W. E. B.
    • Eddy, Mary Baker
    • Music
    • Sarnoff, David
    • Green Parties
    • Hiroshima
    • Libraries
    • War on Terrorism
    • Intelligences, Other
    • Hiroshima
    • Mother Teresa
    • Plato
    • Friendship
    • Pueblo Revolt
    • Labeling Theory
    • Green Parties
    • King, Billie Jean
    • Leader Categorization Theory
    • Sanger, Margaret
    • Globalization
    • Public Health
    • Muhammad
    • History
    • Leading from Within
    • Literature
    • Human Rights
    • Hiroshima
    • Sears, Roebuck & Co. Catalogue
    • Nietzsche, Friedrich
    • Edison, Thomas
    • Eisenhower, Dwight David
    • Phillips, Sam
    • Shibusawa Eiichi
    • Iranian Hostage Crisis
    • International Leadership Association
    • Management, Business
    • Modeling and Leading by Example
    • Hitler, Adolf
    • Nichiren
    • Race to the South Pole
    • Group Cohesiveness
    • Stonewall Rebellion
    • Leader-Member Exchange (LMX) Theory
    • Mead, Margaret
    • Mother Teresa
    • Leadership Development
    • Tiananmen Square
    • Group Decision Rules
    • Rockefeller, John D.
    • Paul, St.
    • Iranian Hostage Crisis
    • Motivation, Intrinsic and Extrinsic
    • Military
    • Iranian Hostage Crisis
    • Israel, Founding of
    • Sloan, Alfred
    • Picasso, Pablo
    • Elizabeth I
    • Ford, Henry
    • Philosophy
    • Small Business
    • Jonestown Mass Suicide
    • Israel, Founding of
    • Music
    • Narratives
    • Jefferson, Thomas
    • Pueblo Revolt
    • Sanger, Margaret
    • Group Effectiveness
    • Utopian Leaders
    • Leadership Theories: Overview
    • Patriarchy
    • Roosevelt, Eleanor
    • Mental Models
    • Wells-Barnett, Ida B.
    • Group Norms
    • Sarnoff, David
    • Religion
    • Johnson, Lyndon
    • Negative Capability
    • Nonprofit Organizations
    • Kenyatta, Jomo
    • Lewis and Clark Expedition
    • Trust Busting
    • Plato
    • Freud, Sigmund
    • Friedan, Betty
    • Rockefeller, John D.
    • Watson, Thomas, Jr.
    • Long March
    • Kurosawa, Akira
    • Organizing
    • Optimism
    • Kennedy, John F.
    • Religious Studies
    • Science and Technology
    • Group Process
    • Women's Movement
    • Methodologies of Leadership Research
    • Sanger, Margaret
    • Wells-Barnett, Ida B.
    • Path-Goal Analysis
    • Women's Suffrage
    • Group Satisfaction
    • Shibusawa Eiichi
    • Sacred Texts
    • Kenyatta, Jomo
    • Personality and Group Roles
    • Parliament, British
    • Long March
    • Manhattan Project
    • Welch, Jack
    • Sarnoff, David
    • Gandhi, Mohandas K.
    • Genghis Khan
    • Winfrey, Oprah
    • Mau Mau Rebellion
    • Lumumba, Patrice
    • Politics
    • Power Motivation
    • Lenin, Vladimir
    • Spirituality
    • Sloan, Alfred
    • Groupthink
    • Psychoanalytic Theory
    • Winfrey, Oprah
    • Women and Business Leadership
    • Qualitative Methods
    • Intergroup Processes
    • Watson, Thomas, Jr.
    • Tutu, Desmond
    • Lincoln, Abraham
    • Resiliency
    • Presidential Leadership, U.S.
    • Mandela, Nelson
    • Modern Olympics Movement
    • Women and Business Leadership
    • Goldman, Emma
    • Gompers, Samuel
    • Panama Canal, Building of
    • Mao Zedong
    • Public Health
    • Rhetoric
    • Lumumba, Patrice
    • Utopian Leaders
    • Welch, Jack
    • Leadership Effectiveness
    • Situational and Contingency Approaches to Leadership
    • Women and Men as Leaders
    • Women and Political Leadership
    • Social Dilemmas
    • Leadership for the Common Good
    • Whitefield, George
    • Machiavelli, Niccolo
    • Risk Taking
    • Religion
    • Mau Mau Rebellion
    • Panama Canal Treaties
    • Graham, Billy
    • Graham, Martha
    • Pearl Harbor
    • Modern Olympics Movement
    • Science and Technology
    • Schemata, Scripts, and Mental Models
    • Manhattan Project
    • Young, Brigham
    • Leadership in the Digital Age
    • Social Identity Theory
    • Women and Social Change Leadership
    • Women's Movement
    • Social Capital Theories
    • Leadership Succession
    • Mao Zedong
    • Self-Interest
    • Small Business
    • Morita, Akio
    • Pueblo Revolt
    • Grant, Ulysses S.
    • Gregory I, St.
    • Race to the South Pole
    • Moses
    • Sports
    • Tacit Knowledge
    • Nasser, Gamal Abdel
    • Learning Organization
    • Sociobiology of Leadership
    • Women's Olympics
    • Women's Suffrage
    • Systems Theory
    • Legacy
    • Nkrumah, Kwame
    • Trust
    • Traditional Societies
    • Mother Teresa
    • Sears, Roebuck & Co. Catalogue
    • Guevara, Ernesto Che
    • Haile Selassie
    • September 11th
    • Muhammad
    • Utopian Leaders
    • Nyerere, Julius
    • Majority and Minority Influence
    • Theories X, Y, and Z
    • Women's Value Orientation
    • Transformational and Visionary Leadership
    • Management
    • Panama Canal, Building of
    • Women's Movement
    • Nasser, Gamal Abdel
    • Singapore, Founding of
    • Handsome Lake
    • Harris, William Wade
    • Stonewall Rebellion
    • Nichiren
    • Youth Leadership
    • Panama Canal Treaties
    • Moral Imagination
    • Transformistic Theory
    • Visionary Leadership Theory
    • Motivational Contagion
    • Parliament, British
    • Nkrumah, Kwame
    • Suez Crisis of 1956
    • Hitchcock, Alfred
    • Hitler, Adolf
    • Tiananmen Square
    • Nyerere, Julius
    • Pearl Harbor
    • Networks and Networked Organizations
    • Organizational Climate and Culture
    • Political Science
    • Panama Canal, Building of
    • Trust Busting
    • Jefferson, Thomas
    • Jesus
    • Truth and Reconciliation Commissions
    • Panama Canal Treaties
    • Politics
    • Organizational Dynamics
    • Organizational Justice
    • Presidential Leadership, U.S.
    • Pueblo Revolt
    • United States Constitution
    • John XXIII, Pope
    • Johnson, Lyndon
    • War on Terrorism
    • Religion
    • Reagan, Ronald
    • Organizational Theory
    • Poverty and Inequality
    • Roosevelt, Franklin Delano
    • Religious Studies
    • Women's Olympics
    • Kennedy, John F.
    • Kenyatta, Jomo
    • Women's Suffrage
    • Sacred Texts
    • Roosevelt, Theodore
    • Psychological Substructures
    • Racial Minorities
    • Shaka Zulu
    • Saladin
    • Xian Incident
    • King, Billie Jean
    • King, Martin Luther, Jr.
    • Shaka Zulu
    • Stalin, Josef
    • Relational Leadership Approaches
    • Resistance
    • Suleyman the Magnificent
    • Shibusawa Eiichi
    • Kroc, Ray
    • Kurosawa, Akira
    • Singapore, Founding of
    • Tokugawa Ieyasu
    • Romance of Leadership
    • Spirituality
    • Trust Busting
    • Suez Crisis of 1956
    • Lee, Ann
    • Lee, Robert E.
    • Suleyman the Magnificent
    • United States Constitution
    • Substitutes for Leadership
    • Task Leadership
    • Utopian Leaders
    • Tiananmen Square
    • Lenin, Vladimir
    • Lincoln, Abraham
    • Tokugawa Ieyasu
    • War on Terrorism
    • Team Leadership
    • Teamwork
    • Washington, George
    • Truth and Reconciliation Commissions
    • Lombardi, Vince
    • Lumumba, Patrice
    • Tutu, Desmond
    • Wilson, Woodrow
    • Total Quality Management
    • Upward Influence
    • Women and Political Leadership
    • Utopian Leaders
    • Luther, Martin
    • Machiavelli, Niccolo
    • War on Terrorism
    • Women's Suffrage
    • Xian Incident
    • Malcolm X
    • Mandela, Nelson
    • Mao Zedong
    • Marx, Karl
    • Mayer, Louis B.
    • Mead, Margaret
    • Morgan, Arthur E.
    • Morita, Akio
    • Moses
    • Mother Teresa
    • Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus
    • Muhammad
    • Nader, Ralph
    • Napoleon
    • Nasser, Gamal Abdel
    • Nelson, Horatio Lord
    • Nichiren
    • Nietzsche, Friedrich
    • Nkrumah, Kwame
    • Nyerere, Julius
    • Patton, George S.
    • Paul, St.
    • Phillips, Sam
    • Picasso, Pablo
    • Plato
    • Reagan, Ronald
    • Robinson, Jackie
    • Rockefeller, John D.
    • Roosevelt, Eleanor
    • Roosevelt, Franklin Delano
    • Roosevelt, Theodore
    • Russell, Bill
    • Saladin
    • Sanger, Margaret
    • Sarnoff, David
    • Shaka Zulu
    • Shibusawa Eiichi
    • Sloan, Alfred
    • Stalin, Josef
    • Süleyman the Magnificent
    • Tokugawa Ieyasu
    • Tutu, Desmond
    • Washington, George
    • Watson, Thomas, Jr.
    • Welch, Jack
    • Wells-Barnett, Ida B.
    • Whitefield, George
    • Wilson, Woodrow
    • Winfrey, Oprah
    • Young, Brigham
    • A
    • B
    • C
    • D
    • E
    • F
    • G
    • H
    • I
    • J
    • K
    • L
    • M
    • N
    • O
    • P
    • Q
    • R
    • S
    • T
    • U
    • V
    • W
    • X
    • Y
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    • Copyright

      View Copyright Page

      Project Directors

      Karen Christensen

      David Levinson

      Berkshire Publishing Group

      General Editors

      George R. Goethals

      Williams College

      Georgia J. Sorenson

      University of Richmond and University of Maryland

      Senior Editor

      James MacGregor Burns

      Williams College

      Associate Editors

      Martin M. Chemers

      University of California, Santa Cruz

      Keith Grint

      Oxford University, U.K.

      Michael A. Hogg

      University of Queensland, Australia

      James G. (Jerry) Hunt

      Texas Tech University

      Ronald E. Riggio

      Claremont McKenna College

      Editorial Board

      Laurien Alexandre

      Antioch University

      Bruce J. Avolio

      University of Nebraska, Lincoln

      Kisuk Cho

      Ewha Womans University, South Korea

      Joanne B. Ciulla

      University of Richmond

      David Collinson

      Lancaster University, U.K.

      Richard A. Couto

      Antioch University

      Yiannis Gabriel

      Imperial College, U.K.

      Zachary Gabriel Green

      Alexander Institute and University of Maryland

      Barbara Kellerman

      Harvard University

      Jean Lipman-Blumen

      Claremont Graduate University

      Larraine R. Matusak

      LarCon Associates

      Jürgen Weibler

      University of Hagen, Germany

      List of Entries

      Reader's Guide

      This list is provided to assist readers in locating entries on related topics. It classifies entries into nineteen general categories: Arts and Intellectual Leadership, Biographies, Business, Case Studies, Cross-Cultural and International Topics, Domains, Followership, Military, Personal Characteristics of Leaders, Politics/Government, Power, Religion, Science and Technology, Situational Factors, Social Movements and Change, Study of Leadership, Theories, and Women and Gender. Some entry titles appear in more than one category.

      List of Sidebars

      Achievement Motivation

      Akbar

      Alexander the Great

      Alienation

      Alinsky, Saul

      Altruism

      Anthony, Susan B.

      Apartheid in South Africa, Demise of

      Aristotle

      Arts

      Authenticity

      Bay of Pigs

      Birth Control

      Body Shop, The

      Boundaries and Authority

      Brighton Declaration

      Buddha

      Bureaucracy

      Carnegie, Andrew

      Carson, Rachel

      Castro, Fidel

      Charisma

      Charlemagne

      Children, Socialization and Leadership Development in

      Churchill, Winston

      Civil Rights Act of 1964

      Civil Rights Movement

      Coaching

      Coercion

      Communication

      Community Development

      Competition

      Conflict

      Conformity

      Confucianism

      Congressional Leadership

      Connective Leadership

      Corporate Social Responsibility

      Crisis

      Cromwell, Oliver

      Cross-Cultural Leadership

      Cuban Missile Crisis

      D-Day

      Decision Making

      Deep Change

      Democratic Leadership

      Distribution of Leadership

      Du Bois, W. E. B.

      East Timor, Founding of

      Economic Justice

      Eddy, Mary Baker

      Education, Higher

      Education, K–12

      Eisenhower, Dwight David

      Elizabeth I

      Enron Scandal

      Entrepreneurship

      Environmental Justice

      Ethics, Contemporary

      Ethics: Overview

      Family Leadership

      Farm Worker Movement

      Followers, Motivation of

      Followership

      Freud, Sigmund

      Friedan, Betty

      Friendship

      Gangs

      Gender and Authority

      Gender Gap

      Gender Stereotypes

      Gender-Based Structure of Work

      Genghis Khan

      Globalization

      Goldman, Emma

      Gompers, Samuel

      Green Parties

      Group Cohesiveness

      Group Norms

      Group Process

      Groupthink

      Guevara, Ernesto “Che”

      Haile Selassie

      Handsome Lake

      Hiroshima

      Hitler, Adolf

      Human Rights

      Humor

      Influence Tactics

      Innovative Leadership

      Intelligence, Social

      Iranian Hostage Crisis

      Israel, Founding of

      Jesus

      John XXIII, Pope

      Johnson, Lyndon

      Jonestown Mass Suicide

      King, Martin Luther, Jr.

      Labor Movement

      Leader-Follower Relationships

      Leadership Effectiveness

      Leadership Succession

      Lee, Ann

      Lee, Robert E.

      Lenin, Vladimir

      Lewis and Clark Expedition

      Lincoln, Abraham

      Literature

      Lumumba, Patrice

      Luther, Martin

      Machiavelli, Niccolo

      Malcolm X

      Mandela, Nelson

      Manhattan Project

      Mao Zedong

      Marx, Karl

      Mau Mau Rebellion

      Military

      Modeling and Leading by Example

      Modern Olympics Movement

      Morgan, Arthur E.

      Moses

      Muhammad

      Nader, Ralph

      Napoleon

      Narratives

      Nelson, Horatio Lord

      Networks and Networked Organizations

      Nichiren

      Nietzsche, Friedrich

      Obedience

      Organizational Justice

      Organizational Theory

      Organizing

      Panama Canal Treaties

      Parliament, British

      Patriarchy

      Personality and Group Roles

      Plato

      Politics

      Poverty and Inequality

      Presidential Leadership, U.S.

      Pueblo Revolt

      Qualitative Methods

      Race to the South Pole

      Racial Minorities

      Religion

      Religious Studies

      Rhetoric

      Rockefeller, John D.

      Roosevelt, Eleanor

      Roosevelt, Franklin Delano

      Roosevelt, Theodore

      Sacred Texts

      Saladin

      Science and Technology

      Singapore, Founding of

      Social Capital Theories

      Spirituality

      Sports

      Stalin, Josef

      Stonewall Rebellion

      Strategic Leadership

      Substitutes for Leadership

      Süleyman the Magnificent

      Team Leadership

      Teamwork

      Tiananmen Square

      Transformational and Transactional Leadership

      Truth and Reconciliation Commissions

      Tutu, Desmond

      United States Constitution

      War on Terrorism

      Wells-Barnett, Ida B.

      Whitefield, George

      Wilson, Woodrow

      Winfrey, Oprah

      Women and Business Leadership

      Women and Men as Leaders

      Women and Political Leadership

      Women and Social Change Leadership

      Women's Movement

      Women's Suffrage

      Xian Incident

      Youth Leadership

      Contributors

      Abler, Thomas S.

      University of Waterloo, Handsome Lake

      Ahmed, Akbar Salahuddin

      American University, Saladin

      Alexandre, Laurien

      Antioch University, Gender Gap, Goldman, Emma, Patriarchy

      Allen, Jessica Leary

      Antioch University, Sarnoff, David

      Allen, Kathleen E.

      University of Saint Thomas, Authenticity, Networks and Networked Organizations, Women's Value Orientation

      Allen, Scott J.

      Antioch University, Beatles, The, Sarnoff, David

      Allison, Scott T.

      University of Richmond Legacy, Social Psychology, Sociology

      Alston, Jr., Harry

      Antioch University, Kenyatta, Jomo, Robinson, Jackie

      Amatea, Ellen

      University of Florida, Family Leadership

      Arnaud, Anke

      University of Central Florida, Organizational Justice

      Asghar, Rob

      Burbank, California, Optimism

      Avolio, Bruce J.

      University of Nebraska, Lincoln, E-Leadership, Theories X, Y, and Z, Transformational and Transactional Leadership

      Ayman, Roya

      Illinois Institute of Technology, Gender Stereotypes, Situational and Contingency Approaches to Leadership

      Ayman-Nolley, Saba

      Northeastern Illinois University, Children, Socialization and Leadership Development in

      Bainbridge, William Sims

      National Science Foundation, Science and Technology

      Barkeloo, Jason

      DiscoverTek Research and Consulting Sociobiology of Leadership

      Batchelor, Bob

      San Rafael, California, E-Commerce, Russell, Bill, Watson, Thomas, Jr.

      Baugh, S. Gayle

      University of West Florida, Majority and Minority Influence

      Beasley, Maurine H.

      University of Maryland, Roosevelt, Eleanor

      Beggan, James K.

      University of Louisville, Labeling Theory, Sociology

      Bekemeier, Betty

      Turning Point National Program Office, Public Health

      Benavides, Amy J.

      National Institute of Justice Journal, Tokugawa Ieyasu, Truth and Reconciliation Commissions, Xian Incident

      Benavides, Jaime L.

      Silver Spring, Maryland, Ataturk, Mustafa Kemal, Kroc, Ray

      Bennis, Warren

      University of Southern California, Management, Optimism

      Berson, Yair

      Polytechnic University, Dot-Com Meltdown

      Beyenbach, Johanna

      University of Richmond, Sociology

      Bhawuk, Dharm P. S.

      University of Hawaii, Manoa, Individualism and Collectivism

      Bishop, Elizabeth

      Austin, Texas, Nasser, Gamal Abdel, Suez Crisis of 1956

      Boal, Kimberly B.

      Texas Tech University, Strategic Leadership

      Brown, Douglas J.

      University of Waterloo, Cognitive Structures

      Brush, Candida G.

      Boston University, Women and Business Leadership

      Bryant, Thomas A.

      Nicholls State University Entrepreneurship

      Bryson, John M.

      University of Strathclyde, Leadership for the Common Good

      Canak, William

      Middle Tennessee State University, Labor Movement

      Caruso, David R.

      Yale University, Intelligence, Emotional

      Caza, Arran

      University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Deep Change

      Chandler, John W.

      Williams College, Education, Higher

      Chemers, Martin M.

      University of California, Santa Cruz, Contingency Theories, Integrative Theory

      Cheng, Baoyan

      Harvard University, Confucius

      Cherrey, Cynthia

      Tulane University, International Leadership Association, Networks and Networked Organizations

      Chia, Audrey

      National University of Singapore, Singapore, Founding of

      Cho, Kisuk

      Ewha Womans University, Collective Action, Cuban Missile Crisis

      Christensen, Karen

      Berkshire Publishing Group, Green Parties, Morgan, Arthur E.

      Christian, Diana Leafe

      Communities Magazine, Intentional Communities

      Cianciolo, Anna T.

      Yale University, Tacit Knowledge

      Ciulla, Joanne B.

      University of Richmond, Aristotle, Moral Imagination, Plato

      Clements, Carolyn

      University of Richmond, Sociology

      Colli, Andrea

      Università Bocconi, Family Businesses

      Collinson, David

      Lancaster University, Elizabeth I, Humor

      Collinson, Margaret

      Lancaster University, Cromwell, Oliver, Elizabeth I

      Conger, Jay A.

      University of Southern California, Charismatic Theory, Transformational and Visionary Leadership

      Cook, David

      Rice University, Muhammad

      Couto, Richard A.

      Antioch University Narratives, Sacred Texts, Social Capital Theories

      Cracraft, Meredith George

      Mason University, Efficacy

      Crano, William D.

      Claremont Graduate University, Conformity

      Crispo, Alexander W.

      Purdue University, Resistance

      Crosby, Barbara C.

      University of Minnesota, Twin Cities, Leadership for the Common Good

      Crosby, Faye J.

      University of California, Santa Cruz, Justice

      Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly

      Claremont Graduate University, Creativity

      Curry, G. David

      University of Missouri, St. Louis, Gangs

      Davis, John N.

      Texas Tech University, Organizational Dynamics

      Day, David V.

      Pennsylvania State University, Leadership Development

      Dean, Kevin W.

      West Chester University, Rhetoric

      Deci, Edward L.

      University of Rochester, Motivation, Intrinsic and Extrinsic

      Decker, Scott H.

      University of Missouri, St. Louis, Gangs

      Deerman, M. Eugenia

      University of Michigan, Christian Right

      Den Hartog, Deanne N.

      Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, Power Distance

      Denison, Rayna

      University of Nottingham, Kurosawa, Akira

      Deverick, David

      University of Nottingham, Alexander the Great, Grant, Ulysses S.

      Diaz Espino, Ovidio

      Independent Author, Panama Canal, Building of

      Diener, Ed

      University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, Happiness

      Dolce, Lucia

      University of London, Nichiren

      Dorfman, Peter

      New Mexico State University, GLOBE Research Program

      Edgerton, Robert B.

      University of California, Los Angeles, Mau Mau Rebellion

      Eagly, Alice H.

      Northwestern University, Women and Men as Leaders

      Eisenmann, I. Roberto, Jr.

      Independent Journalist, Free Press in Panama, Creation of

      Ejebe, Nnennia

      Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Youth Leadership

      Engel, Kathy

      MADRE, Women and Social Change Leadership

      Engel, Susan

      Williams College, Education, K–12

      Engelman, Peter C.

      Margaret Sanger Papers Project, Sanger, Margaret

      Ensley, Michael

      Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, Small Business

      Entine, Jon

      RuffRun, Body Shop, The

      Erickson, Victoria Lee

      Drew University, Community Development, Risk Taking

      Eylon, Dafna

      University of Richmond, Legacy Social Psychology

      Farrar, Margery Gibbons

      University of Maryland, Human Rights

      Figart, Deborah M.

      Richard Stockton College of, New Jersey, Gender-Based Structure of Work

      Finkelstein, Barbara

      University of Maryland, Education: Overview

      Fischbein, Rebecca

      University of Akron, Implicit Leadership Theories

      Flanagan, Richard M.

      College of Staten Island, CUNY, Nader, Ralph, Roosevelt, Franklin Delano

      Frame, Mark C.

      University of Texas, Arlington, Gender Stereotypes

      Franco, Jamie L.

      University of California, Santa Cruz, Justice, Personality and Group Roles

      Frantz, David W.

      Purdue University, Change Management, Leaderless Groups

      French, Robert B.

      University of the West of England, Bristol, Friendship, Negative Capability

      Gabriel, Yiannis

      Imperial College, Beethoven, Ludwig van, Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, Power of Ideas

      Gagné, Marylène

      Concordia University, Motivation, Intrinsic and Extrinsic

      Gallagher, Eugene V.

      Connecticut College, Religion

      Gallant, Tricia Bertram

      University of San Diego, Organizational Theory

      Ganz, Marshall

      Harvard University Organizing

      Geirola, Gustavo

      Whittier College, Guevara, Ernesto Che

      Genovese, Michael A.

      Loyola Marymount University, Political Science

      Gillett, Shirley

      Anne University of Otago, Gender and Authority

      Glad, Betty

      University of South Carolina, Tyrannical Leadership

      Glanville, Priscilla

      University of South Florida, Stonewall Rebellion

      Glazier, Stephen D.

      University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Du Bois, W. E. B.

      Glickman, Harvey

      Haverford College, Nkrumah, Kwame, Nyerere, Julius

      Goethals, George R.

      Williams College, Kennedy, John F., Leadership Theories: Overview, Phillips, Sam

      Goldstein, Donald M.

      University of Pittsburgh, Pearl Harbor

      Goodnight, Ronald

      Purdue University, Laissez-Faire Leadership

      Gordon, Jr., John L.

      University of Richmond, Parliament, British

      Gould, Karen

      Austin, Texas, Graham, Martha

      Gould, Lewis L.

      University of Texas, Austin, Johnson, Lyndon, Presidential Leadership, U.S., Wilson, Woodrow

      Graham, T. Scott

      Wright State University, Teamwork

      Graybill, Lyn S.

      Center for the Study of Mind and Human Interaction, Mandela, Nelson, Tutu, Desmond

      Green, Zachary

      Gabriel Alexander Institute and University of Maryland, Group Process

      Grint, Keith

      Oxford University, Actor Network Theory, Constructivism, Hitler, Adolf, Machiavelli, Niccolo, Nelson, Horatio Lord

      Gronn, Peter

      Monash University, Distribution of Leadership, Methodologies of Leadership Research

      Guevara Mann, Carlos

      Panama City, Panama, Panama Canal Treaties

      Gunn, Geoffrey C.

      Nagasaki University, East Timor, Founding of

      Gustainis, J. Justin

      Plattsburgh State University of New York, Autocratic Leadership, D-Day, Jonestown Mass Suicide

      Guttmann, Allen

      Amherst College, Modern Olympics Movement, Women's Olympics

      Hanges, Paul J.

      University of Maryland, GLOBE Research Program Path-Goal Analysis

      Hanna, William F.

      Taunton High School, Young, Brigham

      Harter, Nathan

      Purdue University, Bureaucracy, Elite Theory, History, Spirituality, Systems Theory

      Hartman, Erica L.

      Illinois Institute of Technology, Situational and Contingency Approaches to Leadership

      Hartmann, Heidi I.

      Institute for Women's Policy Research, Gender-Based Structure of Work

      Harvey, Gordon E.

      University of Louisiana, Civil Rights Act of 1964, Environmental Protection Agency

      Harvey, Michael

      Washington College, Ford, Henry, Literature, Moses, Sloan, Alfred, Total Quality Management

      Hazlett, Maril

      University of Kansas, Carson, Rachel

      Heifetz, Ronald A.

      Harvard University, Adaptive Work, Self-Management

      Hewitson, James

      University of Toronto, Whitefield, George

      Hickman, Gill Robinson

      University of Richmond, Invisible Leadership, Transformistic Theory

      Hicks, Douglas A.

      University of Richmond, Economic Justice, Globalization, Jesus, Poverty and Inequality, Religious Studies

      Hogan, Joyce

      Hogan Assessment Systems, Big Five Personality Traits, Dominance and Submission

      Hogan, Robert

      Hogan Assessment Systems, Big Five Personality Traits, Dominance and Submission

      Hogg, Michael A.

      University of Queensland, Intergroup Processes, Leader-Member Exchange (LMX) Theory, Obedience, Social Dilemmas, Social Identity Theory

      Hollander, Edwin P.

      Baruch College, Idiosyncrasy Credit, Upward Influence

      Honig, Meredith

      University of Maryland, Education: Overview

      House, Robert

      University of Pennsylvania, GLOBE Research Program

      Howell, Jane

      University of Western Ontario, Charismatic Theory

      Howell, Jon P.

      New Mexico State University, Substitutes for Leadership

      Hung, Eric H.

      University of Montana, Music

      Hunt, James G. (Jerry)

      Texas Tech University, Organizational Dynamics, Task Leadership

      Ianeva, Emilia

      California State University, Hayward, Human Rights

      Immergluck, Daniel

      Grand Valley State University, Alinsky, Saul

      Irvin, Dale

      New York Theological Seminary, Lee, Ann

      Iyer, Aarti

      University of California, Santa Cruz, Justice

      Jablin, Fredric M.

      University of Richmond Communication

      Jakobsh, Doris R.

      Renison College, University of Waterloo, Barriers to Women's Leadership

      Javidan, Mansour

      University of Calgary, GLOBE Research Program

      Jensen, Knud

      Danish University of Education, Power Sharing

      Johnson, Denise R.

      Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, Anthony, Susan B., Birth Control, Women's Suffrage

      Johnson, Russell E.

      University of Akron, Leader Categorization Theory

      Johnstone, Robert M.

      Earlham College, Jefferson, Thomas

      Jones, Jeffrey W.

      University of North Carolina, Greensboro Stalin, Josef

      Jones, Michelle D.

      Providence College, Connective Leadership

      Kahai, Surinder S.

      Binghamton University, E-Leadership

      Keeping, Lisa M.

      Wilfrid Laurier University, Cognitive Structures

      Kelley, Robert E.

      Carnegie Mellon University, Followership

      Kessler, Paul R.

      The Syncretics Group Inc., Race to the South Pole

      Kets de Vries, Manfred

      INSEAD, Dysfunctional Leadership

      Kibbe, Jennifer D.

      The Brookings Institution, Bay of Pigs

      Kinni, Theodore B.

      The Business Reader, Bank of America, Disney, Walt

      Kirkpatrick, Shelley A.

      Psynapse Technologies and The American Institutes for Research, Visionary Leadership Theory

      Knight, Andrew P.

      University of Maryland, Path-Goal Analysis

      Knudsen, Christian

      Copenhagen Business School, Distinctive Competence Approach

      Kouzes, James M.

      TPG Learning Systems, Follower-Oriented Leadership

      Küpers, Wendelin M.

      University of Hagen, Arts, Learning Organization, Socio-Emotional Leadership

      Lacassagne, Marie-Francoise

      University of Bourgogne, Intergroup Processes

      Lammers, Matt

      University of Missouri, Columbia, Farm Worker Movement

      Langman, Lauren

      Loyola University of Chicago, Alienation, Marx, Karl

      Leavitt, Harold J.

      Stanford Graduate School of Business, Hot Groups

      Lefebure, Leo D.

      Fordham University, Buddha

      Leonard, Herman B.

      Harvard University, Crisis

      Levinson, David

      Berkshire Publishing Group, Freud, Sigmund, Traditional Societies

      Lewis, James G.

      Falls Church, Virginia, Lombardi, Vince, Mayer, Louis B., Paul, St.

      Linsky, Marty

      Harvard University, Self-Management

      Lipman-Blumen, Jean

      Claremont Graduate University, Hot Groups

      Locke, Edwin A.

      University of Maryland, Self-Interest, Welch, Jack

      Loh, Anthony

      Vanderbilt University, Tiananmen Square

      London, Kellan

      Claremont Graduate University, Ethics, Contemporary

      Long, Thomas L.

      Thomas Nelson Community College, Utopian Leaders

      Lord, Robert G.

      University of Akron, Attribution Processes, Implicit Leadership Theories, Leader Categorization Theory, Schemata, Scripts, and Mental Models

      Lowe, Kevin B.

      University of North Carolina, Greensboro, Cross-Cultural Leadership

      Luker, Ralph E.

      Atlanta, Georgia, King, Martin Luther, Jr.

      Luthans, Fred

      University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Resiliency

      Malen, Betty

      University of Maryland, Education: Overview

      Malone, David B.

      Wheaton College, Graham, Billy

      Manning, Tracey T.

      University of Maryland, Modeling and Leading by Example

      Marcy, Richard T.

      University of Oklahoma, Malcolm X

      Markham, J. David

      International Napoleonic Society, Napoleon

      Markus, Michael J.

      University of Richmond, Legacy, Social Psychology

      Marty, Martin E.

      University of Chicago, Luther, Martin

      Matthew, Cynthia

      Trapani Yale University, Intelligence, Verbal

      Matthews, Jeffrey J.

      University of Puget Sound, Lewis and Clark Expedition

      Matusak, Larraine R.

      LarCon Associates, Leading from Within

      May, Timothy

      University of Wisconsin, Madison, Genghis Khan

      Mayo, Margarita

      Instituto de Empresa, Romance of Leadership

      McBride, David W.

      University of Nottingham, Manhattan Project

      McCarthy, Catherine

      The Syncretics Group Inc., Race to the South Pole

      McNutt, Mindy S.

      Wright State University, Teamwork

      Meindl, James R.

      State University of New York, Buffalo, Romance of Leadership

      Meschke, Amy

      Southern Methodist University, Pueblo Revolt

      Metcalf, William J.

      Griffith University, Intentional Communities

      Miller, Charles E.

      Northern Illinois University, Group Decision Rules

      Monroe, Theresa

      University of San Diego, Boundaries and Authority

      Moore, Justin

      Williams College, Coaching

      Morillo, Stephen

      Wabash College, Charlemagne

      Morrell, Kelley E.

      Harvard University, Lee, Robert E., Motivational Contagion

      Morrell, Stephen O.

      Barry University, Lee, Robert E.

      Mukherjee, Anup

      Jabalpur, India, Akbar, Lenin, Vladimir

      Mumford, Michael D.

      University of Oklahoma, Malcolm X

      Neider, Linda L.

      University of Miami, Power: Overview

      Neumann, Caryn E.

      Ohio State University, Chanel, Coco, Friedan, Betty, Gompers, Samuel, Wells-Barnett, Ida B.

      Nirenberg, John

      Shinawatra University, Corporate Social Responsibility, Eupsychian Management, Leadership Effectiveness, Theories X, Y, and Z

      Norris-Watts, Christina

      University of Akron, Attribution Processes

      Norton, Sydney

      Jane St. Louis Art Museum, Picasso, Pablo

      O'Connor, Karen

      American University, Women and Political Leadership

      Offermann, Lynn R.

      George Washington University, Empowerment, Leader-Follower Relationships

      O'Shea, Patrick Gavan

      American Institutes for Research, Altruism

      Ospina, Sonia

      Wagner Graduate School of Public Service, Qualitative Methods

      Palazzolo, Daniel J.

      University of Richmond, Congressional Leadership

      Park, Jacob

      Green Mountain College, Winfrey, Oprah

      Parks, Craig D.

      Washington State University, Group Cohesiveness, Group Effectiveness, Group Norms, Group Satisfaction, Groupthink

      Parry, Ken W.

      Griffith University, Grounded Theory

      Pastor, Juan Carlos

      Instituto de Empresa, Romance of Leadership

      Pearce, Craig L.

      Claremont Graduate University, Shared Leadership

      Perkins, Dennis N. T.

      The Syncretics Group Inc., Race to the South Pole

      Phillips, Julie

      Rutgers University, Systems Theory

      Phillips, Robert

      University of San Diego, Organizational Theory

      Popper, Micha

      University of Haifa, Israel, Founding of, Psychological Substructures

      Posner, Barry Z.

      Santa Clara University, Follower-Oriented Leadership

      Price, Terry L.

      University of Richmond, Dirty Hands, Ethics: Overview, Philosophy

      Prince II, Howard T.

      University of Texas, Austin, Military

      Quinn, Robert E.

      University of Michigan, Deep Change

      Raven, Bertram H.

      University of California, Los Angeles, Power, Six Bases of

      Reaume, Greg

      University of California, Santa Cruz, Personality and Group Roles

      Rechtman, Janet

      Rechtman Consulting Group, Coalitions

      Renehan, John P.

      Envision Leadership, Youth Leadership

      Reymers, Kurt

      State University of New York, Morrisville, Ben & Jerry's Ice Cream

      Rhodes, James R.

      National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, Morita, Akio

      Riggio, Ronald E.

      Claremont McKenna College, Charisma, Intelligence, Social, Intelligences, Other

      Riggs, Donald E.

      Nova Southeastern University, Libraries

      Ritter, Barbara A.

      University of Akron, Schemata, Scripts, and Mental Models

      Rodgers, Diane

      University of Missouri, Columbia, Civil Rights Movement, Women's Movement

      Roell, Craig H.

      Georgia Southern University, Carnegie, Andrew, Rockefeller, John D., Sears, Roebuck & Co. Catalogue

      Roland, Jon

      The Constitution Society, United States Constitution

      Rondinelli, Dennis A.

      University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, Management, Business

      Rosenbaum, Arthur Lewis

      Claremont McKenna College, Gandhi, Mohandas K., Long March, Mao Zedong

      Ruscio, Kenneth P.

      University of Richmond, Trust

      Russell, Megan S.

      University of Miami, Mentoring

      Salamone, Frank A.

      Iona College, Eddy, Mary Baker, Gregory I, St., Harris, William Wade, Mead, Margaret

      Satterfield, George

      State University of New York, Morrisville, Suleyman the Magnificent

      Saucier, Paul Khalil

      Rhode Island College, Lumumba, Patrice

      Saunders, Christopher

      Harvard University, Apartheid in South Africa, Demise of

      Savage, Grant T.

      Texas Tech University, Conflict

      Scandura, Terri A.

      University of Miami, Mentoring

      Schaeffer, Jill

      Ridgewood, New York, Lee, Ann, September 11th

      Schein, Edgar H.

      Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Organizational Climate and Culture

      Schminke, Marshall

      University of Central Florida, Organizational Justice

      Schriesheim, Chester A.

      University of Miami, Power: Overview

      Schwartz, Howard S.

      Elliott School of Business Administration, Narcissistic Leadership

      Shamir, Boas

      Hebrew University, Followers, Motivation of

      Shelton, Christine

      Smith College, King, Billie Jean

      Sher, Mannie

      Tavistock Institute, Group and Systems Theory, Psychoanalytic Theory

      Shorey, Hal S.

      Riverside, California, Hope

      Shteynberg, Gary

      University of Maryland, Path-Goal Analysis

      Sicilia, David B.

      University of Maryland, Business, Edison, Thomas, Enron Scandal, Trust Busting

      Skowronek, Stephen

      Yale University, Reconstructive Leadership

      Smith, David A.

      Baylor University, Eisenhower, Dwight David, Patton, George S., Washington, George

      Smith, Taggart

      Purdue University, Innovative Leadership

      Sneh, Itai

      John Jay College, Castro, Fidel, Iranian Hostage Crisis

      Snyder, C. R.

      University of Kansas, Lawrence, Hope

      Solomon, Robert C.

      University of Texas, Nietzsche, Friedrich

      Sorenson, Georgia J.

      University of Richmond and University of Maryland, Leadership Succession, Leadership Theories: Overview

      Sorenson, Ritch L.

      Texas Tech University, Conflict

      Sternberg, Robert J.

      Yale University, Intelligence, Verbal, Tacit Knowledge

      Strock, James M.

      James Strock & Co., Churchill, Winston, Reagan, Ronald, Roosevelt, Theodore

      Thompson, Scott

      Bali, India, Haile Selassie

      Thorne, Diana

      Claremont McKenna College, Intelligence, Social

      Tjosvold, Dean

      Lingnan University, Competition

      Topping, Jenno

      Independent Author, Film Industry

      Tumlin, Geoffrey R.

      University of Texas, Military

      Uhl-Bien, Mary

      University of Central Florida, Relational Leadership Approaches

      Useem, Michael

      University of Pennsylvannia, Decision Making

      van Engen, Marloes L.

      Tilburg University, Women and Men as Leaders

      Vance-Trembath, Sally M.

      University of San Francisco, John XXIII, Pope

      Vardaman, Jr., James M.

      Waseda University, Hiroshima, Shibusawa Eiichi

      Vincent, Fay

      Independent author, Sports

      von Heyking, John

      University of Lethbridge, Politics

      Vroom, Victor H.

      Yale University, Decision Making: The Vroom/Yetton/Jago Models

      Warshaw, Shirley

      Anne Gettysburg College, War on Terrorism

      Washington, Sylvia Hood

      Northwestern University, Environmental Justice

      Weibler, Jürgen

      University of Hagen, Democratic Leadership, Discourse Ethics, Leading at a Distance

      Weir, Jennifer

      Monash University, Shaka Zulu

      Werther, Jr., William B.

      University of Miami, Nonprofit Organizations

      White, Anita

      Great Britain Sports Council, Brighton Declaration

      Williams, Frank J.

      Supreme Court of Rhode Island, Lincoln, Abraham

      Williams, Kim M.

      Harvard University, Racial Minorities

      Wilson, III, Ernest J.

      University of Maryland, Leadership in the Digital Age

      Wilson, Jeffrey

      Virginia Department of Health, Public Health

      Winter, David G.

      University of Michigan, Achievement Motivation, Coercion, Power, Motivation

      Wirtz, Derrick

      University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, Happiness

      Wood, Gabrielle M.

      George Mason University, Mental Models

      Woodward, George

      Berkshire Publishing Group, Hitchcock, Alfred

      Yanus, Alixandra B.

      American University, Woman and Political Leadership

      Youssef, Carolyn M.

      University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Mother Teresa, Resiliency

      Yukl, Gary

      State University of New York, Albany, Influence Tactics, Team Leadership

      Zaccaro, Stephen J.

      George Mason University, Efficacy, Mental Models

      Zalatan, Katrina A.

      Hartwick College, Team Leadership

      Zhu, Yuelin

      Harvard University, Confucianism

      Foreword

      The creation of an encyclopedia is a true sign of the coming of age of a new and significant field of study. The publication during the eighteenth century of France's celebrated Encyclopédie not only reflected the rise of the Enlightenment but testified to the remarkable progress of the West in a wide array of fields—and stimulated further progress. Two centuries later, at perhaps a less imposing level, this encyclopedia not only captures the vast accumulation of ideas and data on its subject—leadership—but will surely influence future work on the theory and practice of leadership.

      From the earliest times, people have been entranced by stories about leaders, whether Greek city-state rulers, Roman consuls, Chinese emperors, religious potentates, military conquerors, or famous party politicos. A huge mass of empirical data has driven countless biographies and memoirs. But increasingly during the twentieth century, scholars recognized that many of the studies told us much about individual lives but far too little about the broader significance of those lives and the contextual and psychological forces shaping them. This recognition helped foster the study of leadership—the study not only of individual leaders but of followers, the analysis not only of individuals' ambitions but of the mystery and complexity of ambition itself, the exploration not only of the psychological influences affecting leaders but of the rational or irrational feelings of the “masses” as potential followers, the investigation not only of the impact of humanity's great ideas and values on leaders but in turn their validation or invalidation of those received ideas. In knitting together these multiple, interacting, and ever shifting currents, the study of leadership places individual life histories in a much broader flow of causal forces.

      As an emerging discipline, leadership has the benefit of drawing heavily from long-established ones. From history, the study of leadership gains understanding of the complexity of human events that variously offer opportunities and stumbling blocks to political actors. From philosophy, leadership derives knowledge of moral and ethical principles that direct day-to-day decisions and choices. From sociology and anthropology, leadership learns about the central roles of kinship and community that often ward off influences from the broader society. From political science, leadership draws concepts about power and its rootedness in economic, military, and other resources, its manifestations in subtle as well as dramatic forms, its channeling and manipulating of people, and its crucial role in the processes of change. From psychology, leadership grasps the central role of motivation in all human endeavors.

      If the emerging discipline of leadership draws heavily from established disciplines, it also contributes mightily to them. The study of leadership subjects the loftiest philosophical ideas to the acid test of applicability in the “real world” of everyday economic and political activity—a test that may challenge or modify those great philosophical ideas. The study of leadership insists that historians take into account not only the roles of highly visible actors such as presidents and generals but also the invisible leadership in families and communities relating to the wants and needs, the hopes and expectations of people at the grass roots. Leadership studies can remind anthropology and sociology of the political and power relationships within tribes, neighborhoods, and interest groups—relationships that may critically affect social protest and political activism. Leadership can bring to the attention of political scientists the “X factor” that seems to elevate attitudes toward certain institutions, such as the U.S. presidency, and negatively affect attitudes toward others, such as the legislature. Leadership reminds psychology of the powerful emotional and ideological forces that not only transcend people's day-to-day motivations but may variously enflame, distort, or obliterate those motivations.

      This remarkable breadth and depth is reflected in the impressive growth in leadership studies and institutions in recent years. There are nearly nine hundred leadership programs in U.S. postsecondary institutions and a proliferation in the international community as well. There are leadership studies majors and minors, certificate and Ph.D. programs in the United States Belgium, the United Kingdom, Japan, and elsewhere.

      The study of leadership touches so many areas that there is a risk of fragmentation in analysis and understanding. The entries in the following pages, however, seek to unify different aspects of many subjects, because the study of leadership ultimately seeks, more than do other disciplines, to bring concepts and data together in some kind of general—or at least integrated—theory. That goal offers students of leadership an imposing challenge and a huge opportunity.

      As you leaf through the pages of these volumes, you may spot seemingly odd entries, such as “The Beatles,” “E-Commerce,” “Friendship,” and “Green Parties.” Do not be surprised. The most remarkable aspect of the study of leadership is its sheer scope and diversity.

      Leaders in today's world face enormous challenges: the rise of militant followings that often seek to displace established leadership; the intensified need for collective leadership in the face of such global conditions as massive poverty; the struggle of women, minorities, and other long-suppressed people to rise to leadership positions; the heightened demand for moral, principled leadership. All these dynamic forces, both new and old, make this encyclopedia timely—and timeless.

      James MacGregorBurns

      Preface

      Leadership is a challenge and an opportunity facing leaders and followers in their professional and personal lives. The Encyclopedia of Leadership brings together for the first time most of what is known and what truly matters about leadership as part of the human experience. Nearly four hundred entries written by leading scholars and experts from seventeen countries explore leadership theories, leadership practice, and the effects of leadership in the real world. Recognizing that leadership is a process and not a person, much of the encyclopedia examines leadership in its rich and complex situational context. We also recognize that the leadership story is often revealed through individuals. About a third of the work—some 150 entries—is devoted to biographical essays focused on leaders (and their followers) and on case studies of leadership events and moments. These entries and another three hundred sidebars of primary text show leadership in action in corporations and state houses, schools, churches, small businesses, neighborhoods, and nonprofit organizations.

      The Encyclopedia of Leadership is an unprecedented learning resource. It provides general and specific entries for students and teachers in courses as various as history, psychology, anthropology, and law. Students and active citizens as well as scholars and professional people can turn to the encyclopedia for guidance on the theory and practice of leadership, for the stories of great leaders, and for the tools and knowledge they need to lead in the twenty-first century.

      The encyclopedia contains 1.2 million words in 373 substantive entries (ranging in length from 1,000 to 6,000 words), 150 photographs and other illustrations, and 300 sidebars drawn from public records, newspaper accounts, memoirs, and ethnography. Four appendixes provide users with additional information: (1) Bibliography of Significant Leadership Books, (2) Directory of Leadership Programs, (3) Primary Sources: Presidential Speeches on Foreign Policy and War, and (4) Primary Sources: Sacred Texts.

      Questions the Encyclopedia of Leadership seeks to answer include the following:

      • What is leadership?
      • What is a great leader?
      • What is a great follower?
      • How does someone become a leader?
      • What are the types of leadership?
      • How can leadership theories help us understand contemporary situations?
      • How can I learn to be a good, and perhaps even a great, leader?
      Leadership Studies

      Human beings have always been keenly interested in leaders and in leadership. The small hunting and gathering bands that formed human society over a period of more than 2 million years were led by men (and sometimes women) who were adept at hunting and able to communicate with the supernatural world. As human communities became larger and more permanently settled, those with superior communication skills were valued as leaders. In many societies, leadership was based on heredity and a special relationship with the gods and spirits. As larger societies became states, the first treatises on leadership were written. In ancient China, Confucius sought laws of order between leaders and subordinates. Plato described an ideal republic with philosopher-kings providing wise and judicious leadership. Plato and his colleagues also established the Paideia, a school for leadership in early Greece. In the sixteenth century, the Italian Niccolo Machiavelli illuminated another side of leadership—one that continues to draw much attention even five hundred years later.

      The word leader first appeared in the English language in the 1300s; it stems from the root leden meaning “to travel” or “show the way.” The term leadership followed some five centuries later. The study of leaders, particularly by historians and psychologists, preceded the systematic study of leadership, with the scientific study of leadership developing primarily in the United States and almost exclusively since the beginning of the twentieth century.

      Leadership is now a truly interdisciplinary field, with contributions from political science, psychology, education, history, agriculture, public administration, management, community studies, law, medicine, anthropology, biology, military sciences, philosophy, and sociology. In many of these disciplines, leadership is now an established subfield.

      The heightened scholarly interest in leadership has brought with it rapid growth in leadership studies. In 2003, there were nearly a thousand leadership programs at U.S. postsecondary institutions, more than double the number six years before. There are leadership resource centers and graduate degree programs in leadership studies. Leadership courses and programs are found primarily in management and behavioral and social-science schools and departments, with education schools also showing a growing interest in leadership in recent years. Beyond the United States, schools and programs of leadership have been founded in Canada, Great Britain, Germany, Italy, Sweden, China, Japan, and Tanzania, to name a few. And beyond academe, there are hundreds of leadership development and training programs offered by management and organizational development firms around the world.

      While certainly not the cause, perhaps the key event in the emergence of leadership studies was the publication of Leadership by the historian James MacGregor Burns in 1978. Prior to Burns's synthesis, much of the descriptive study of leadership was conducted by research psychologists who tested relationships among sets of affective, cognitive, and behavioral variables to develop theories of leadership. Much (but not all) of the research focused on the traits or characteristics of leaders to see how leaders differed from nonleaders. This line of research produced few firm conclusions and brings to mind Keller's Law (Marc Keller was for years the editor of the Journal of Studies on Alcohol): For any trait measured, alcoholics will have more, less, or the same amount of it as other people.

      Burns's work and that of those who followed him (many of whom have contributed to this encyclopedia) led the way forward in four key ways. First, these scholars called for an interdisciplinary approach that took leadership research out of the laboratory. Second, they brought to people's attention two important aspects of leadership: leadership is relational, and the motivations of leaders and followers are keys to understanding leadership and change. Third, they expanded the normative definition of good leadership beyond effectiveness to also include a moral dimension and the pursuit of values such as liberty, justice, and equality. Fourth, Burns drew a distinction between transactional and transformational leadership, a distinction that has become one of the core constructs of modern leadership studies.

      Despite the rapid growth of leadership studies, or perhaps because of it, the field has not been without its critics. One concern is that leadership studies may be elitist or reflect an interest in achievement that will leave some people behind. Another is that leadership studies is not a true scholarly discipline because it has no unifying theory and therefore should exist only within traditional departments such as management, political science, or history. A third line of criticism is that the rapid growth of leadership studies has led to the development and marketing of leadership training and development programs, the effectiveness of which has never been adequately tested.

      Scope and Coverage

      The encyclopedia's entries fall into eleven general topical categories. The Reader's Guide at the front of each volume classifies the entries in accordance with this scheme and includes several additional categories that direct readers to related entries. The eleven general topical categories are

      • Biographies
      • Case Studies
      • Domains
      • Study of Leadership
      • Followership
      • Women and Gender
      • Personal Characteristics of Leaders
      • Power
      • Situational Factors
      • Leadership Styles
      • Leadership Theories
      Biographies

      The encyclopedia contains profiles and analyses of approximately 150 leaders. These leaders, most of whom are well-known persons whose actions have had a major impact on history, are a sample that represents different times, cultures, and domains. There are leaders from politics and government, business, the military, social change movements, the arts and entertainment, religion, and communications. We do not suggest that these are the “greatest” leaders of all time; what we do promise is that each leader was selected because his or her story tells us something unique about leadership and its effects. These entries focus on each individual's actions and influence as a leader. In choosing the leaders to be included, we considered the person's impact on contemporary and later events, what her or his story tells us about what it means to lead, and whether there was a conscious intention to lead. In this section, we particularly wanted to explore what it means to be a leader, how leaders are different from other influential or powerful people, and how leadership is defined in different domains and at different times in history. Other entries, especially the case studies (see below), provide information about many additional noteworthy leaders.

      Case Studies

      These entries focus on situations or events of major historical importance in which the leadership exercised or not exercised by an individual or group was a key element. These entries describe the situation or event, explain its significance, note the key decisions made, and identify the key actors. The decisionmaking processes and the leadership behavior of the key actors and groups are described, including contingencies and alternative paths. The consequences of both individual and group choices and acts are evaluated in terms of the implications for leadership theory, training, and modeling.

      Domains

      It is common in leadership studies and practice to approach leadership in different domains of human activity from somewhat different perspectives. Thus, there is often talk of presidential leadership, political leadership, nonprofit leadership, women's leadership, and youth leadership. The entries on domains define the domain and indicate its size, scope, and significance to the human experience. The entries list and define the leadership roles within the domain and indicate areas of responsibility and key leadership characteristics and situational factors.

      Study of Leadership

      Leadership is an interdisciplinary field of inquiry and practice, and its work is informed both by those in leadership studies and by those in more traditional disciplines such as management, psychology, political science, education, and sociology. These entries define the emerging discipline and outline its methods, concepts, and theories as it makes strides in establishing itself at the nexus of interdisciplinary inquiry.

      Followership

      It is only relatively recently that scholars have recognized that to fully understand leadership one must also understand the nature and behavior of followers. These entries consider the many aspects of followership, including the characteristics of followers, theories about the relations between leaders and followers, situational factors that affect the way people both lead and follow, and the dynamics of the leader-follower relationship.

      Women and Gender

      Systematic attention to women and gender issues, like systematic attention to followers, is relatively recent in leadership studies. These entries provide an evaluation of the current research regarding women as leaders across domains.

      Personal Characteristics of Leaders

      These entries summarize what we know about those personal attributes of leaders that are thought to be related to leadership success. The entries define and describe the personal characteristics, traits, and innate abilities associated with leadership and discuss the research or other evidence linking those traits to leadership success.

      Power

      These entries explore the sources of power, the use of power by leaders and followers, the effects of power on others, and the nature of power. The focus is on power in the context of leadership.

      Situational Factors

      These entries cover group, organizational, ethical, cultural, marketplace, or societal factors that influence leadership, including choice of leaders and leadership style, as well as leaders' behavior and success or failure. These entries consider many situational and historical factors, alone and in combination, and show how they relate to leadership both in positive and negative ways.

      Leadership Styles

      This general category includes entries that provide overviews of a major leadership style, such as democratic leadership or socio-emotional leadership. The entries define the style and list its key features, citing examples of leaders and organizations that typify the style.

      Leadership Theories

      These entries cover more than forty theories or models set forth over the years that seek to explain leadership or some significant aspect of leadership. Some of these models or theories claim to explain not just leadership but much of human behavior; others bring leadership behavior into sharp focus from a single perspective. The focus of these entries is on the theory's applicability to leadership.

      Appendixes

      The entries are supplemented by four appendixes: (1) Bibliography of Significant Books on Leadership, (2) Directory of Leadership Programs, (3) Primary Sources: Presidential Speeches on Foreign Policy and War, and (4) Primary Sources: Sacred Texts. The Bibliography of Significant Leadership Books provides citations to major books on leadership studied selected from the works cited throughout this encyclopedia. They are divided into four categories: leadership in general, leaders and leadership events, specific aspects of leadership, and other topics relevant to leadership.

      As noted above, there are nearly 1,000 leadership programs in the United States and many others in other nations. There is no one central directory for these programs and maintaining one would be extremely difficult as new programs appear almost every day. This Directory of Leadership Programs appendix lists some 250 programs which have active web sites as of 23 October 2003. Included here are some general programs and those aimed at specific domains including education, youth, community, sports, executives, nonprofit, environment, health, science, criminal justice, women, minority, and the arts. The appendix also provides trustworthy information about where to find out about leadership programs and courses housed in MBA and MPA programs.

      The third and fourth appendixes provide carefully selected and organized primary source material that supplements several dozen entries in the encyclopedia centered on two themes: U.S. presidential leadership and religion and leadership. The Primary Sources: Presidential Speeches on Foreign Policy and War appendix provides the texts of major speeches by American presidents concerning foreign relations and war. These speeches are especially timely in the presidential election year of 2004, in which foreign relations and war are major issues. The Primary Sources: Sacred Texts appendix supplements the general entries of religion and spirituality and the biographies and case studies on religious leaders with extracts of sacred texts relevant to leadership (examples of leadership or guidelines for leaders) from Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism.

      Navigation AIDS

      To assist readers in finding the entry or entries they want, we have included several navigation tools. The front matter contains an alphabetical list of all entries, a list of contributors with the entries they contributed, and a detailed reader's guide which classifies the entries into several dozen different topical categories. For example, the reader will find here a list of all biographies, a list of all entries about business, and a list of all entries discussing leadership theories. There is also a list of sidebars telling the reader where each appears and providing their titles. Finally, there is a comprehensive index in Volume IV. Within the volumes are “blind” entries that direct the reader to a relevant entry, as well as extensive cross-references at the end of many entries.

      Global Coverage

      Efforts to develop leadership studies as a field have been concentrated in the United States, although there are important centers for leadership studies and active scholars in many other nations. While the U.S. or Western perspective is predominant in this work, we purposefully sought to make the encyclopedia as global as possible. We did this in several ways. First, we included scholars and experts from seventeen nations on the editorial board and as contributors; second, we featured several dozen non-U.S. and nonWestern leaders and situations in the biographies and in the case studies; third, we included primary-text material from non-Western societies to balance entries that reflect mainly research in the West; and finally, we tried to acknowledge and include non-Western ways of knowing and leading.

      The Encyclopedia's Audience

      As the first and only comprehensive reference work on leadership, the encyclopedia was designed with the needs of several possible user communities. These include scholars of leadership and related topics; practitioners and citizens who want to put knowledge into action; students of leadership and related topics such as management, political science, education, and sociology; leaders and managers themselves; and the general public, which has a stake in leadership at many levels and in many domains. Among college and university scholars, the encyclopedia is especially useful for those working in anthropology, economics, education, management, philosophy, political science, psychology, religion, and sociology. However, the work is decidedly interdisciplinary, so scholars in other disciplines, including art, classics, library science, music, theater, and ethnic and women's studies will find it a welcome tool as well. Among practitioners, those in business, government, the military, nonprofits, and religious and lobbying organizations will find much of relevance. Among the public, anyone concerned about improving his or her community will learn a great deal. For all these people, the key to benefiting from the knowledge presented is being able to find what they are looking for with ease.

      In addition to being a compilation of organized knowledge, an encyclopedia should also be a directory of additional knowledge. To that end, the Further Reading section at the end of each entry directs readers to additional literature (usually books) on the topic.

      How the Encyclopedia was Prepared

      Rolf Janke, publisher of Sage Reference, first proposed the idea for an encyclopedia of leadership. Karen Christensen and David Levinson began shaping the idea into a reference work. A key early step was asking the social psychologist George R. “Al” Goethals at Williams College to become involved in the project. A longtime student of leadership, he is also the founder of the Program in Leadership Studies at Williams. With some hesitation about taking on such a large project in such a short time frame, Al consulted two colleagues: political scientist Georgia J. Sorenson, an architect of the leadership studies field, and James MacGregor Burns, the Woodrow Wilson Professor of Government emeritus at Williams and Senior Fellow at the University of Richmond's Jepson School of Leadership Studies. The three of them decided that an encyclopedia of leadership was extremely important and timely. As a team, working in collaboration with distinguished leadership scholars from around the world and in cooperation with the staff of Berkshire Publishing Group, they believed the project could indeed be accomplished. Al and Georgia, working with Berkshire Publishing, ultimately suggested the editorial structure reflected on the title page: Al and Georgia would serve as editors, Jim would serve as senior editor, and they would work with an editorial board of scholars and experts representing various approaches and interests in leadership studies. Al and Jim were especially pleased with the happy coincidence that Williams College and Berk-shire Publishing Group are both located in Berkshire County in western Massachusetts. The many contributors and editors from all over the world certainly enriched the project. In short, we had the happy circumstance of being able to think globally, edit virtually, and lunch locally.

      The Future

      As the first encyclopedia for a relatively new field of inquiry, this encyclopedia serves as a diagnostic tool that can tell us much about where leadership studies are in 2003 and where they need to go in the future. It seems clear that leadership studies as a research enterprise remains firmly rooted in psychology, especially social psychology. Sociology, anthropology, history, and (most surprising) political science continue to make fewer than might be expected contributions to the growth of our knowledge about leadership. One key need is to continue to push for leadership research in more disciplines and for continuing interdisciplinary cooperation. Anthropology, in particular, as well as cross-cultural psychology can make important contributions in the future by testing ideas that originated in the West in non-Western cultures and nations. A second need is better integration of what is already known across disciplines; here the work of the General Theory Group and others will be of increasing importance. A third need is for greater transfer of new knowledge and for diffusion and synthesis of ideas and programs developed in one domain to others. For example, in recent years leadership in education, sports, and youth groups has drawn much attention, but ideas formulated in those areas tend not to move out to other domains. Leadership journals and conferences can take the lead in attracting entries and presentations that represent leadership studies as broadly as possible. Fourth, leadership studies could benefit from the publication, distribution, and translation of work by leadership scholars across the global community and from a journal that enriches and encompasses the global dialogue on leadership. Lastly, there is a need for more rigorous testing of leadership development programs. The popularity of leadership development as a concept and a goal in many organizations has created a huge demand for leadership development education and training, as evidenced by the many new executive leadership programs offered by colleges and universities around the world. As yet, however, there is little study of the notion of leadership development education in general nor of specific approaches.

      KarenChristensen, DavidLevinson, George R.Goethals, and Georgia J.Sorenson

      Acknowledgments

      As is usual for a project of this magnitude, there are many to thank for its creation. The contributions of many hardworking, dedicated individuals are what made this project a success. We began with an editorial board that represented many of the key programs and perspectives in leadership studies, and the work of each of the editorial board members—which varied depending on their other commitments—has been much appreciated. We are grateful for their early support and advice.

      James MacGregor Burns learned of the encyclopedia through his Williams colleague, George R. Goethals, whom Berkshire contacted soon after being asked to develop the Encyclopedia of Leadership. His enthusiasm for the project was both inspiring to us and an undoubted source of encouragement to our 280 contributors. Jim Burns is a Pulitzer-Prize-winning presidential biographer and a pioneer in the study of leadership. His theory on transformational leadership has been the basis of more than 400 doctoral dissertations. He has authored more than a dozen books, including Leadership, published in 1978, which is still considered the seminal work in the field of leadership studies. Jim is now eighty-five years old, still active as an author (his Transforming Leadership: A New Pursuit of Happiness was published in 2003), and active in a project to develop a general theory of leadership. When he agreed to be senior editor, and began writing an introduction to the work that would show why an encyclopedia like this is so important to the field of leadership studies—and indeed to humanity in general—we knew that the project was off to an ideal start. We are exceedingly grateful for his support of our endeavors.

      The encyclopedia's general editors, George R. (Al) Goethals (Williams College) and Georgia J. Sorenson (University of Richmond and University of Maryland), helped define the overall shape of the encyclopedia, recruited many of the editorial board members, and suggested articles to be included. Al was especially adept at coming up with practical ways to balance theory and practice in our coverage. We are grateful for Al's recruitment of some authors who are leaders in their own professional arenas, including Fay Vincent (who wrote the article on sports) and Roberto Eisenmann (who wrote a case study on the creation of a free press in Panama). Al also invited us to a summit on the development of a general theory of leadership at Mount Hope Farm in Williamstown, Massachusetts, which was very helpful in the initial shaping and visioning of the encyclopedia.

      Our sincere thanks go out to each member of the editorial board: Laurien Alexandre (Antioch University), Bruce J. Avolio (University of Nebraska, Lincoln), Martin M. Chemers (University of California, Santa Cruz), Kisuk Cho (Ewha Womans University, South Korea), Joanne B. Ciulla (University of Richmond), David Collinson (Lancaster University, U.K.), Richard A. Couto (Antioch University), Yiannis Gabriel (Imperial College, U.K.), Zachary Gabriel Green (Alexander Institute and University of Maryland), Keith Grint (Oxford University, U.K.), Michael A. Hogg (University of Queensland, Australia), James G. (Jerry) Hunt (Texas Tech University), Barbara Kellerman (Harvard University), Jean Lipman-Blumen (Claremont Graduate University), Larraine R. Matusak (LarCon Associates), Ronald E. Riggio (Claremont McKenna College), and Jürgen Weibler (University of Hagen, Germany).

      Some members of the editorial board were simply stellar in their dedication to the encyclopedia and deserve special recognition.

      Jerry Hunt took responsibility for a number of articles early on and saw them through to publication. He recruited authors to write all the articles on his list and then reviewed them all once they were written. We knew that if Jerry was working on an article, we didn't have to worry about it.

      Michael Hogg took extraordinary responsibility in making sure that we had knowledgeable, well-written scholars to author each article. On a few occasions, when we were having trouble finding the right person to write an entry, Mike took it on himself, adding to his already heavy workload.

      Ronald Riggio has the distinction of reviewing the most articles of any editor, and he remained throughout a thoughtful, congenial supporter of the encyclopedia. He also introduced us to some excellent writers, including Craig Parks, who made a very significant contribution to the encyclopedia.

      Martin Chemers was always available for consultation, providing quick, clear, thoughtful responses that helped us guide contributors who had questions about their articles.

      Keith Grint, the first of our U.K. editors, was enthusiastic and truly committed throughout the project and willingly wrote several important articles in addition to his editorial duties. Keith organized the December 2002 conference at Oxford that Berkshire's Karen Christensen attended. This conference—like the November 2002 ILA conference in Seattle—provided much food for thought as we developed the encyclopedia and enabled us to identify topics and contributors.

      Keith also introduced us to David Collinson and Yiannis Gabriel, two gifted writers who ended up joining the editorial board mid-project, each making his own significant contribution to the encyclopedia. Jürgen Weibler similarly joined the board mid-project and spent an incredible amount of time and effort on his editorial tasks.

      Laurien Alexandre was an extraordinarily helpful contributor throughout the project who joined the editorial board late in the process—just in time to review a last few articles. Laurien came through when we needed her most and, with her colleague Richard Couto of Antioch University, has become a much-valued colleague. Dick Couto was incredibly helpful from the first day he signed onto the project until the day the encyclopedia went to press. He and Laurien Alexandre coordinated the contributions of a number of fine writers at Antioch University—a process that occupied much of their time, ensuring the quality and accuracy of each article before it was submitted to us. Dick also made a great contribution to the encyclopedia with his advice on what passages to include in the appendix of sacred texts.

      Some of the encyclopedia's contributors were also instrumental in making this project a success. Lewis Gould (University of Texas, Austin) has provided much guidance in the area of U.S. presidential leadership. Besides writing the overview article in this subject area, as well as two others on specific presidents, Lewis also helped to shape the appendix of presidential speeches on foreign policy and war.

      Terry Price, at the University of Richmond, was one of the first authors to sign onto the project, and his ongoing work helped to define the scope, particularly in the arena of leadership ethics.

      John Nirenberg (Shinawatra University, Japan), an excellent writer, kept coming up with great new topics to write on, including highly original entries on Corporate Social Responsibility and on Eupsychian Management.

      Craig Parks of Washington State University took it upon himself to write most of the articles on group performance in the encyclopedia. This contribution provided for a real cohesion to the coverage in this subject area.

      Michael Harvey's (Washington College) work on leadership in literature and the arts added a vital dimension to the encyclopedia, along with the other articles he wrote on topics ranging from Moses to Total Quality Management.

      Douglas Hicks, at the University of Richmond, wrote quite a few articles for the encyclopedia, particularly in the areas of religion and economic justice. Doug offered helpful advice on coverage in these areas on numerous occasions.

      It was extremely gratifying to have a number of important writers on leadership who have many commitments in the business and professional world take time to contribute to this major scholarly endeavor. Among leadership and management experts who wrote for the encyclopedia (their articles are noted in parenthesis) are Warren Bennis (Management), Cynthia Cherrey (International Leadership Association), Jay Conger (Charismatic Theory and Transformational and Visionary Leadership), Ronald Heifetz (Adaptive Work and Self-Management), Barry Posner and Jim Kouzes (Follower-Oriented Leadership), Kenneth Ruscio (Trust), Edgar Schein (Organizational Climate and Culture), and Gary Yukl (Influence Tactics and Team Leadership).

      Eminent scholars in other fields whose work informs our understanding of leadership also contributed articles to the encyclopedia. These experts include Akbar Ahmed (Saladin), John Chandler (Higher Education), Bob Edgerton (Mau Mau Rebellion), Gene Gallagher (Religion), Betty Glad (Tyrannical Leadership), Lewis Gould (United States Presidential Leadership, Woodrow Wilson, and Lyndon Johnson), Allen Guttmann (Modern Olympics Movement and Women's Olympics), David Malone (Billy Graham), Martin Marty (Martin Luther), Robert Solomon (Friedrich Nietzsche), Robert Sternberg (Verbal Intelligence and Tacit Knowledge), and Fay Vincent (Sports).

      We also want to acknowledge a few of the leadership programs that have been most important in supporting and sustaining the growth of the field of leadership studies. The International Leadership Association's efforts are central to this growing field, and our relationships with ILA leaders have expanded the encyclopedia's scope. Cynthia Cherrey, who wrote the entry on the ILA, and executive director Shelly Wilsey are working with great effectiveness to develop the networks on which a major reference project like this depends.

      We are grateful to the Program of Leadership Studies at Williams College, the Jepson School of Leadership Studies at the University of Richmond, and the James MacGregor Burns Academy of Leadership at the University of Maryland, which over the years have provided institutional support necessary to develop the intellectual structure and empirical data that inform this work. We would also like to acknowledge the W.K. Kellogg Foundation for its leadership in supporting the development of a community of leadership scholars through the Kellogg Leadership Studies Project (1992–1997).

      A major undertaking like this encyclopedia draws on the talents of virtually every employee in a small company like Berkshire. Project editor Sarah Conrick took charge of a particularly challenging project with grace and good humor. She developed great rapport with editors and authors and earned the trust of everyone involved. Associate editor Marcy Ross took special care to ensure the quality of the encyclopedia's content. In addition to her work with the articles, Marcy engineered and compiled the primary source appendices of sacred texts and presidential speeches on foreign policy and war. She also managed the copyediting process and our team of freelance copyeditors with great skill and her usual kind manner. The key member and senior editor of the copyediting team was Francesca Forrest, who is exceptionally talented at presenting scholars'ideas in a framework that makes them accessible and engaging to all readers. The careful and thorough work of Marcy, Francesca, and the entire Berkshire copyediting team was invaluable to the quality development of this major reference work. Project coordinators Emily Colangelo, Elizabeth Eno, and Courtney Linehan, along with freelance help from Benjamin T. Conrick, performed crucial editorial tasks, including final manuscript checks. The tireless Berkshire technology department—Debbie Dillon, Cathy Fracasse, and Trevor Young—stepped in with practical assistance at every stage and always with great patience and an assuring smile.

      Because the Encyclopedia of Leadership—at least in its print edition—will be used primarily in libraries, we were eager to include coverage of leadership within the library profession. Our thanks to Donald Riggs, who wrote the article on leadership in libraries and to Joyce Ogburn, Tom Gilson, and Katina Strauch, who helped us locate Don.

      Development of an online knowledge center for leadership studies is underway. This electronic resource will include a variety of tools for students, including case studies, a 5,000-entry master bibliography of leadership texts, and much more of the primary and ethnographic content on leadership we have used to illustrate our original articles. We will be turning to members of the library community and leadership associations such as the ILA, as well as to our contributors and editors, for assistance in creating various integrated resources for the leadership community in the years ahead.

      Berkshire's mission is to illuminate the human experience and contemporary issues by developing reference resources with a global perspective. Leadership studies started in the United States, but the subject is and has always been important in countries and cultures around the world. Berkshire's efforts to internationalize coverage include non-Western biography and case study articles, such as Jomo Kenyatta, Mao Zedong, Shaka Zulu, the Xian Incident, and Truth and Reconciliation Commissions, and more general articles on topics like the GLOBE Research Program, Indigenous Societies, and Cross-Cultural Leadership, to name a few.

      We want to close by noting that as this work goes off to press several of us are heading to the ILA conference in Guadalajara, Mexico. The location of the conference is an important statement about the global importance of leadership and leadership studies.

      KarenChristensen and DavidLevinson

      A Note from the Editors:

      We would especially like to thank our friends and colleagues at Berkshire Publishing Group. We are grateful to them for initiating this project, for helping us structure it, and for showing uncommon professionalism, competence, and kindness at every stage of the work. Their experience and skill made something that initially seemed impossible not only possible, but also edifying and gratifying. We thank Karen Christensen and David Levinson for their wisdom in shaping the project at the outset, and for their patience and good judgment in steering it to conclusion. Finally, we cannot say enough about our tireless and talented project editor, Sarah Conrick. She has been a wonderful partner in putting the pieces together. Our experience working with all of you has been most rewarding.

      George R.Goethals, and Georgia J.Sorenson

      About the Editors

      General Editors

      George R. (Al) Goethals is Professor of Leadership Studies at Williams College and Visiting Scholar at the Jepson School of Leadership Studies at the University of Richmond. In addition to his teaching duties, he has served Williams as Chair of the Department of Psychology and founding Chair of the Program in Leadership Studies. He was Acting Dean of the Faculty in 1987–1988 and Provost from 1990 to 1995. Dr. Goethals has been visiting professor or visiting scholar at Princeton University; the University of Virginia; the University of Waterloo in Ontario, Canada; the University of Massachusetts; the University of California, Santa Barbara; and Amherst College. He has served as Chair of the Executive Committee of the Society for Experimental Social Psychology and Secretary-Treasurer of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology. He has coauthored textbooks on basic psychology, social psychology, and the psychology of adjustment and has published numerous articles on attitude change, social perception, and social comparison processes, including articles for such reference works as Psychological Inquiry and The Encyclopedia of Human Behavior. His research has been supported by the National Institute of Mental Health and the Andrew Mellon Foundation. His current research interests concern how college students educate each other and the ways in which leadership is enacted and perceived.

      Georgia J. Sorenson is a Visiting Senior Scholar at the Jepson School of Leadership Studies, University of Richmond, and a Senior Scholar and Founder of the James MacGregor Burns Academy of Leadership, University of Maryland. A presidential leadership scholar, she is on the graduate faculty of the Department of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland. She also serves as Adjunct Professor at Williams College and Ewha Womans University in Seoul, South Korea; Professor and Advisor to The National School of Administration of the People's Republic of China; and is on the International Board of Tokyo Jogakkan University in Japan. Before joining the faculty of the University of Maryland, Dr. Sorenson was a Senior Policy Analyst in the Carter White House for employment issues and worked as a consultant to the Executive Office of the President. She continues to be politically active, and has served as a speechwriter or consultant to three presidential campaigns. Her latest work, Dead Center: Clinton-Gore Leadership and the Perils of Moderation, is coauthored by James MacGregor Burns. She has published in professional journals such as the Harvard Educational Review and The Psychology of Women Quarterly and is a frequent contributor and commentator on social issues in the popular media.

      Senior Editor

      James MacGregor Burns is a Pulitzer-Prize–winning presidential biographer and a pioneer in the study of leadership. Author of more than a dozen books, he has devoted his professional life to the study of leadership in American political life. He received his doctorate in political science from Harvard, attended the London School of Economics, and taught at Williams College. Dr. Burns was a Democratic nominee for the 1st Congressional District of Massachusetts in 1958 and also served as a delegate to four Democratic National Conventions. He is a former president of both the American Political Science Association and the International Society of Political Psychology. His theory on transformational leadership has been the basis of more than 400 doctoral dissertations. His most recent book is Transforming Leadership: A New Pursuit of Happiness (2003). Prior to that he published, with Susan Dunn, The Three Roosevelts: Patrician Leaders Who Transformed America (2001) and, with Georgia Sorenson, Dead Center: Clinton-Gore Leadership and the Perils of Moderation (1999). Burns won the Pulitzer Prize and the National Book Award for his biographies, Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox (1956) and Roosevelt: The Soldier of Freedom (1970). His book, Leadership, published in 1978, is still considered the seminal work in the field of leadership studies.

      Associate Editors

      Martin M. Chemers is Campus Provost and Executive Vice Chancellor of the University of California, Santa Cruz. He is a social psychologist with interests in leadership and team and organizational effectiveness. Much of his work has addressed how cultural and personality characteristics of leaders and followers affect the intrapersonal and interpersonal processes that give rise to highly motivated and effective teams. Also of interest are factors that influence the leadership effectiveness of “nontraditional” leaders such as women and minority group members. His current research is focused on the construct of “mettle,” which refers to confidence in one's leadership capability and optimism about the outcomes of one's efforts. His most recent book is An Integrative Theory of Leadership (1997).

      Keith Grint is Director of Research at the Saïd Business School and a fellow of Templeton College at Oxford University. He worked in various industries for ten years before becoming an academic. He taught industrial sociology at Brunel University for six years before coming to Oxford, where he has taught since 1992. He has published eight books and more than seventy-five articles and chapters in books on topics ranging from business process re-engineering to Japanization, appraisal schemes, organizational theory, the sociology of work, and leadership. His most recent books have been Leadership: Classical, Contemporary and Critical Approaches (1997); which he edited; Fuzzy Management: Contemporary Ideas and Practices at Work (1997); The Arts of Leadership (2000); and Organizational Leadership (2004, with John Bratton and Debra Nelson).

      Michael A. Hogg is Professor of Social Psychology and an Australian Research Council Professorial Fellow at the University of Queensland, Australia. He is also a fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia. From 2000 to 2003, he served as Associate Dean, Research, for the Social and Behavioral Sciences at the University of Queensland. He serves on or has served on the editorial board of most of the main social psychology journals, including Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, European Review of Social Psychology, and British Journal of Social Psychology. With Dominic Abrams, he is the foundation editor of the journal Group Processes and Intergroup Relations. Dr. Hogg's research focuses on group processes, intergroup relations, and social identity. Recently he developed a social identity theory of leadership and has been extensively involved in promoting and conducting social identity research on leadership. His 200 publications include two books—Rediscovering the Social Group: A Self-Categorization Theory (1987, with John Turner and others) and Social Identifications (1988, with Dominic Abrams)—and two introductory social psychology texts, with Graham Vaughan, which are now in their third editions—Social Psychology and Introduction to Social Psychology.

      James G. (Jerry) Hunt is a Paul Whitfield Horn Professor of Management, Trinity Company Professor in Leadership, and Director of the Institute for Leadership Research at Texas Tech University in Lubbock, Texas. He received his doctorate from the University of Illinois. His research interests include leadership (especially process-oriented aspects), organizational behavior, and organization theory. He has authored such publications as Leadership: A New Synthesis (1991), nominated for the 1992 Academy of Management award for outstanding scholarly books; Out-of-the-Box Leadership: Transforming the 21st Century Army and Other Top-Performing Organizations (1999, with G. E. Dodge and L. Wong, Eds.); Basic Organizational Behavior (1998, with J. R. Schermerhorn and R. N. Osborn); and Managing Organizational Behavior (2000, 8th edition, with J. R. Schermerhorn and R. N. Osborn). He has contributed to journals such as the Academy of Management Journal, The Leadership Quarterly, Journal of Management, and Administrative Science Quarterly, has served as editor of the Journal of Management, and serves as the current senior editor of The Leadership Quarterly. He also founded, edited, and contributed to the eight-volume Leadership Symposia Series from 1971 to 1988.

      Ronald E. Riggio is the Henry R. Kravis Professor of Leadership and Organizational Psychology, and Director of the Kravis Leadership Institute, at Claremont McKenna College. He has published more than seventy-five journal articles and book chapters, and has authored or edited a dozen books, including Introduction to Industrial/Organizational Psychology (2003, 4th ed.), Multiple Intelligences and Leadership (2002), and the forthcoming Improving Leadership in Nonprofit Organizations. His research interests include communication processes in leadership and in organizational settings, prediction of leadership and managerial potential, and using assessment center methodology for leadership selection and development. He is a fellow of the American Psychological Association and the Western Psychological Association, and a member of the Academy of Management.

      Editorial Board

      Laurien Alexandre is Director of Antioch University's Ph.D.program in Leadership and Change and serves as professor and member of the core faculty. During her twenty years in higher education, she has served in leadership roles at Antioch as well as the Immaculate Heart College Center, an ecumenical institute devoted to research and training on peace and justice concerns. She also taught for more than ten years at California State University, Northridge, in the Department of Mass Communications/Journalism, where her focus was on graduate courses in media analysis. She has long been committed to interdisciplinary inquiry, especially in her teaching and writing on media and international affairs. She has published books and articles on the media for both academic and popular audiences and has also translated several scholarly books and articles for publication. Most recently, her research has focused on media coverage of presidential and national politics in the Spanish-language press.

      Bruce J. Avolio is the Donald O. and Shirley Clifton Chair in Leadership at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. He has published more than eighty articles and book chapters on topics related to individual, team and organizational leadership. He coauthored, with Bernard Bass, Improving Organizational Effectiveness Through Transformational Leadership (1994), and has written Full Leadership Development: Building the Vital Forces in Organizations (1999). His latest book is entitled Made/Born: Putting Leadership Development in Balance (2004). He has conducted training workshops in the United States, Canada, Israel, Korea, Italy, Australia, Mexico, New Zealand, Spain, England, South Africa, Sweden, Austria, Hong Kong, and Belgium and is coauthor of two widely used leadership measures: the Multi-factor Leadership Questionnaire and Team Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire. He has worked with colleagues around the globe to set up a global network of Centers for Leadership Studies.

      Kisuk Cho is a professor in the Graduate School of International Studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul, South Korea. She is a political scientist specializing in elections and public opinion, as well as an active political commentator and columnist. She is currently an editor of the Korean Political Science Review and serves on the advisory board to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Dr. Cho gave the keynote address “Do Women Lead Differently: A Study of 12 Female Prime Ministers and Presidents” at the 2000 International Leadership Association conference in Toronto, Canada, later published in Building Bridges (2001). She also serves as CEO of the university-based venture company Leadership Frontier.

      Joanne B. Ciulla is Professor and Coston Family Chair in Leadership and Ethics at the Jepson School of Leadership Studies, University of Richmond. She is one of the founding faculty members of the school. She has also held the UNESCO Chair in Leadership Studies at the United Nations International Leadership Academy, and academic appointments at La Salle University, the Harvard Business School, and the Wharton School. In 2003, she won the Outstanding Educator Award from the Virginia State Council of Higher Education. Her books include Ethics, The Heart of Leadership (1998), The Working Life: The Promise and Betrayal of Modern Work (2001), and The Ethics of Leadership (2003). She has also coauthored a textbook called Honest Work: A Business Ethics Reader (2004) and edits a series of books for Edgar Elgar, Ltd., called New Horizons in Leadership. She also serves on the editorial board of The Business Ethics Quarterly and on the board of directors of the Desmond Tutu Peace Foundation.

      David Collinson is Professor of Strategic Learning and Leadership and head of the Department of Management Learning at Lancaster University Management School in Lancaster, UK. He also serves as a member of the Management Research Advisory Forum to the National College for School's Leadership and the Advisory Group for LSRC projects on leadership. In December 2002, he co-organized a conference on “Researching Leadership” at Said Business School-Oxford University. Formerly at the University of Warwick where he worked for ten years, he was appointed to the Foundation for Management Education (FME) Chair of Strategic Learning and Leadership in January 2002. In 2001 he was elected as the Hallsworth Visiting Professor at Manchester Business School. He has published five books and more than fifty articles and chapters that seek to contribute to the development of critical approaches to organizational and management studies. His current research focuses on the development of critical approaches to the study of leadership and learning, looking particularly at the relationship between “leaders” and “led.”

      Richard A. Couto is a Professor and Founding Faculty Member of the Antioch University Ph.D program in Leadership and Change. Previously he was a founding faculty member of Jepson School of Leadership Studies at the University of Richmond where he held the George M. and Virginia B. Modlin Chair. He has published books and articles on leadership in community health, community change efforts, the Appalachian region, and civil rights. His most recent books are Making Democracy Work Better: Mediating Structures, Social Capital and the Democratic Prospect (1999) and To Give Their Gifts: Health, Community, and Democracy (2002).

      Yiannis Gabriel is Professor of Organizational Theory at The Business School, Imperial College London, with a doctorate in sociology from the University of Californi, Berkeley. He has served on the editorial board for numerous leadership journal publications, such as Management Learning, Organizational Studies, Human Relations, Journal of Management Studies, and Marketing Theory, and has contributed numerous articles to these journals. His research interests lie in the areas of storytelling, narratives, emotion, and fantasy in organizations; consumption and consumerism in relation to identity and the organization-consumer interface; and management learning, pedagogy, and the nature of management knowledge. His recent books are Storytelling in Organizations: Facts, Fictions and Fantasies (2000) and Myths, Stories and Organizations: Premodern Narratives for Our Times (2004), an anthology he edited.

      Zachary Gabriel Green is the Executive Director of The Alexander Institute for Psychotherapy and Consultation in Washington, D.C., a position through which he has become an executive coach for the World Bank Group, chief consultant for the Synergy Project, and contractor for the USAID global AIDS monitoring and evaluation system. Green is also a Senior Scholar at the James MacGregor Burns Academy of Leadership at the University of Maryland, where he serves on the graduate faculty of the School of Public Affairs. Dr. Green specializes in diversity training, group dynamics, strategic organizational planning, leadership training, and crisis intervention. He has written and coauthored several publications, including the manual Racial Reconciliation Dialogue. He has earned the American Psychological Association Minority Fellowship and the Albert V. Danielsen Clinical Fellowship. He has worked as a project consultant at the Center for Applied Research and as a lecturer at Catholic University and George Washington University.

      Barbara Kellerman is Research Director of the Center for Public Leadership and a lecturer in Public Policy. From 2000 to 2003 she served as the Center's Executive Director. She has held professorships of Political Science at Fordham, Tufts, Fairleigh Dickinson, George Washington, and Uppsala Universities. She also served as the Dean of Graduate Studies and Research at Fairleigh Dickinson and as Director of the Center for the Advanced Study of Leadership at the Academy of Leadership at the University of Maryland. She has been awarded a Danforth Fellowship and three Fullbright Fellowships. She appears frequently on CBS, NBC, PBS, and CNN, and has contributed articles and reviews to, among others, the New York Times, Washington Post, Boston Globe, and Los Angeles Times. She has authored and edited eleven books, most recently Reinventing Leadership: Making the Connection Between Politics and Business (1999) and Bad Leadership (2004). Currently, Kellerman serves as coeditor (with David Gergen) of a new leadership publication, Compass: A Journal of Leadership.

      Jean Lipman-Blumen is the Thornton F. Bradshaw Professor of Public Policy and Professor of Organizational Behavior at the Peter F. Drucker Graduate School of Management, Claremont Graduate University. She is also a Cofounding Director of the Institute for Advanced Studies in Leadership. She has served as special advisor to the domestic policy staff in the White House and has consulted to various governments and private-sector organizations. She has published more than seventy articles on leadership, management, public policy, and gender issues. Her latest book, Hot Groups: Seeding Them, Feeding Them, and Using Them To Ignite Your Organization (with Harold J. Leavitt), received the 1999 Best Book Award from the Association of American Publishers, Professional/Scholarly Division. Her other work includes The Connective Edge: Leading in an Interdependent World (1996), which was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize. Her forthcoming book focuses on why followers tolerate bad leaders.

      Larraine R. Matusak is the Executive Director of LarCon Associates, a consulting agency that specializes in organizational design, leadership development, and executive coaching, as well as a Senior Scholar at the James MacGregor Burns Academy of Leadership at the University of Maryland. She is also a Trustee of the Leadership Institute, Los Angeles, and graduate advisor and mentor for the Fielding Institute of Graduate Studies in Santa Barbara, California. She has served as a Program Officer for Leadership and Education at the W.K. Kellogg Foundation, where she was named the Foundation's first Leadership Scholar. She also directed the Foundation's National Leadership Program for more than ten years. She was the recipient of the 1996 International Morris T. Keeton award for her contributions to adult learning and leadership, as well as the Outstanding American Educator award from the Medical College of Augusta, Georgia. Her many publications include Finding Your Voice: Learning to Lead … Anywhere You Want to Make a Difference (1996).

      Jürgen Weibler is Professor of Business Administration, Leadership and Organization at the Fernuniversität in Hagen (University of Hagen), Germany. He served for many years as the research director of the Institute for Leadership and Human Resource Management at the University of St. Gallen, Switzerland, and was Professor of Management at the University of Constance, Germany. He has researched extensively in the areas of leadership, human resource management, and organizational change and has developed an approach for theorizing leadership at a distance. He has served on the review board or as an advisory reviewer for many journals, has written some 70 journal articles, and is the author of three books, including Personalführung [Leadership] (2001), and is coeditor of a series on organization and leadership. His current research focuses on outstanding leadership in various cultures, measurement of efficient leadership, and the development of critical approaches to the study of leadership and leadership ethics.

    • Appendix 1: Bibliography of Significant Books on Leadership

      The Further Reading sections at the end of each article provide citations to what the authors of the articles consider the key publications on the topic. These include journal articles, chapters in books, dissertations, conference papers, edited works, dictionaries and handbooks, and books. The authors were encouraged to provide at least some citations to works (especially books) that are available to the general reader. All together, about 7,500 works are cited in the Further Reading sections. The works of some authors such as Burns, Bass, Bennis, Avolio, Conger, Chemers, Yukl, Ciulla, and H. Gardner are cited over a dozen times and those of many other authors are cited more than once. Still, though, about 6,000 works are cited in this encyclopedia at least once.

      The select bibliography that follows provides references to several hundred key books in leadership studies selected from the works cited throughout this encyclopedia. Leadership studies is defined broadly, and books listed below include older classics, recent books that are likely to become classics, books on leadership in general, books on specific aspects of leadership, books on related topics such as management and motivation, and books by and about famous or exemplary leaders and significant leadership events and situations. The citations are categorized into ones that focus on leadership in general, leaders and leadership events, specific aspects of leadership, and other topics relevant to leadership. The books included here are all ones that will provide the general reader a quick entry into the field of leadership studies. Inclusion of books in this list does not mean that the book is the “best” or even the “most important” book on the topic—although some are clearly the best or most important. Rather, it means that the book is a good place to begin one's exploration of what we know about leadership and leadership studies.

      General Works on Leadership
      Argyris, C., & Schön, D. (1996). Organizational learning II: Theory, method and practice. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
      Avolio, B. J. (1999). Full leadership development: Building the vital forces in organizations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
      Barnard, C. (1938). The functions of the executive. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
      Bass, B. M. (1985). Leadership and performance beyond expectations. New York: Free Press.
      Bass, B. (1990). Bass & Stogdill's handbook of leadership (
      3d ed.
      ). New York: Free Press.
      Bass, B. M., & Avolio, B. J. (Eds.). (1994). Improving organizational effectiveness through transformational leadership. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
      Bennis, W. (1989). On becoming a leader. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
      Bennis, W., & Biederman, P. (1997). Organizing genius. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
      Bennis, W., & Nanus, B. (1985). Leaders. New York: Harper & Row.
      Burns, J. M. (1978). Leadership. New York: Harper & Row.
      Burns, J. M. (2003). Transforming leadership: The new pursuit of happiness. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press.
      Burns, T., & Stalker, G. (1961). The management of innovation. London: Tavistock Publications.
      Cawthon, D., & Clark, B. (2002). Philosophical foundations of Leadership. Somerset, NJ: Transaction.
      Chandler, A. D. (1977). The visible hand: The managerial revolution in American business. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
      Chemers, M. M. (1997). An integrative theory of leadership. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
      Cherrey, C., & L. R.Matusak. (eds.). (2002). Building Leadership Bridges. College Park, MD: James MacGregor Burns Academy of Leadership.
      Conger, J., Spreitzer, G. M., & Lawler, E. E. (Eds.). (1999). The leader's change handbook. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
      Drucker, P. F. (1966). The effective executive. New York: Harper & Row.
      Drucker, P. (1992). Managing for the future. New York: Truman Talley Books/Dutton.
      Drucker, P. F. (2001). The essential Drucker. New York: HarperCollins.
      Elkington, J. (1998). Cannibals with forks: The triple bottom line of 21st century business. London: New Society Publishers.
      Fiedler, F. E. (1967). A theory of leadership effectiveness. New York: McGraw-Hill.
      Fiedler, F. E., & Chemers, M. M. (1984). Improving leadership effectiveness: The Leader Match concept (
      2nd ed.
      ). New York: Wiley.
      Gardner, H. (1995). Leading minds: An anatomy of leadership. New York: HarperCollins.
      Gardner, J. (1990). On leadership. New York: Free Press.
      Gergen, D. (2000). Eyewitness to power: The essence of leadership. New York: Simon and Schuster.
      Grint, K. (Ed.). (1997). Leadership: Classical, contemporary and critical approaches. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
      Grint, K. (2001). The arts of leadership. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
      Heifetz, R. A. (1994). Leadership without easy answers. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
      Hunt, J., & Larson, L. (Eds) (1977). Leadership: The cutting edge. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press.
      Kanter, R. M. (1983). The change masters. New York: Simon & Schuster.
      Kellerman, B. (1999). Re-inventing leadership. Albany: State University of New York Press.
      Kets de Vries, M. F. R. (2001). The leadership mystique. London: Financial Times/Prentice Hall.
      Kotter, J. P. (1996). Leading change. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
      Kotter, J. P. (1999). John P. Kotter on what leaders really do. Boston: Harvard Business School Press.
      Kouzes, J. M., & Posner, B. Z. (2002). The leadership challenge (
      3rd ed.
      ). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
      Krass, P. (Ed.), The book of leadership wisdom. New York: John Wiley & Sons.
      Lasswell, H. D. (1950 [1936]). Politics: Who gets what, when, and how. New York: Peter Smith.
      McGregor, D. (1960). The human side of enterprise. New York: McGraw-Hill.
      Mills, C. W. (1948). The new men of power. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co.
      Mintzberg, H. (1973). The nature of managerial work. New York: Harper & Row.
      Neider, L. L., & Schriesheim, C. A., (eds.). (2002). Leadership. Greenwich, CT: Information Age Publishing.
      Nirenberg, J. (2002). Global leadership. New York: Capstone/Wiley.
      Northouse, P. (2004). Leadership: Theory and practice (
      3rd ed.
      ). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
      O'Toole, J. (1996). Leading change. New York: Ballantine Books.
      Peters, T., & Waterman, R. (1982). In search of excellence: Lessons from America's best-run companies. New York: Harper.
      Powell, G., & Graves, L. (2003). Women & men in management (
      3rd ed.
      ). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
      Simon, H. A. (1960). The new science of management decision. New York: Harper & Row.
      Simonton, D. K. (1994). Greatness: Who makes history and why. New York: Guilford Press.
      Stogdill, R. M. (1981). Stogdill's handbook of leadership: A survey of theory and research. New York: Free Press.
      Taylor, F. W. (1911). The principles of scientific management. New York: Harper.
      Tichy, N. (1997). The leadership engine. New York: HarperCollins.
      Vroom, V. H., & Jago, A. G. (1998). The new leadership: Managing participation in organizations. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
      Weibler, J. (2001). Personalführung [Leadership]. Munich, Germany: Vahlen.
      Wren, J. T. (Ed.). (1995). The leader's companion: Insights on leadership through the ages. New York: Free Press.
      Yukl, G. (2002). Leadership in organizations (
      5th ed.
      ). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
      Zaccaro, S. J. (2001). The nature of executive leadership: A conceptual and empirical analysis of success. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
      Zaleznik, A., & Kets de Vries, M. (1975). Power and the corporate mind. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
      Works by and about Leaders and Leadership Events
      Arendt, H. (1963). Eichmann in Jerusalem: A report on the banality of evil. New York: Viking.
      Balazs, E. (1964). Chinese civilization and bureaucracy. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
      Beschloss, M. R. (1991). The crisis years: Kennedy and Khrushchev 1960–1963. New York: HarperCollins.
      Brands, H. W. (1999). Masters of enterprise: Giants of American business from John Jacob Astor and J.P. Morgan to Bill Gates and Oprah Winfrey. New York: Free Press.
      Brinkley, A., & Davis, D. (2000). The reader's companion to the American presidency. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
      Burns, J. M. (1956). Roosevelt: The lion and the fox. New York: Harcourt Brace.
      Burns, J. M., & Dunn, S. (2001). The three Roosevelts: Patrician leaders who transformed America. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press.
      Carnegie, A. (1962). The gospel of wealth and other essays. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. (Original work published 1901)
      Caro, R. (2002). The years of Lyndon Johnson: Master of the Senate. New York: Knopf.
      Churchill, W. S. (1976). The collected essays of Sir Winston Churchill. M.Wolff (Ed.). London: Library of Imperial History.
      Cohn, N. (1970). The pursuit of the millennium: Revolutionary millenarians and mystical anarchists of the Middle Ages (
      Rev. ed.
      ). New York: Oxford University Press.
      Daley, C., & Nolan, M. (1994). Suffrage and beyond: International feminist perspectives. New York: New York University Press.
      Davis, W. C. (1999). Lincoln's men: How President Lincoln became father to an army and a nation. New York: Free Press.
      Decker, S. H., & Van Winkle, B. (1996). Life in the gang: Family, friends, and violence. New York: Cambridge University Press.
      Du Bois, W. E. B. (1996). The souls of black folk. New York: Modern Library. (Original work published 1903)
      Eisenstadt, S. N. (1968). Max Weber: On charisma and institution building. Chicago: Chicago University Press.
      Ellis, J. J. (2002). Founding brothers: The revolutionary generation. New York: Vintage Books.
      Freedman, D. N., & McClymond, M. J. (Eds.). (2001). The rivers of paradise: Moses, Buddha, Confucius, Jesus, and Muhammad as religious founders. Grand Rapids, MI: W. B. Eerdmans.
      Friedan, B. (1963). The feminine mystique. New York: Norton.
      Fitzpatrick, S. (2000). Stalinism: New directions. New York: Routledge.
      Freud, S. (1959). Group psychology and the analysis of the ego. New York: Norton.
      Gandhi, M. K., & Iyer, R. N. (1991). The essential writings of Mahatma Gandhi. Delhi, India: Oxford University Press.
      Genovese, M. A. (1993). Women as national leaders. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
      Giuliani, R. (2002). Leadership. London: Little, Brown.
      Gould, L. L. (2003). The modern American presidency. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas.
      Guevara, E. C. (1961). Guerrilla warfare. New York: Monthly Review Press.
      Hitler, A. (1998). Mein kampf. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. (Original work published 1933)
      Hobbes, T. (1991). Leviathan (R.Tuck, Ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. (Original work published 1651)
      Hogan, M. J. (Ed.). (1996). Hiroshima in history and memory. New York: Cambridge University Press.
      Holland, D., (Ed.). (1969). Preaching in American history. Nashville, TN: Abingdon.
      Hooks, b. (1981). Ain't I a woman: Black women and feminism. Boston: South End Press.
      Hughes, J. (2003). The Manhattan Project: Big science and the atom bomb. New York: Columbia University Press.
      Kennedy, J. F. (1956). Profiles in courage. New York: Harper.
      King, M. L. (1964). Why we can't wait. New York: New American Library.
      Lachouque, H. (1997). The anatomy of glory: Napoleon and his guard: A study in leadership (A. S. K.Brown, Trans.). London: Greenhill.
      Locke, E. (2000). The prime movers: Traits of the great wealth creators. New York: AMACOM.
      Machiavelli, N. (1975). The prince (G.Bull, Trans.). Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. (Original work published 1532)
      Machiavelli, N. (2001). The art of war (E.Farneworth, Trans.). Cambridge, MA: De Capo Press. (Original work published 1521)
      MalcolmX (with Haley, A.). (1965). The autobiography of Malcolm X. New York: Grove Press.
      Manu. (1969). The laws of Manu. Translated with extracts from seven commentaries by Georg Buhler. New York: Dover.
      Mao, T., & Schram, S. R. E. (1969). The political thought of Mao Tse-Tung (S. R.Schram, Ed.). New York: Praeger.
      Mariniss, D. (1999). When pride still mattered: A life of Vince Lombardi. New York: Simon and Schuster.
      Marty, M. (2004). Martin Luther. New York: Viking Penguin.
      Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1978). Manifesto of the Communist party. In R. C.Tucker (Ed.), The Marx–Engels Reader (
      2nd ed.
      ). New York: W. W. Norton & Company. (Original work published 1848)
      Melder, K. (1977). Beginnings of sisterhood: The American woman's rights movement, 1900–1850. New York: Schocken Press.
      Millard, A. (1990). Edison and the business of innovation. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University.
      Millett, K. (1977). Sexual politics. London: Virago.
      Mitchell, S. (1997). Icons, saints and divas: Intimate conversations with women who changed the world. Sydney, Australia: HarperCollins.
      Morris, E. (2001). Theodore Rex. New York: Random House.
      Nader, R. (1965). Unsafe at any speed: The designed-in dangers of the American automobile. New York: Grossman.
      Neustadt, R. E. (1990). Presidential power and the modern presidents: The politics of leadership from Roosevelt to Reagan. New York: Free Press.
      Rhode, D. (Ed.). (2003). The difference ‘difference’ makes: Women and leadership. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
      RestonJr., J. (2002). Warriors of God: Richard the Lionheart and Saladin in the Third Crusade. New York: Anchor Books.
      Rosener, J. B. (1995). America's competitive secret: Utilizing women as management strategy. New York: Oxford University Press.
      Sanger, M. (1931). My fight for birth control. New York: Farrar & Rinehart.
      Schwartz, E. I. (2002). The last lone inventor. New York: HarperCollins.
      Shilts, R. (1987). And the band played on: Politics, people and the AIDS epidemic. New York: Penguin.
      Skowronek, S. (1997). The politics presidents make: Leadership from John Adams to Bill Clinton. Cambridge: Harvard, Belknap.
      Skrentny, J. D. (2002). The minority rights revolution. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
      Strock, J. M. (1998). Reagan on leadership: Executive lessons from the great communicator. Rocklin, CA: Prima/Random House.
      SunTzu. (1971). The art of war. Translated and with an introduction by Samuel B.Griffith; with a forward by B.H.Lindell Hart. New York: Oxford University Press.
      Tarrow, S. G. (1994). Power in movement: Social movements, collective action, and politics. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
      Tedlow, R. S. (2001). Giants of enterprise: Seven business innovators and the empires they built. New York: Harper Business.
      Tuchman, B. (1984). March of folly. New York: Knopf.
      Turpee, B. (Ed.). (2000). Ten great preachers: Messages and interviews. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books.
      Wessinger, C. (Ed.). (1996). Religious institutions and women's leadership: New roles inside the mainstream. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press.
      Weston, M. (1999). Giants of Japan: The lives of Japan's greatest men and women. New York: Kodansha.
      Worthy, J. C. (1984). Shaping an American institution: Robert E. Wood and Sears, Roebuck. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
      Works about Specific Leadership Topics
      Black, D. (1958). The theory of committees and elections. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
      Ciulla, J. B. (2003). The ethics of leadership. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
      Cohen, E. A. (2002). Supreme command. New York: The Free Press.
      Colli, A. (2002). The history of family business. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press.
      Conger, J. A., & Kanungo, R.N. (1998). Charismatic leadership in organizations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sagehttp://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781452204932.
      Conger, J., et al. (Eds.). (1994). Spirit at work: Discovering the spirituality in leadership. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
      Crosby, B. C. (1999). Leadership for global citizenship: Building transnational community. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sagehttp://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781452204963.
      Cybert, R. M., & March, J. G. (1963). The behavioral theory of the firm. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
      Davies, B., & J.West-Burnham (Eds.). (2003). Handbook of educational leadership & management: The ultimate guide for every school leader & manager—key ideas in education leadership & management. London: Pearson Education.
      de Jouvenel, B. (1993). On power. Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund. (Original work published 1945)
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      Appendix 2: Directory of Leadership Programs

      There are nearly 1,000 leadership programs in the United States and many others in other nations. There is no one central directory for these programs, and maintaining one would be extremely difficult as new programs appear almost every day. This Directory of Leadership Programs lists some 250 programs that had active websites as of 23 October 2003. (However, because we found that the a number of program websites changed just during the period in which we prepared this list, we have chosen not to include the websites. Putting the program name into a search engine will yield the most current URL.) Included here are some general programs and those aimed at specific domains including education, youth, community, sports, executives, nonprofits, environment, health, science, criminal justice, women, minority, and the arts. Many leadership programs and courses operate within larger MBA and MPA programs. A good website with links to these programs is America's Best Graduate Schools 2004 Premium Online Edition (http://www.usnews.com). In addition, http://www.gradschools.com provides an extensive list of MPA programs.

      Aaja: Asian American Journalists Association: Executive Leadership Program

      Mission Statement: To develop a keen understanding of the corporate environment as applied to your newsroom, to help gain valuable skills in identifying newsroom dynamics and boosting your leadership skills and performance.

      Asian American Journalists Association, 1182 Market Street Suite 320, San Francisco, CA, 94102

      The Abshire-Inamori Leadership Academy

      Mission Statement: To promote creativity and character as fundamental aspects of leadership, to expand the understanding of leadership through dialogue and communication, to provide practical training and experiential learning to aspiring leaders, to explore the intersection of leadership and international policy.

      The Abshire-Inamori Leadership Academy, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1800 K Street NW, Suite 400, Washington, DC, 20006

      Academic Emphasis Areas, Clemson University

      Mission Statement: To focus our talents, energies, and resources on eight broad “emphasis areas” that foster collaboration and promote the integration of teaching, research, and service.

      Clemson University, Clemson, SC, 29634

      Academy Leadership

      Mission Statement: To energize people, effectively communicate organizational goals, and instill smart work strategies throughout the company to achieve tangible results.

      Academy Leadership, 1000 Valley Forge Circle, Suite 120, King of Prussia, PA, 19406

      Acce Certified Chamber Executive

      Mission Statement: To assess the applicant's knowledge of the four core chamber management areas—leadership, planning, development and finance, and administration.

      American Chamber of Commerce Executives, 4875

      Eisenhower Avenue, Suite 250, Alexandria, VA, 22304

      Acterra: Environmental Leadership Programs

      Mission Statement: To help youth to grow into leaders by allowing them to create their own campaigns and projects and to encourage environmental leadership among businesses and young nonprofits.

      Acterra, 3921 East Bayshore Road, Palo Alto, CA, 94303-4303

      Adea American Dental Education Association

      Mission Statement: To develop the nation's most promising dental faculty to become future leaders in dental and higher education.

      American Dental Education Association, Center for Educational Policy and Research, Leadership Institute, 1625 Massachusetts Ave., Suite 600, Washington, DC, 20036-2212

      Advanced Agricultural Leadership Program

      Mission Statement: To develop leadership skills, an increased knowledge of the agri-food system and perspectives on critical issues in the industry in order to help shape the future of the agriculture and food sectors in Ontario

      1 Stone Road West, Room 440, Guelph, Ontario, Canada, N1G 4Y2

      Adventure Quest Usa: Leadership Programs

      Mission Statement: To challenge participants to think, act and lead more creatively, to help transfer their new leadership skills to their businesses, to build a creative culture that thinks outside the box, to willingly take responsible risks, and emphasize all the key managerial constituencies and leadership from managers at all levels to deliver measurable business results.

      Adventure Quest-USA-LLC, 8 River Road, Bowdoinham, ME, 04008

      Advocacy Institute

      Mission Statement: To strengthen the ability of a particular group of social change leaders (generally 10–15 people) to effectively tackle social problems.

      1629 K St., NW, Suite 200, Washington, DC, 20006-1629

      Advocates for Youth International Youth Leadership Council

      Mission Statement: To educate policy makers, the media, and the American public about the importance of increasing U.S. funding for global HIV/AIDS and international family planning as well as the need for comprehensive sex education and confidential health care services in the United States and abroad.

      2000 M Street, NW, Suite 750, Washington, DC, 20036

      Agency-Specific Leadership Development Programs

      Mission Statement: To help aspiring leaders learn about their own agency's leadership development programs as well as to facilitate benchmarking by the leadership development planners for each agency.

      Air War College Center for Strategic Leadership Studies

      Mission Statement: To increase the understanding and effective execution of strategic leadership in the U.S. military establishment by identifying the values, traits, and competencies of successful leadership and the most effective ways to enhance or build those competencies in aspiring strategic leaders.

      AWC Center for Strategic Leadership Studies, c/o AWC/DFL, Air War College, 325 Chennault Circle, Maxwell AFB, AL, 36112

      The Alpine Club of Canada

      Mission Statement: To shape the Canadian way of thinking about mountains and our image as a mountain culture.

      P.O. Box 8040, Indian Flats Road, Canmore, Alberta, Canada, T1W 2T8

      American Association for the Advancement of Science

      Mission Statement: To advance science and innovation throughout the world for the benefit of all people, to foster communication among scientists, engineers and the public; enhance international cooperation in science and its applications; promote the responsible conduct and use of science and technology; foster education in science and technology for everyone; enhance the science and technology workforce and infrastructure; increase public understanding and appreciation of science and technology; and strengthen support for the science and technology enterprise.

      American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1200 New York Avenue NW, Washington, DC, 20005

      American Association for Higher Education

      Mission Statement: To be the organization that best enables all individuals, institutions, and stakeholders in higher education to learn, organize for learning, and contribute to the common good by building their capacity as learners and leaders and increasing their effectiveness in a complex, interconnected world.

      American Association for Higher Education, One Dupont Circle Suite 360, Washington, DC, 20036-1143

      American College Personnel Association

      Mission Statement: To support and foster college student learning through the generation and dissemination of knowledge, which informs policies, practices and programs for student affairs professionals and the higher education community.

      American College Personnel Association, One Dupont Circle, Suite 300, Washington, DC, 20036

      American Council on Education

      Mission Statement: To provide leadership and a unifying voice on key higher education issues and to influence public policy through advocacy, research, and program initiatives.

      American Council on Education, One Dupont Circle NW, Washington, DC, 20036

      American Management Association

      Mission Statement: To enable managers to continuously enhance their professional and personal development and increase their value to their organizations.

      American Management Association, 1601 Broadway, New York, NY, 10019

      The Anthony Center for Women's Leadership

      Mission Statement: To continue the fight for women's full social, political and economic equality.

      Anthony Center for Women's Leadership, University of Rochester, RC Box 270435, Rochester, NY, 14627-0435

      Antioch University Ph.D. in Leadership and Change in the Professions

      Mission Statement: To enable student learners to continuously reflect on and integrate their professional experience, intellectual learning and methods of inquiry and to emphasize the student learner as the initiator of the learning process and the faculty member as the mentor collaborator in facilitating the reflection.

      Ph.D. in Leadership and Change in the Professions, Antioch University, 150 East South College Street, Yellow Springs, OH, 45387

      Arab American Institute

      Mission Statement: To represent Arab American interests in government and politics, to foster strong relations between the Arab American constituency and members of the U.S. Congress.

      1600 K Street NW, Suite 601, Washington, DC, 20006

      Arts and Business Council, Inc.

      Mission Statement: To “keep the arts in business” by promoting mutually beneficial partnerships between corporations and nonprofit arts groups, bring expertise, resources, and leadership talent from the business world to the arts community.

      520 Eighth Avenue, 3rd floor, Suite 319, New York, NY, 10018

      Asia-Pacific Centre for Education Leadership and School Quality, Hong Kong Institute of Education

      Mission Statement: To become a center of excellence of education leadership and school quality in Hong Kong and the Asia-Pacific region.

      Hong Kong Institute of Education, 10 Lo Ping Road, Tai Po, NT, Hong Kong, China

      Asian Pacific American Women's Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To address the challenges facing us and to nurture trusteeship within our communities by expanding leadership capacity, fostering awareness of Asian American and Pacific Island issues, creating a supportive network of Asian American and Pacific Island women, and strengthening community.

      89-051 Haleakala Avenue, Waianae, HI, 96792

      Athlete Leadership Programs, Special Olympics

      Mission Statement: To allow athletes to explore opportunities for participation in roles previously considered “nontraditional.”

      Special Olympics, 1325 G. Street, NW, Suite 500, Washington, DC, 20005

      Bachelor of Science in Organizational Leadership and Supervision, Indiana University East, Purdue University Programs

      Mission Statement: To educate and develop graduates who are career-ready for leadership roles in business, industry, and service agencies.

      Indiana University East, 2325 Chester Boulevard, Richmond, IN, 47374-1289

      The Banff Centre: The Art of Executive Leadership

      Mission Statement: To focus on the personal side of leadership—on the personal challenges leaders face when they tackle the complex questions of organizational viability and success, of multiple stakeholders, and of providing benefit in society.

      The Banff Centre, 107 Tunnel Mountain Drive, Box 1020, Banff, Alberta, Canada, T1L 1H5

      Bcli Bert Conora Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To be the premier leadership institute for migrant and immigrant populations across the United States and in the Americas by promoting and reinforcing democracy through education and direct participation in the political process.

      1500 Farragut St., N.W., Washington, DC, 20011

      The Black Women's Leadership Council

      Mission Statement: To advance professional development and address issues unique to Black women in the Xerox workplace.

      BWLC Foundation c/o Mail Boxes ETC., 6300 Powers Ferry Road, Suite 600, Box 114, Atlanta, GA, 30339

      Boston College Centers & Executive Programs

      Mission Statement: To connect with corporate entities throughout the world by providing eight different organizations.

      Carroll School of Management, Boston College, 140 Commonwealth Ave., Chestnut Hill, MA, 02467

      Business Women's Leadership Group, Boulder Chamber of Commerce

      Mission Statement: To provide the community of businesswomen with education, leadership, recognition, and business opportunities through informative and professional programs.

      Boulder Chamber of Commerce, 2440 Pearl Street, P.O. Box 73, Boulder, CO, 80302

      Bwopa Black Women Organized for Political Action

      Mission Statement: To activate, motivate, promote, support, and educate African-American women about the political process, encourage involvement, and to affirm our commitment to, and solving of, those problems affecting the African-American community.

      449 15th Street, 3rd Floor, Oakland, CA, 94612

      California State University, Sacramento: College of Continuing Education

      Mission Statement: To identify and develop aspiring leaders in public, private and nonprofit organizations who are preparing for positions of broad responsibility, to equip leaders to address the critical issues impacting their organizations.

      California State University, Sacramento: College of Continuing Education, 3000 State University Drive East, Sacramento, CA, 95819

      Cambridge International Health Leadership Programme

      Mission Statement: To challenge and support senior health sector leaders to become more effective in their efforts to champion continuous performance improvement within their careers, their organizations, their country and the World.

      University of Cambridge, Programme for Industry, 1 Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 1QA, UK

      Centre for Community Leadership, Niagara College

      Mission Statement: To contribute to stronger, healthier, more vibrant communities by serving as a one-step resource centre for the voluntary sector.

      300 Woodlawn Road, Welland, Ontario, Canada, L3C 7L3

      Center for Creative Leadership

      Mission Statement: To advance the understanding, practice, and development of leadership for the benefit of society worldwide.

      One Leadership Place, P.O. Box 26300, Greensboro, NC 27498-6300

      Center for Digital Education

      Mission Statement: To provide industry and education leaders with decision support, research, and services to help them effectively incorporate new technologies in the twenty-first century.

      100 Blue Ravine Road, Folsom, CA, 95630

      Centre for Education Leadership and School Improvement, Canterbury Christ Church University College

      Mission Statement: To contribute to school improvement through accredited programs, consultancy and developmental activities, and through research and publications.

      Canterbury Christ Church University College, Canterbury, UK, CT1 1QU

      Center for Entrepreneurship and Innovation, University of California at Irvine

      Mission Statement: To promote education and understanding about the development of new creative business and social ventures.

      Graduate School of Management, University of California, Irvine, Suite 210, MPAA, Irvine, CA, 92697-3130

      The Center for Environmental Leadership in Business

      Mission Statement: To engage the private sector worldwide in creating solutions to critical global environmental problems in which industry plays a defining role.

      The Center for Environmental Leadership in Business Conservation International, 1919 M Street, NW, Suite 600, Washington, DC, 20036

      Centre for Excellence in Leadership

      Mission Statement: To provide leaders and managers within the learning and skills sector with new and innovative programmes and services to support them in leading their institutions.

      Center for Innovative Leadership

      Mission Statement: To unite the resources necessary to identify key regional issues, rally regional leaders around those issues, and drive action that produces measurable results.

      Center for Jewish Youth Leadership, Panim: The Institute for Jewish Leadership and Values

      Mission Statement: To strengthen Jewish identity through an exposure to Jewish values, fostering an appreciation for responsibility to apply those values to the Jewish community and to the wider world in the form of social action and political advocacy.

      6101 Montrose Road, Suite 200, Rockville, MD, 20852

      Centre for Leadership Studies

      Mission Statement: To offer first-class leadership development, educate the next generation of leadership developers and assess the value and underlying assumptions of this field in general, get leadership into perspective

      University of Exeter, Crossmead, Barley Lane, Exeter, UK, EX41TF

      Center for Leadership Studies

      Mission Statement: To provide students with opportunities to develop leadership skills in an ethical framework through course work in leadership and ethics, through interaction with successful leaders, through campus leadership roles, and through student chapters of professional organizations.

      Center for Leadership Studies, Pamplin College of Business Virginia Tech, 1030 Pamplin Hall (0209), Blacksburg, VA, 24061

      Center for Public Leadership, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University

      Mission Statement: To develop leadership for the common good by serving those in government, nonprofits, and business.

      John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, 79 John F. Kennedy Street, Cambridge, MA, 02138

      Center for Women's Global Leadership

      Mission Statement: To develop and facilitate women's leadership for women's human rights and social justice worldwide.

      Center for Women's Global Leadership, Douglass College, Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, 160 Ryders Lane, New Brunswick, NJ, 08901-8555

      Center for Women's Leadership

      Mission Statement: To learn from the entrepreneurial experiences of successful women who are leaders by promoting leadership diversity in business and providing opportunities for women and men.

      Center for Women's Leadership, Babson College, Nichols 100, Babson Park, MA, 02457-0310

      Center for Women's Leadership, Cottey College

      Mission Statement: To build women's lives through enrichment, leadership development, and education.

      Cottey College, 1000 W. Austin, Nevada, MO, 64772

      Centers for Learning and Teaching, National Science Foundation

      Mission Statement: To encourage the development of new faculty and new materials to boost learning in kindergarten through 12th grade as well as prepare graduate students in areas of critical national need to eventually assume leadership roles.

      National Science Foundation, 4201 Wilson Boulevard, Arlington, VA, 22230

      Certificate in Leadership Development

      Mission Statement: To help participants develop their leadership skills and keep them up-to-date with current thinking and practices in the field of leadership development.

      Executive and Professional Development, Saint Mary's University, 8th floor, 1800 Argyle Street, Halifax, NS, Canada, B3J 3N8

      The Chief Executive Leadership Institute: Leadership Exchange and Analysis Program

      Mission Statement: To provide external perspectives and contextual learning that complement the traditional classroom and corporate training experiences.

      The Chief Executive Leadership Institute, Eight Piedmont Center, Suite 100, Atlanta, GA, 30305

      China Executive Leadership Programs, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

      Mission Statement: To provide superior executive education programs for senior managers from Chinese businesses, government agencies, and academic institutions.

      University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 910 South 5th Street, Champaign, IL, 61820

      Columba 1400

      Mission Statement: To enhance understanding, refine skills, reflect on experience and take action with confidence.

      Community & International Leadership Centre, Staffin, Isle-of-Skye, Scotland, UK, IV51 9JV

      Community Leadership Association

      Mission Statement: To enhance the capacity of community leadership programs to strengthen and serve their communities.

      108 East Grace Street, Richmond, VA, 23219

      Community Leadership Association

      Mission Statement: To enhance the capacity of community leadership programs to strengthen and serve their communities.

      200 S. Meridian Street, Suite 250, Indianapolis, IN, 46225-1076

      Community Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To build capacity for community leadership among both undergraduate students of Aquinas College and citizens in the greater Grand Rapids area.

      Aquinas College, 1607 Robinson Road, Grand Rapids, MI, 49506

      Community Leadership Program, Oxfam Community Aid Abroad (Oxfam International)

      Mission Statement: To encourage an ongoing process of building effective community involvement in Australia around issues of human rights, international justice, and sustainable development.

      102 McDonald Road, Windsor, Queensland, Australia, 4030

      Conference Board

      Mission Statement: To create and disseminate knowledge about management and the marketplace to help businesses strengthen their performance and better serve society.

      845 Third Avenue, New York, NY, 10022

      Congressional Youth Leadership Council

      Mission Statement: To inspire today's outstanding youth to reach their full leadership potential.

      Suite 320, 1110 Vermont Avenue, N.W., Washington, DC, 20005

      Consultants, Companies, and Organizations, National Association of Independent Schools

      National Association of Independent Schools, 1620 L Street NW, Suite 1100, Washington, DC, 20036-5695

      Core Leadership Programs, University of Virginia

      Leadership Development Center, University of Virginia, P.O. Box 400310/400 Ray C. Hunt Drive, Fontaine Research Park, Charlottesville, VA, 22904-4310

      Cornell University School of Continuing Education and Summer Sessions Executive Programs: Discovering Leadership 2003

      Mission Statement: To help increase awareness of oneself as a leader, including an understanding of one's personal style, behavior, attitudes, and vision, and the impact of those factors on other people; enhance interpersonal communication skills for increasing one's influence, resolving conflict, and giving and receiving feedback effectively; create greater team effectiveness, based on an understanding of how to build strong teams that really work well together; develop a grasp of the dynamics of change: how to embrace, design, and guide it through each level of transition; and develop an individualized learning plan to support continuous learning and ongoing professional development.

      Executive Programs, Cornell University, B20 Day Hall, Ithaca, NY, 14853

      The Corporate Environmental Leadership Seminar

      Mission Statement: To develop long-term perspectives on the environment and business, to provide a global perspective on important environmental issues and management techniques.

      The Corporate Environmental Leadership Seminar, Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies, 205 Prospect Street, New Haven, CT, 06511

      Council for Christian Colleges and Universities Executive Leadership Development Institute

      Mission Statement: To inform about the ongoing professional development of chief administrative officers within the CCCU.

      Executive Leadership Development Institute, Council for Christian Colleges and Universities, 321 Eighth Street, NE, Washington, DC, 20002

      Customized Leadership Programs and Counseling, University of Georgia

      Mission Statement: To work with companies to identify specific leadership needs and then deliver customized leadership development programs that will improve the organization's performance.

      Executive Leadership Series, Institute for Leadership Advancement, Terry College of Business, University of Georgia, 367 Brooks Hall, Athens, GA, 30602

      Democratic Leadership Council and Progressive Policy Institute

      600 Pennsylvania Ave., SE Suite 400, Washington, DC, 20003

      Department of Educational Leadership, University of Nevada at Las Vegas

      Mission Statement: To develop individuals for leadership roles at all levels of education and related business/industry enterprises.

      College of Education, University of Nevada, Las Vegas, 4505 Maryland Parkway, Box 453002, Las Vegas, NV, 89154-3002

      Department of Leadership and Educational Studies

      Mission Statement: To facilitate the learning of a diverse population of traditional and nontraditional students and their continued capacity to assume roles as leaders and educators in the settings of their choosing.

      Department of Leadership and Educational Studies, Appalacian State University, Boone, NC, 28608

      Mission Statement: To help students, technical professionals, and executives capitalize on the wealth of Internet learning opportunities and degree programs.

      Diversity Executive Leadership Program, American Society of Association Executives

      Mission Statement: To increase diversity within the field of association management by providing educational and networking opportunities to potential leaders representing diverse populations; to lead candidates into more senior-level association management positions by providing distinctive opportunities to increase exposure and education in association management; to encourage more diverse candidates to assume leadership roles in association management; to provide participants with appropriate mentors who will be able to assist in career guidance and networking opportunities; and to measure the return on investment by conducting an annual survey of candidates to determine advancement within the association industry.

      American Society of Association Executives, The ASAE Building, 1575 I Street, NW, Washington, DC, 20005-1103

      Earth Voice—The Urban Environmental Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To educate urban communities about environmental and sustainable development issues and to engage urban communities to better understand and adopt environmental principles and to protect and respect the cultural and historical heritages of all peoples.

      Earth Voice—The Urban Environment Leadership Institute, 2100 L Street, NW, Washington, DC, 20037

      Education Leadership Institute, Teachers College, Columbia University

      Mission Statement: To foster community and trust among education's constituencies and to strengthen the public's commitment to its schools.

      Education Leadership Institute, Center for Educational Outreach and Innovation, Teachers College, Columbia University, 525 West 120th Street, Box 132, New York, NY, 10027

      Education Leadership Program, University of California at Los Angeles

      University of California at Los Angeles, 1029 Moore Hall, Box 951521, Los Angeles, CA, 90095-1521

      Education Leadership Resource Library, Center for Leadership and Learning Communities

      Education Development Center, Inc., 55 Chapel Street, Newton, MA, 02458

      Educational Foundations, Leadership, and Technology, College of Education, Auburn University

      Mission Statement: To identify and address educational problems using theoretical frameworks, research, and knowledge from studies and practice in the field; practice effective leadership skills; engage in collaborative leadership; articulate and justify values and beliefs that support equality and excellence for all students; become part of a learning community.

      Auburn University, 4036 Haley Center, Auburn, AL, 36849

      Educational Leadership Centre, University of Waikato

      Mission Statement: To promote excellence in educational leadership in order that better learning and achievement occurs in schools and other educational settings.

      School of Education, University of Waikato, Private Bag 3105, Hamilton, New Zealand

      Educational Leadership Master of Science Degree Program, Florida International University

      Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, Florida International University, Miami, FL, 33199

      Educational Leadership Program, Idaho State University College of Education

      Idaho State University College of Education, Campus Box 8059, Pocatello, ID, 83209-8059

      Eli: Executive Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To build an international knowledge base defining the impact of technology management on business, through the Global Senior Executive Panel; provide global technology management tools and databases as a needed resource for corporate senior executives to address business challenges; advance Stevens recognition as a center for technology management excellence among senior executives in Global 2000 companies.

      Stevens Institute of Technology, Castle Point on Hudson, Hoboken, NJ, 07030

      El Pomar Foundation: Nonprofit Leadership Program

      Mission Statement: To strengthen the human assets of Colorado's nonprofit sector by providing leadership and educational opportunities to nonprofit executives.

      El Pomar Foundation, 10 Lake Circle, Colorado Springs, CO, 80906

      Environmental Leadership Collaborative

      Mission Statement: To create a vibrant network connecting groups that provide fellowships, leadership training, career development, and other experiential opportunities for environmental activists and professionals from many different backgrounds, to draw increased attention to the training and career development needs of environmental professionals and activists, and articulate new ways for the environmental movement to meet these needs.

      Environmental Leadership Collaborative, c/o Environmental Leadership Program, P.O. Box 446, Haydenville, MA, 01039

      Environmental Leadership Program

      Mission Statement: To transform public understanding of environmental issues by training and supporting a diverse network of visionary, action-oriented emerging leaders.

      Environmental Leadership Program, P.O. Box 446, Haydenville, MA, 01039

      Environmental Leadership Program at Tufts

      Mission Statement: To provide minorities with skills, knowledge and opportunities for lifelong careers in the environmental field, to prepare participants for demanding careers in the public and private sector.

      The Environmental Careers Organization, 179 South Street, Boston, MA, 02111

      Executive and Continuing Education, University of Pennsylvania

      Mission Statement: To offer a number of programs and services to individual educators, schools, and school districts that are designed to improve their capacities for instructional, organizational, and public leadership.

      Graduate School of Education, University of Pennsylvania, 3700 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, PA, 19104-6216

      Executive Education, Harvard Business School

      Mission Statement: To immerse the world's most promising managers in a transformational experience that fosters professional, intellectual, and personal development.

      Executive Education Programs, Harvard Business School, Soldiers Field, Boston, MA, 02163-9986

      Executive Education, Indiana University, Purdue University Indianapolis

      Mission Statement: To work with the government, nonprofit agencies, and the private sector to prepare leaders and managers to meet today's challenges and anticipate tomorrow's opportunities.

      Indiana University, Purdue University Indianapolis, 801 West Michigan Street, Indianapolis, IN, 46202

      Executive Education, Northwestern University

      Mission Statement: To offer innovative executive education for leading thinkers on today's business concerns and tomorrow's business possibilities.

      Kellogg School of Management, Northwestern University, James L. Allen Center, 2169 Campus Drive, Evanston, IL, 60208-2800

      Executive Education, Stanford University

      Mission Statement: To provide research-based globally relevant frameworks for addressing the issues senior executives face every day.

      Office of Executive Education, Stanford School of Business, Stanford University, Stanford, CA, 94305-5015

      Executive Education, the William Davidson Institute

      Mission Statement: To expose managers to new concepts, enabling them to make high-impact contributions to their organization; to increase organizational effectiveness by fostering a greater sense of shared mission among managers; to better position firms to compete globally by broadening the outlook of managers; to improve managers' overall commitment to achieving company goals.

      William Davidson Institute, 724 East University Avenue, Wyly Hall, First floor, Ann Arbor, MI, 48109-1234

      Executive Leadership, Center for Life Calling and Leadership

      Center for Life Calling and Leadership, 4201 S. Washington Street, Marion, IN, 46952

      Executive Leadership and Management Coaching

      Mission Statement: To assist universities or colleges to continue to remain competitive in these challenging times of change by fostering international partnerships which expand degree programs to reach potential new students in diverse locations; assistance with increasing market penetration through new degree and certificate program development; helping offer new, or higher-level continuing education non-credit programs, helping develop new leadership institutes or leadership development centers; providing outcomes-focused faculty, administration, and staff development workshops and retreats; and providing other services to help continued success.

      Executive Leadership and Management Coaching, 2 Hillsboro Drive, Orchard Park, NY, 14127

      Executive Leadership and Management Program for Academic Department Heads, Pennsylvania State University Teaching and Learning Consortium

      Mission Statement: To provide heads and chairs of academic departments with the tools to enhance effectiveness.

      The Teaching and Learning Consortium, Pennsylvania State University, 312 Rider II Building, University Park, PA, 16801

      Executive Leadership Center, Boston University School of Management

      Boston University School of Management, 595 Commonwealth Avenue, Boston, MA, 02215

      Executive Leadership Development Programs

      Mission Statement: To provide different programs to respond to the need for leadership skills and competencies at different levels.

      Brexgata Leadership Academy, The THIERRY Graduate School of Leadership, 13 Square Road, Brussels, Belgium, BE1050

      Executive Leadership Institute, Ohio University

      Mission Statement: To address the unique challenges faced by the executives of public organizations as they create value for the public.

      Ohio University Executive Leadership Institute, Voinovich Center for Leadership and Public Affairs, Ohio University, Building 21, The Ridges, Athens, OH, 45701

      Executive Leadership Institute, Portland State University

      Mission Statement: To meet the professional development needs of federal, state, and local agencies and officials with public service responsibility.

      Executive Leadership Institute, Portland State University, 506 SW Mill Street, Suite 780/P.O. Box 751, Portland, OR, 97207-0751

      Executive Leadership Initiative, University of Georgia

      College of Education, University of Georgia, River's Crossing, 4th Floor, 850 College Street Road, Athens, GA, 30602

      Executive Leadership Institute, Urban Libraries Council

      Urban Libraries Council, 1603 Orrington Avenue, Suite 1080, Evanston, IL, 60201

      Executive Leadership Seminar, National Rehabilitation Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To develop and expand the leadership capacity of senior executives in state vocational rehabilitation and tribal rehabilitation agencies.

      San Diego State University Interwork Institute, 3590 Camino del Rio North, San Diego, CA, 92108

      Executive Leadership Training, Global Automotive Management Council

      Mission Statement: To facilitate the globalization of the automotive and related industries through periodic meetings, seminars, and other educational forums restricted to the key players who are shaping the future.

      Global Automotive Management Council, 166 South Industrial, Saline, MI, 48176

      Executive Training and Development, Syracuse University

      Mission Statement: To provide outstanding educational opportunities for professionals who wish to improve critical management skills, and, at the same time, learn about the innovation, change, and reform that is occurring in management globally.

      Maxwell School, Syracuse University, 200 Eggers Hall, Syracuse, NY, 13244

      Family and Consumer Sciences Education Leadership Academy, College of Family and Consumer Sciences, Iowa State University

      Mission Statement: To provide graduate education at the master's and doctoral levels, forming cohort groups of learners who commit to several weeks of resident experiences at ISU during the summer months.

      College of Family and Consumer Sciences, Iowa State University, 1055 Lebaron, Ames, IA, 50011-1120

      Federal Executive Institute and Management Development Centers

      Mission Statement: To improve performance and enhance leadership through premier interagency residential training, unique customized courses and consulting, and innovative customer-focused service.

      Center for Executive Leadership Programs, United States Office of Personnel Management, 1301 Emmet Street, Charlottesville, VA, 22903-4899

      Franklin University's Community College Alliance

      Mission Statement: To offer an online Bachelor of Science degree through an educational alliance with more than 180 community and technical colleges in the United States and Canada.

      Franklin University Community College Alliance, 201 S. Grant Avenue, Columbus, OH, 43215

      George Mason University School of Management: Farr Associates, Inc.

      Mission Statement: To help hone leadership abilities to inspire motivation and creative problem solving in people, devise a specific plan to begin and sustain the development process, teach ways to better manage oneself and to be a more efficient catalyst for change in others, and teach how to manage conflict with better results.

      Farr Associates, Inc., 4194 Mendenhall Oaks Parkway, Suite 101, High Point, NC, 27265

      Global Leadership Executive Mba, University of Texas at Dallas

      School of Management, University of Texas, Dallas, P.O. Box 830668, SM 12, Richardson, TX, 75083-0688

      Graduate Certificate in Sports Leadership, University of Central Florida

      Mission Statement: To enhance leadership and other skills for those who work in participatory sports organizations.

      University of Central Florida Graduate Studies, Millican Hall, Suite 230, 4000 Central Florida Boulevard, P.O. Box 160112, Orlando, FL, 32816-0112

      Hacu's 2003 Latino Higher Education Leadership Institute, Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities

      Mission Statement: To add to HACU's multi-pronged efforts to promote leadership across HSIs and other 2/4-year institutions; to be a dynamic forum for early, mid, and senior-level administrators/leaders to interact, share experiences/skills, network, and explore strategies for making our institutions more responsive to the needs of underrepresented students.

      HACU, 8415 Datapoint Drive, Suite 400, San Antonio, TX, 78229

      Health Education Leadership Program

      Mission Statement: To educate area elementary, middle, and high school students about significant health issues, inform the campus of preventive health measures and perform community service, and to establish a scholarship for an incoming freshman whose life has been profoundly affected by a chronic illness.

      University of Wisconsin, Madison, 239 Reg Gym, Madison, WI, 53706

      Health Education Leadership Program, Brandeis University

      Mission Statement: To promote awareness and education on issues of college health including aspects of social, academic, spiritual, mental, and physical well-being.

      Brandeis University, 415 South Street, Waltham, MA, 02454-9110

      Health Systems Group: Physicians Executive Leadership

      Mission Statement: To help physician executives, medical staffs, healthcare teams, and group practices with deepening relationships with physicians, promoting their own identity, and community image and profile.

      The Health Systems Group: Leadership Training for Physicians, 3833 Kirkwood Road, Cleveland Heights, OH, 44121-1803

      Higher Education Leadership and Policy, Peabody College at Vanderbilt University

      Mission Statement: To understand and enhance the social and institutional context in which human learning takes place.

      Peabody College, Vanderbilt University, 2201 West End Avenue, Nashville, TN, 37235

      Hope Hispanas Organized for Political Equality

      Mission Statement: To ensure political and economic parity for Latinas through leadership, advocacy, and education to benefit all communities and the status of women.

      634 South Spring Street, Suite 920, Los Angeles, CA, 90014

      Hr Leadership: The Next Paradigm, Cornell University

      Mission Statement: To take participants beyond concept to reinforce the real connections between a firm's core skills, organizational agility, HR systems, and bottomline performance excellence.

      School of Industrial and Labor Relations, ILR Executive Education, Cornell University, 187 Ives Hall, Ithaca, NY, 14853-3901

      Hti (Heads, Teachers, and Industry)

      Mission Statement: To enhance leadership and management in schools.

      University of Warwick Science Park, Herald Court, Coventry, UK, CV4 7EZ

      Human Resources Executive Leadership Program, Western Washington University

      Mission Statement: To address the number of vacancies in personnel operations, particularly in leadership roles, and liabilities related to school district legal issues in human resource activities.

      EESP, Western Washington University, MS 5293 WWU. 516 High Street, Bellingham, WA, 98225

      Indiana University Bloomington School of Education Educational Leadership Programs

      Mission Statement: To work with and provide leadership for several different programs, including the Steering Committee of the Indiana University School Administrators Association (IUSAA), the Indiana Urban Schools Association (IUSA), as well as three school study councils: the Indiana Public School/University Partnership, the Indiana School Executive Leadership Academy, and the Beginning Superintendents' Seminars.

      Educational Leadership Programs, Indiana University, W.W. Wright Education Building, Room 4228, Bloomington, IN, 47405-1006

      Inlogov: Institute of Local Government Studies

      Mission Statement: To enrich practice with academic insight, to be the leading Institute for research in local governance, public policy, and management and a centre of excellence in education and development.

      The School of Public Policy, The University of Birmingham, Edgbaston, UK, B15 2TT

      The Institute for Civic Leadership

      Mission Statement: To inspire and prepare the next generation of civic leaders to become active and engaged citizens, while building towards a culture of peace in their local and global communities.

      166 West 92nd Street, New York, NY, 10024

      Institute for Community Leadership

      Mission Statement: To empower individuals and organizations to create a vision of a more just nation and world and to develop and sustain within themselves the strength, hope, leadership, relationships, and organizational integrity to bring about that vision.

      22410 64th Avenue, South Kent, WA, 98032

      Institute for Music Leadership, Eastman School of Music

      Mission Statement: To prepare students for a rapidly changing musical culture and an increasingly competitive and diversified marketplace.

      Eastman School of Music, 26 Gibbs Street, Rochester, NY, 14604

      Institute for Women's Leadership

      Mission Statement: To give women in organizations greater access to their personal power and leadership skills for producing breakthrough results.

      P.O. Box 58, Redwood City, CA, 94064-0058

      International Executive Programs, Georgetown University

      Mission Statement: To provide participants with the expertise to compete effectively in the ever-changing global business environment.

      The McDonough School of Business, Georgetown University, Old North Building, Washington, DC, 20057-1008

      International Institute of Criminal Justice Leadership

      Mission Statement: To facilitate training and research for leaders in the various disciplines of the criminal justice system both within the State of California and outside the state, including practitioners from foreign countries, to focus on ethical leadership strategies, which will result in the humane and effective delivery of services to all communities.

      University of San Francisco, 2130 Fulton Street, San Francisco, CA, 94117-1047

      International Institute for Education Leadership, University of Lincoln

      Mission Statement: To make the most up-to-date thinking about educational leadership from around the world available to students.

      University of Lincoln, Brayford Pool, Lincoln, UK, LN6 7TS

      International Leadership Centre Mba, University of Hull

      Mission Statement: To provide support for organizational improvement through leadership development.

      University of Hull, Cottingham Road, Hull, UK, HU6 7RX

      James Macgregor Burns Academy of Leadership

      Mission Statement: To promote leadership knowledge and practices that empower all those who strive for a just, equitable, and thriving society, particularly those who have been historically underrepresented in leadership.

      Academy of Leadership, University of Maryland, College Park, MD, 20742-7715

      John Ben Shepperd Public Leader Institute

      Mission Statement: To inspire young Texans to develop leadership qualities, seek fulfillment in community service, and lead the state into the 21st century.

      University of Texas of the Permian Basin, 4901 E. University, Odessa, TX, 79762

      Johns Hopkins University School of Professional Studies in Business and Education: Public Safety Leadership

      Mission Statement: To cultivate and sustain viable communities and organizations by establishing and disseminating educational programs that foster the intellectual, ethical, and social development of current and future leaders in public safety.

      The Johns Hopkins University, 103 Shaffer Hall, 3400 N. Charles Street, Baltimore, MD, 21218

      Johnson and Wales University, John Hazen White School of Arts & Sciences Center for Leadership Studies

      Mission Statement: To develop leadership through experiential opportunities in community service, student life activities, academic courses on leadership theory, and training workshops on leadership topics.

      John Hazen White School of Arts & Sciences Center for Leadership Studies, Johnson and Wales University, 8 Abbott Park Place, Providence, RI, 02903

      J. W. Fanning Institute for Leadership

      Mission Statement: To help people to development leadership within themselves and others by being on the forefront of leadership development, research and education; continuing to identify and serve audiences typically not reached by other providers of leadership development; fostering a quality-centered culture; developing and disseminating products and services that are relevant to a wide range of clients; broadening Institute expertise and resources; and expanding the breadth of partnerships and linkages within the University system and beyond.

      Fanning Institute for Leadership, University of Georgia, 1240 S. Lumpkin St., Athens, GA, 30602

      Kennedy School of Government Executive Programs “Ksg Fridays”

      Mission Statement: To help participants improve their leadership effectiveness and their critical managerial competencies.

      Enrollment Services, Executive Programs, John F. Kennedy School of Government, 79 JFK Street, B218B, Cambridge, MA, 02138

      Kerr Hill Executive Leadership Program

      Mission Statement: To help VP's, Directors, Executives, CEO's come away with invaluable group shared experiences and information, in-depth custom 360 report, group assessment of participants leadership attributes, organizational leadership profile, and an action plan for implementing changes.

      Kerr Hill, 2420 Camino Ramon, Suite 229, San Ramon, CA, 94583

      Leadership Canada

      Mission Statement: To expand the number of individuals who accept leadership roles in business, government, and not-for-profit organizations to meet future challenges in our communities.

      Leadership Waterloo Region, 809 Wellington Street, North Kitchener, Ontario, Canada, N2G 4J6

      Leadership Development, the Physician Executive Mba, University of Tennessee

      Mission Statement: To help identify personal strengths and areas for improvement through the integration of feedback from numerous assessment activities that will assess strengths and areas for improvement on various leadership competencies.

      College of Business Administration, Physician Executive MBA Program, University of Tennessee, 711 Stokely Management Center, Knoxville, TN, 37996-0570

      Leadership in Mathematics Education, Graduate School of Education, Bank Street College of Education

      Bank Street College of Education, 610 West 112th Street, New York, NY, 10025-1898

      Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To increase the number and effectiveness of conservative public policy leaders.

      1101 North Highland Street, Arlington, VA, 22201

      Leadership Program, Bristol University Officers Training Corps

      Bristol University Officers Training Corps, The Artillery Grounds, Whiteladies Road, Bristol, UK, BS8 2LG

      Leadership Programs, Frostburg State University

      Mission Statement: Paraprofessional students are available for consultation and advising to help provide information to help organizations make wise decisions.

      Department of Student and Community Involvement, Frostburg State University

      Leadership Studies, Birmingham-Southern College

      Mission Statement: To address conceptions of leadership critically and ethically; to expand conceptions of leadership beyond the context of position and power; to increase in the historical and cultural understanding of leadership; to explore leadership in relation to individuality, community, cooperation, and collaborative inquiry; to develop a personal understanding of the processes, practices, and purposes of leadership; and to demonstrate leadership through community service.

      Leadership Studies, Birmingham-Southern College, 900 Arkadelphia Road, Birmingham, AL, 35254

      Leadership Studies, Regent University

      Mission Statement: To advance the understanding of leadership in the context of a changing society by establishing and maintaining collaborative relationships with diverse academic, private, and public communities at the state, national and international levels.

      School of Leadership Studies, Regent University, 1000 Regent University Drive, Virginia Beach, VA, 23464

      Leadership Training Institute, Appalachian Mountain Club

      Mission Statement: To teach and promote the best practices in risk management, wilderness first aid, and a range of those hard and soft skills required for excellent outdoor leadership.

      AMC Main Office, 5 Joy Street, Boston, MA, 02108

      Leadership Trust

      Mission Statement: To enhance leadership across all aspects of society.

      Weston-under-Penyard Ross-on-Wye, Herefordshire, UK, HR9 7YH

      Leader To Leader Institute (Formerly the Drucker Foundation)

      Mission Statement: To strengthen the leadership of the social sector.

      320 Park Avenue, 3rd floor, New York, NY 10022

      Ltia: Leadership Training Institute of America

      Mission Statement: To apply and excel in leadership skills and critical thinking skills, study worldview conflicts and strategies, network with conservative leaders, and pursue careers in influential sectors of society.

      P.O. Box 885, Fayetteville, AK, 72701-0885

      Madonna University: Master of Science in Business Administration: Specialty in Leadership Studies in Criminal Justice

      Mission Statement: To provide an understanding of the specialized knowledge, skills, and attitudes necessary for the professional and effective performance as a leader in a managerial role in criminal justice, an indepth understanding of the role of human behavior in the criminal justice organizational environment, etc.

      Madonna University, 36600 Schoolcraft Road, Livonia, MI, 48150

      Magee Womancare International

      Mission Statement: To encourage and strengthen women's health care leaders so that they can actively inspire others, successfully manage their organizations, and advocate for the cause of better health for women in their communities.

      300 Halket Street, Pittsburgh, PA, 15213

      M.A. in Social Science: Leadership Studies, Azusa Pacific University

      School of Education and Behavioral Studies, Azusa Pacific University, P.O. Box 7000, 901 East Alosta Avenue, Azusa, CA, 91702

      Management and Leadership, Erickson College

      Mission Statement: To define the twenty-first century paradigm for business coaching, innovation, and leadership.

      Erickson College, 2021 Columbia Street, Vancouver, BC, Canada, V5Y 3C9

      The Management Center: Leading Together: Facilitative Leadership for Executive Directors and Board Chairs

      Mission Statement: To strengthen the single most crucial relationship in any nonprofit: that between the Executive Director and Board Chair.

      The Management Center, Leading Together, 580 California St., Suite 200, San Francisco, CA, 94104

      Management, Executive and Leadership Development, University of Texas at Austin

      Mission Statement: To provide management-related seminars and programs for managers/supervisors at all levels.

      Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs, University of Texas, Austin, 3001 Lake Austin Boulevard, Suite 3.306/P.O. Box Y, 78713-8925, Austin, TX, 78703-4204

      Master of Arts in Education Leadership, University of Illinois

      University of Illinois at Springfield, PO Box 19243, Springfield, IL, 62794-9243

      Master of Arts in Education with a Leadership and Social Change Emphasis, Antioch University

      Antioch University Los Angeles, 13274 Fiji Way, Marina del Rey, CA, 90292

      Master of Business Administration in Leadership, Franklin Pierce College

      Mission Statement: To meet the needs of upwardly mobile professionals in business, government, health, and social services who seek to advance their careers.

      Graduate Studies, Franklin Pierce College, 20 College Road, Rindge, NH, 03461-0060

      Master of Science in Criminal Justice, University of Central Florida

      Mission Statement: To teach students, college graduates and employees of Criminal Justice agencies more about their field and advancing their careers.

      Department of Criminal Justice and Legal Studies, University of Central Florida, HPA I, Suite 311, Orlando, Florida, 32816-1600

      Master of Science in Executive Leadership, University of San Diego

      Mission Statement: To transform high-potential organization members into leaders who maximize the potential of the organization's human assets.

      University of San Diego, 5998 Alcala Park, San Diego, CA, 92110

      Master of Science in Leadership and Ethics, John Brown University

      Mission Statement: To equip professionals to lead with excellence using biblically based models.

      John Brown University, 2000 W. University Street, Siloam Springs, AR, 72761

      Master of Science in Organizational Leadership, National University

      Mission Statement: To prepare diverse adult learners to become effective, change-oriented leaders in an international society.

      Administrative Headquarters, National University, 11255 North Torrey Pines Road, La Jolla, CA, 92037

      Masters Degree in Education Leadership, George Mason University

      Mission Statement: To prepare candidates for leadership and management positions in a variety of educational settings.

      Graduate School of Education, George Mason University, MSN 4B4, 4400 University Drive, Fairfax, VA, 22030-4444

      Mathematics or Science Education Leadership, George Mason University

      Graduate School of Education, George Mason University, MSN 4B4, 4400 University Drive, Fairfax, VA, 22030-4444

      Mba for Executives Program, University of Pennsylvania

      Mission Statement: To develop broad-gauge leaders who are prepared to meet today's complex, fast-changing, global business issues.

      Wharton School Center for Leadership and Change, University of Pennsylvania, G21 John M. Huntsman Hall, 3730 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, PA, 19104-6340

      Mba Leadership Concentration, Lipscomb University

      College of Business Administration, Physician Executive MBA Program, Lipscomb University, 3901 Granny White Pike, Nashville, TN, 37204-3951

      Mccormick Tribute Foundation

      Mission Statement: To promote development of effective and farsighted leadership for news organizations.

      435 North Michigan Avenue, Suite 770, Chicago, IL, 60611

      Midwest Center for Nonprofit Leadership, University of Missouri-Kansas City

      Mission Statement: To enhance the performance and effectiveness in the nonprofit sector through high-quality, community-oriented education, applied research, problem solving, and service.

      University of Missouri, Kansas City, Bloch School Room 310, 5100 Rockhill Road, Kansas City, MO, 64110

      Ministry and Professional Leadership, Unitarian Universalist Association

      Mission Statement: To encourage excellence in ministry, religious education, and other forms of professional religious leadership.

      Unitarian Universalist Association, 25 Beacon Street, Boston, MA, 02108

      Minnesota Active Citizenship Initiative: The Civil Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To create in partnership with leaders from all sectors of the state, the values, knowledge, and practices needed to generate and sustain a basis for civic leadership in the 21st century.

      University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, 55455

      Mit Sloan Management Executive Programs: Leadership Dilemmas and Profitable Growth

      Mission Statement: To help senior executives address the complex interplay of the issues that they must face in order to sustain profitable growth.

      Office of Executive Programs, 50 Memorial Drive, Cambridge, MA, 02142-1347

      Mount Mary College Women's Leadership Initiative

      Mission Statement: To develop women who are leaders in their profession, church, and community.

      Mount Mary College, 2900 North Menomonee River Parkway, Milwaukee, WI, 53222-4597

      Naropa University-Ma Environmental Leadership

      Mission Statement: To offer a unique and deliberate path to environmental leadership and service by combining contemplative work and deepening experiences with coursework, fieldwork and team projects, and promoting wise, just and compassionate engagement with environmental issues.

      MA Environmental Leadership, Naropa University, 2130 Arapahoe Avenue, Boulder, CO, 80302

      National Academy for Science and Mathematics Education Leadership

      Mission Statement: To enhance the knowledge, skills, and strategies of leaders of science and mathematics education reform, focusing especially on those with one to five years experience.

      730 Harrison Street, San Francisco, CA, 94107

      National College for School Leadership

      Mission Statement: To ensure that school leaders have the skills, recognition, capacity, and ambition to transform the school education system into the best in the world.

      National College for School Leadership, Triumph Road, Nottingham, UK, NG8 1DH

      National Community for Latino Leadership, Inc.

      Mission Statement: To create change and to impact entire communities, to eliminate classism, sexism, ageism, phobias and discrimination against individuals and groups in our society.

      1701 K Street NW, Suite 301, Washington, DC, 20006

      National Education Leadership Initiative

      Mission Statement: To help close the educational achievement gap for Latino students by providing leadership development and networking services for the nation's Latino school board members.

      National Forum for Black Public Administrators

      Mission Statement: To strengthen the position of Blacks within the field of public administration; to increase the number of Blacks appointed to executive positions in public service organizations; and to groom and prepare younger, aspiring administrators for senior public management posts in the years ahead.

      777 North Capitol Street, NE, Suite 807, Washington, DC, 20002

      National Indian Youth Leadership Project

      Mission Statement: To engage Native youth in challenging activities and meaningful experiences in the community and the natural world, preparing them for healthy lives as capable, contributing members of their family, community, tribe, and nation.

      P.O. Box 2140, Gallup, NM, 87301-4711

      National Science Education Leadership Association

      Mission Statement: To communicate the principles and practices of effective science education leadership, build a community of science education leaders, and influence science education policies and practices.

      PO Box 99381, Raleigh, NC, 27624-9381

      National Society of Hispanic Mbas

      Mission Statement: To foster Hispanic leadership through graduate management education and professional development in order to improve society.

      1303 Walnut Hill Lane, Suite 300, Irving, TX, 75038

      National Youth Leadership Council

      Mission Statement: To build vital, just communities with young people through service-learning.

      1677 Snelling Avenue North, St. Paul, MN, 55108

      National Youth Leadership Forum

      Mission Statement: To bring various professions to life, empowering outstanding young people with confidence to make well-informed career choices.

      2020 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W., Washington, DC, 20006

      National Youth Leadership Network, Oregon Institute on Disability and Development, Oregon Health and Science University

      Mission Statement: Promoting leadership development and education in the pursuit of ensuring that all youth with disabilities have the opportunity to attain their maximum, unique, and personal potential.

      Oregon Institute on Disability and Development, Oregon Health and Science University, 3608 SE Powell Road, Portland, OR, 97202

      Ndol New Democratics Online: The Democratic Leadership Council's Online Community

      Mission Statement: To define and galvanize popular support for a new public philosophy built on progressive ideals, mainstream values, and innovative, non-bureaucratic, market-based solutions.

      Neli Executive Leadership Exchange

      Mission Statement: To enhance participants' personal leadership strategies, help them gain valuable perspective relative to today's competitive workforce, help them collaborate with other professionals of color representing a variety of different career fields, and to learn the secrets to creating staying power within one's industry.

      National Eagle Leadership Institute, 7300 110th Street, 7th Floor, Overland Park, KS, 66210

      Notre Dame Executive Integral Leadership Program

      Mission Statement: To provide participants with a comprehensive understanding of the increased demands and complexities of leadership and teach them to draw upon their inner resources to reflect on and resolve sophisticated strategic issues participants and their organization face by incorporating this enriched perspective into a multi-dimensional framework will enable participants to formulate strategies—personal and professional—that are truly integrated and can be successfully implemented in the marketplace.

      Executive Education, University of Notre Dame, 126 Mendoza College of Business, Notre Dame, IN, 46556

      Office of Community College Research and Leadership, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

      Mission Statement: To offer several advanced degrees within the Higher Education Program.

      Office of Community College Research and Leadership, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 51 Gerty Drive, 129 CRC, Champaign, IL, 61820

      Office of Women in Higher Education, American Council on Education

      Mission Statement: To identify women leaders nationally in higher education, develop women's leadership abilities, encourage women leaders to use their abilities, advance more women into leadership positions, link women to other women and mentors, and support the tenure of midand senior-level women administrators and educators.

      Office of Women in Higher Education, American Council on Education, One Dupont Circle NW, Washington, DC, 20036

      Opera America Arts Education Leadership

      Mission Statement: To promote opera as exciting and accessible to individuals from all walks of life.

      1156 15th Street, NW, Suite 810, Washington, DC, 20005

      Organizational Leadership and Learning, Royal Roads University

      Royal Roads University, 2005 Sooke Road, Victoria, BC, Canada, V9B 5Y2

      Orlando Science Center Teacher Leadership Center

      Mission Statement: To bring educators the best in meaningful activities to enhance your classroom curriculum.

      Teacher Leadership Center at Orlando Science Center, 777 East Princeton Street, Orlando, FL, 32803-1291

      Panim: The Institute for Jewish Leadership and Values

      Mission Statement: To enhance Jewish identity through exposure to Jewish values and an appreciation of the responsibility of Jews to apply these values to their community and to the wide world; to conduct educational programs and develop materials that strengthen the leadership abilities and potential of American Jews in the arena of Jewish values and civic engagements; to strengthen the links between the Jewish community and the American public interest/public policy arenas, including the many communities and institutions working to bring about peace and justice in the world.

      6101 Montrose Road, Suite 200, Rockville, MD, 20852

      Paul Ambrose Political Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To enhance the specific skills of each participant so that he or she can emerge as a community leader, not only in medicine, but also in the politics of health policy.

      American Medical Student Association, 1902 Association Drive, Reston, VA, 20191

      Ph.D. in Organizational Leadership, College of Continuing Education Advanced Programs, University of Oklahoma

      Mission Statement: To prepare students to contribute, through their scholarly work, to the body of knowledge and theoretical foundations of their chosen disciplines and apply this knowledge in the workplace.

      The University of Oklahoma, CCE–Advanced Programs, 1610 Asp Avenue, Norman, OK, 73072-6405

      Portland State University Executive Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To assist the Mark O. Hatfield School of Government to improve the quality of democratic governance by extending its public service education mission to elected officials and career administrators at off-campus locations throughout the region.

      Executive Leadership Institute Mark O. Hatfield School of Government, Portland State University, PO Box 751, Portland, OR, 97207-0751

      Recreation Leadership Program, Suny Ulster

      Ulster County Community College, Stone Ridge, NY, 12484

      Recreation Leadership/Sports Management, Sullivan County Community College

      Mission Statement: To develop specialized training and education necessary for individuals seeking careers in any of the many segments of the sport/physical activity industry.

      Natural Health and Sciences, Mathematics and Physical Education, Sullivan County Community College, 112 College Road, Loch Sheldrake, NY, 12759

      Royal Military College of Canada

      Mission Statement: To develop leadership skills and athletic abilities.

      Commandment, Royal Military College of Canada, P.O. Box 17000, Station Forces, Kingston, Ontario, Canada, K7K 7B4

      Santa Clara University Cio Executive Leadership Program

      Mission Statement: To provide CIOs with the skills, tools, strategies, and marketing techniques they can use to improve their perception amongst the senior-level executive team and their peers in the organization and provide CIOs the executive level skills they need to advance their careers, by achieving greater success in their current position or by moving up a level.

      CIO Executive Leadership Program, Santa Clara University, 500 El Camino Real, Santa Clara, CA, 95053-1500

      School of Education Leadership, Australian Catholic University

      Mission Statement: To continue to provide excellence in teaching and research in the areas of Catholic leadership, administration, and organizational development.

      Australian Catholic University Limited, ABN 15 050 192 660, 40 Edward Street, North Sydney, NSW, Australia, 2060

      Science Leadership Project, Baylor University

      Mission Statement: To develop creative science curricula that engages interdisciplinary teams of students and faculty in solving community-based problems requiring scientific expertise.

      Baylor University, Waco, TX, 76798

      Six Sigma Leadership Workshop, Vanderbilt University

      Mission Statement: To guide companies into making fewer mistakes in everything they do.

      Owen Graduate School of Management Executive Programs, Vanderbilt University, 401 21st Avenue South, Nashville, TN, 37203

      Sky Ranch Seminars & the Montana Institute for Leadership Science

      Mission Statement: To help individuals broaden their perceptions and actions to cope successfully with a challenging new world, based upon the principles of the new sciences aligned with the realities of both doing business and living in a web-driven universe.

      Sky Ranch Seminars & The Montana Institute for Leadership Science, 201 Elk Ridge Road, Livingston, Montana, 59047

      Special Leadership Development Programs, Council for Christian Colleges and Universities

      Mission Statement: To help our institutional leaders understand trends, explore new approaches to delivering and financing education, be represented in key national and international forums, learn from cooperative research, and develop positive relationships with church-related entities.

      Council for Christian Colleges and Universities, 321 Eighth Street, NE, Washington, DC, 20002

      Sports Department Leadership Seminar, American Press Institute

      American Press Institute, 11690 Sunrise Valley Drive, Reston, VA, 20191-1498 modeling in children's recreational sports.

      Sports Leadership Grants for Rural and Remote Women, Australian Sports Commission

      Mission Statement: To provide women with an opportunity to undertake accredited sports leadership training in the areas of coaching, officiating, sports administration, and sports management.

      Australian Sports Commission, Leverrier Crescent Bruce; P.O. Box 176 Belconnen, ACT 2617; ACT2616, Australia

      Sports Leadership Program, Ohio State University

      Mission Statement: To help those in athletics administration gain a better understanding of business operations.

      Fisher College, Ohio State University, 2100 Neil Avenue, Columbus, OH, 43210-1144

      Sports Leadership Program, University of Reading

      Mission Statement: To develop the skills of leadership, communication, organization, and coaching in preparation for a career in sport, leisure, physical education, or general management.

      The University of Reading, Whiteknights, P.O. Box 217, Reading, Berkshire, UK, RG6 6AH

      Stanley K. Lacy Leadership Association (Sklla)

      Mission Statement: To offer opportunities for continuing education in leadership and community; to help its members stay connected with each other; to provide unique professional and social networking venues; to provide insights into community issues and needs, and opportunities to get involved.

      SKLLA, 615 N. Alabama Street, Suite 119, Indianapolis, IN, 46204

      Star Executive

      Mission Statement: To provide executive leadership and team building programs, based on Harvard Business School and Olympic fundamentals, to corporate clients.

      1234 S. Dixie Highway, # 320, Coral Gables, FL, 33146

      State Action for Educational Leadership Project, National Conference of State Legislatures

      National Conference of State Legislatures, 444 North Capitol Street, NW, Suite 515, Washington, DC, 20001

      Strategic Leadership Workshop for Senior Executives, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

      Mission Statement: To enhance leadership capabilities for senior executives in mid-size to large companies in a variety of industries.

      The Kenan-Flagler Business School, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, Campus Box 3490, McColl Building, Chapel Hill, NC, 27599-3490

      Thierry Graduate School of Leadership

      Mission Statement: To provide a comprehensive educational response to the growing need for highly trained and experienced leaders in corporations and public organizations.

      Off-Campus City Residence Office, Thierry Graduate School of Leadership, 13 Square Robert Goldschmidt, BE 1050, Brussels, Belgium

      Thomas C. Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership

      Mission Statement: To prepare emerging leaders for entry into public life.

      University of Virginia, P.O. Box 400206, Charlottesville, VA, 22904-4206

      Tuck School of Business at Dartmouth Executive Education Programs Center for Global Leadership

      Mission Statement: To take a leading role in educating highpotential global leaders through four different executive education programs: Tuck Global Leaders Program, Global Leadership 2020, Custom Executive Programs, and Smith-Tuck Global Leadership Program for Women.

      William F. Achtmeyer Center for Global Leadership, Tuck School of Business, Dartmouth College, 100 Tuck Hall, Hanover, NH, 03755

      Ucla Executive Education Programs

      Mission Statement: To offer numerous programs that incorporate the most recent innovations in management education, including custom programs designed to meet organizations' specific business objectives, and open enrollment programs that focus on leadership, general and functional management, and strategic vision.

      Collins Center for Executive Education, The Anderson School at UCLA, Box 951464, 110 Westwood Plaza, Ste. A101D, Los Angeles, CA, 90095-1464

      University of California, Berkeley, Beahrs Environment Leadership Program

      Mission Statement: To offer an exceptional learning opportunity for mid-career professionals and policy makers to gain expertise, enhance their skills, and broaden their perspectives on sustainable environmental management.

      Beahrs ELP, Center for Sustainable Resource Development, University of California, Berkeley, 4 Giannini Hall, Berkeley, CA, 94720-3100

      University of Minnesota Office for Business and Community Economic Development

      Mission Statement: To advance the University's interests in promoting economic development and employment and training opportunities for historically underserved communities.

      Office for Business & Community Economic Development, University of Minnesota, 110 Morrill Hall, 100 Church Street SE, Minneapolis, MN, 55455

      University of Pennsylvania Wharton School Center for Leadership and Change Management

      Mission Statement: To stimulate basic research and practical application in the area of strategic leadership and change management, enhance our understanding of how to build and develop leadership in and for organizations, and assist the leadership and change agendas of the school and its faculty and affiliates.

      Wharton School Center for Leadership and Change, University of Pennsylvania, 3451 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, PA, 19104

      University of Southern California Marshall School of Business

      Mission Statement: To provide the foundation for a process of lifetime learning and business practice and world-class research and scholarship to prepare students for the future of business.

      The Marshall School of Business, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, 90089

      University of Southern Maine Lewiston-Auburn College Leadership Studies

      Mission Statement: To help students approach their leadership roles with a sense of social responsibility, a concern for ethics, and a commitment to the public good by opening new doors of thought and analysis by synthesizing knowledge from the humanities, social sciences, communication, and the natural and environmental sciences.

      Office of Graduate Admissions, University of Southern Maine Lewiston-Auburn College, 51 Westminster Street, Lewiston, ME, 04240

      University of Texas at Dallas School of Management: Executive Education, Professional Development

      Mission Statement: To “grow your organization's future leaders” by developing individual leadership attributes and capabilities by focusing on improving three critical dimensions of leadership: leadership skills, knowledge and personal motivation.

      The University of Texas at Dallas, Dallas, TX

      University of Tulsa Center for Executive and Professional Development Leadership Programs

      Mission Statement: To provide a variety of different programs for leaders to develop their skills and create a committed project team.

      Center for Executive and Professional Development, University of Tulsa, 600 South College, Tulsa, OK, 74104

      University of Wisconsin-Madison: Women in Science and Engineering Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To address a number of impediments to women's academic advancement by providing an effective and legitimate means of networking women faculty across departments, decreasing isolation, advocating for and mentoring women faculty, and linking women postdoctoral fellows in predominantly male environments with a variety of women faculty.

      Women in Science and Engineering, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2640 Engineering Hall, 1415 Engineering Drive, Madison, WI, 53706-1691

      U.S.-Japan Leadership Program: U.S.-Japan Foundation

      Mission Statement: To create closer ties of communication and understanding among a new generation of young Japanese and American leaders; to create an informed body of leading citizens on each side who will have a trusted network of friends in the other country.

      U.S.-Japan Leadership Program, U.S.-Japan Foundation, 145 East 32nd Street, New York, NY, 10016

      Vanderbilt University Owen Graduate School of Management Executive Leadership Program

      Mission Statement: To help participants more effectively lead the change process within an organization, to teach the key leverage points for connecting with people and building a culture that best fits the organization.

      Owen Graduate School of Management Executive Programs, Vanderbilt University, 401 21st Avenue South, Nashville, TN, 37203

      Vital Voices Global Partnership

      Mission Statement: To expand women's roles in politics and civil society, increase successful women's entrepreneurship, and fight trafficking in women and girls and other human rights abuses.

      Georgetown University, 1050 Connecticut Ave., NW 10th floor, Washington, DC, 20036

      Wallace Foundation

      Mission Statement: To enable institutions to expand learning and enrichment opportunities for all people by supporting and sharing effective ideas and practices.

      Two Park Avenue, 23rd Floor, New York, NY, 10016

      Warren Wilson College Environmental Leadership Center

      Mission Statement: To raise awareness of local, national, and global environmental realities and to inspire caring citizens—especially our youth—to reflect, to communicate, and to act as responsible caretakers of the earth by preparing future environmental leaders, creating community awareness and influencing public policy, and connecting people with nature.

      Environmental Leadership Center, Warren Wilson College, P.O. Box 9000, Asheville, NC, 28815

      Wharton Programs Executive Education

      Mission Statement: To offer several programs that help to create and develop leadership, strengthen relationships, identify problems and find the solution, etc.

      Aresty Institute of Executive Education, University of Pennsylvania, 255 S. 38th Street, Philadelphia, PA, 19104-6359

      Wheelock College Center for International Education, Leadership, and Innovation

      Mission Statement: To be the pre-eminent center for preparing individuals to assume important roles as educators with strong scholarly backgrounds and experiential knowledge.

      Wheelock College, 200 The Riverway, Boston, MA, 02215-4076

      William Davidson Institute Executive Education Leadership Programs

      Mission Statement: To help participants with developing leadership skills and organizational-change and innovation capabilities, creating a change or innovation strategy, turning good ideas into great products, services, and processes, establishing a high-performance culture and work environment, developing a change or innovation process, and gaining buy-in from resisters.

      The William Davidson Institute Executive Education, 724 East University Avenue, Wyly Hall, First floor, Ann Arbor, MI, 48109-1234

      Wlp Women's Learning Partnership

      Mission Statement: To advance communication and cooperation among and between the women of the world in order to protect human rights, facilitate sustainable development, and promote peace.

      Women's Learning Partnership, 4343 Montgomery Avenue, Suite 201, Bethesda, MD, 20814

      Women & Politics Institute

      Mission Statement: To enhance women's leadership by fostering the interaction of students with young women leaders, providing leadership training workshops, and awarding students recognition for leadership achievements.

      American University, 4400 Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Washington, DC, 20016

      Women's Executive Development Program, University of Technology, Sydney

      Mission Statement: To enhance personal professional development opportunities for senior women to gain appropriate skills and experience for emerging management opportunities, to support the growth of organizational cultures that value diversity and encourage improved representation of women in senior executive positions, to build on the tangible benefits of the collaborative network between ATN universities by providing significant cross-institutional activities for senior women, and to strengthen strategic alliances with other organizations, nationally and internationally.

      Australian Technology Network, University of Technology, Sydney, P.O. Box 123, Broadway NSW 2007, Australia

      Women's Executive Leadership Summit, University of Wisconsin at Madison

      Mission Statement: To provide an atmosphere that examines women's executive leadership and encourages discovery and the development of practices that succeed.

      School of Business, Fluno Center for Executive Education, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 601 University Avenue, Madison, WI, 53715

      Women's Leadership Development Program

      Mission Statement: To provide opportunities for women in public service to improve and develop their leadership skills so they can become more effective in the various roles in which they are involved.

      Institute for Public Administration, University of Delaware, 180 Graham Hall, Newark, DE, 19716

      Women's Leadership Exchange

      Mission Statement: To connect women who own or run growth companies with the knowledge, tools and people they need to crank up the volume and grow.

      Women's Leadership Exchange, 14 Wall Street, 20th Floor, New York, NY, 10005

      Women's Leadership Initiative

      Mission Statement: To provide research, education, mentoring and networking for and about women in the meeting industry, to be an agent of change for women aspiring to leadership through career development, organizational advocacy and networking.

      4455 LBJ Freeway Suite 1200, Dallas, TX, 75244-59003

      Women's Leadership Institute

      Mission Statement: To develop and strengthen leadership skills while exploring a feminist perspective in religion and society, to create a community committed to liberation and transformation.

      Hartford Seminary, 77 Sherman Street, Hartford, CT, 06105

      Women's Village: Leadership and Women

      Mission Statement: To help women achieve greater positions of power and overcome the underutilization of women in virtually every arena.

      http://IMDiversity.com, 909 Poydras Street, 36th Floor, New Orleans, LA, 70112

      Yale School of Management Executive Programs: Leadership and Team Effectiveness

      Mission Statement: To help senior managers increase their leadership potential by building upon their experience in leadership, decision-making, working effectively within teams, conflict resolution, and interpersonal communication.

      Executive Programs, Yale School of Management, 135 Prospect Street, Box 208200, New Haven, CT, 06520-8200

      Young Women's Leadership Program, Wild

      Mission Statement: To promote human rights through the conscious leadership and action of women and girls.

      WILD, 3543 18th Street, #11, San Francisco, CA, 94110

      Youth Leadership Academy

      Mission Statement: To promote learning, academic performance, and workforce preparation among disadvantaged young people; and to provide adults with the resources necessary for long-term employability and economic security.

      55 John Street, Suite 500, New York, NY, 10038

      Youth Leadership Initiative, Center for Politics, University of Virginia

      Mission Statement: To rekindle citizen interest and participation in the American democratic process by coupling academic excellence and cutting-edge technology with civic and community participation.

      University of Virginia Center For Politics, 2400 Old Ivy Road, P.O. Box 400806, Charlottesville, VA, 22904

      Ywca Institute of Public Leadership (Ipl)

      Mission Statement: To empower women from their initial participation as informed voters to their commitment to leadership.

      1015 18th Street, NW, Suite 1100, Washington, DC, 20036

      Appendix 3: Primary Sources: <span class="hi-italic">Presidential Speeches on Foreign Policy and War</span>

      Since the founding of the nation, U.S. presidents have delivered many of their most important leadership speeches when addressing the American people on issues of foreign policy and war. Below are key speeches on these topics from 1796 to 2002. These are especially timely in 2004, which is a presidential election year when foreign policy and war are hotly debated issues. Read in chronological order, they provide a history of how American foreign policy has evolved since the founding of the nation.

      George Washington's Farewell Address, 17 September 1796

      In the speech below, George Washington explains his decision to leave office after his second term as president. This speech is remembered as the first comprehensive statement of American foreign policy, setting out ideas that would remain at the forefront for a century.

      Friends, and fellow citizens: The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

      I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country, and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

      The acceptance of and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

      I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

      The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed toward the organization and administration of the Government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

      In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me, and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise and as an instructive example in our annals that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead; amidst appearances sometimes dubious; vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging; in situations in which not infrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts and a guaranty of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that the free Constitution which is the work of your hands may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

      Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

      Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

      The unity to government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

      For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

      But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

      The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds and, in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

      While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same government—which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty: in this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

      These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. ‘Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.

      In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations—Northern and Southern, Atlantic, and Western—whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You can not shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. They have seen in the negotiation by the Executive and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties—that with Great Britain and that with Spain—which secure to them everything that they could desire in respect to our foreign relations toward confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?

      To the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.

      All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather that the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common councils and modified by mutual interests.

      However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government—destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

      Toward the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what can not be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprise of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

      I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

      This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.

      The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.

      Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

      It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

      There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

      It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasion by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.

      Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness—these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect the national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

      It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of free government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

      As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate them the performance of their duty it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

      Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct. And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

      In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject. At other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.

      So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducements or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

      As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak toward a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.

      The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

      Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

      Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

      Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

      It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

      Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

      Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

      In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish, that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude of your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

      How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

      In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

      After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined as far as should depend upon me to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

      The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

      The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity toward other nations.

      The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

      Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of any intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope [that] my country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

      Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

      Message of President James Monroe To Congress, 2 December 1823

      In his seventh annual message to Congress, President James Monroe set forth American opposition to further European colonization in the Western Hemisphere and emphasized American neutrality in European affairs. It eventually became known as the Monroe Doctrine, principles that formed the foundation for American foreign policy.

      Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

      Many important subjects will claim your attention during the present session, of which I shall endeavor to give, in aid of your deliberations, a just idea in this communication. I undertake this duty with diffidence, from the vast extent of the interests on which I have to treat and of their great importance to every portion of our Union. I enter on it with zeal from a thorough conviction that there never was a period since the establishment of our Revolution when, regarding the condition of the civilized world and its bearing upon us, there was greater necessity for devotion in public servants to their respective duties, or for virtue, patriotism, and union in our constituents.

      […]

      At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by his Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have inevitably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.

      […]

      It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.

      The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question in which all independent powers whose governments differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those continents circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if [left] to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course.

      Abraham Lincoln's First Inaugural Address, 4 March 1861

      The South had seceded from the Union by the time Lincoln was inaugurated, and Jefferson Davis had already taken office as president of the Confederacy.With a war between the North and South looming on the horizon, Lincoln used his inaugural speech as an appeal to keep the Union whole.

      Fellow-Citizens of the United States:

      In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President “before he enters on the execution of this office.”

      I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.

      Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that—

      I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.

      Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

      Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.

      I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause—as cheerfully to one section as to another.

      There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:

      No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.

      It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution—to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause “shall be delivered up” their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

      There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

      Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States”?

      I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.

      It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.

      I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.

      Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it—break it, so to speak—but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

      Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was “to form a more perfect Union.”

      But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.

      It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.

      I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.

      In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.

      The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.

      That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

      Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

      All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly [it] would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.

      From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.

      Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?

      Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.

      I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.

      One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.

      Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.

      This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution—which amendment, however, I have not seen—has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.

      The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the Executive as such has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.

      Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.

      By the frame of the Government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.

      My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.

      In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to “preserve, protect, and defend it.”

      I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

      Theodore Roosevelt's Annual Message To Congress, 6 December 1904

      In what came to be known as the “Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine,” President Theodore Roosevelt stated that in keeping with the Monroe Doctrine, the United States might be forced into the “exercise of an international police power” to keep order in the Western Hemisphere. Historians have pointed out the irony of using the Monroe Doctrine—principles intended to prevent European intervention in the Western Hemisphere—as the justification for the United States' own. intervention in the Western Hemisphere.

      To the Senate and House of Representatives:

      The Nation continues to enjoy noteworthy prosperity. Such prosperity is of course primarily due to the high individual average of our citizenship, taken together with our great natural resources; but an important factor therein is the working of our long-continued governmental policies. The people have emphatically expressed their approval of the principles underlying these policies, and their desire that these principles be kept substantially unchanged, although of course applied in a progressive spirit to meet changing conditions.

      Foreign Policy

      In treating of our foreign policy and of the attitude that this great Nation should assume in the world at large, it is absolutely necessary to consider the Army and the Navy, and the Congress, through which the thought of the Nation finds its expression, should keep ever vividly in mind the fundamental fact that it is impossible to treat our foreign policy, whether this policy takes shape in the effort to secure justice for others or justice for ourselves, save as conditioned upon the attitude we are willing to take toward our Army, and especially toward our Navy. It is not merely unwise, it is contemptible, for a nation, as for an individual, to use high-sounding language to proclaim its purposes, or to take positions which are ridiculous if unsupported by potential force, and then to refuse to provide this force. If there is no intention of providing and keeping the force necessary to back up a strong attitude, then it is far better not to assume such an attitude.

      The steady aim of this Nation, as of all enlightened nations, should be to strive to bring ever nearer the day when there shall prevail throughout the world the peace of justice. There are kinds of peace which are highly undesirable, which are in the long run as destructive as any war. Tyrants and oppressors have many times made a wilderness and called it peace. Many times peoples who were slothful or timid or shortsighted, who had been enervated by ease or by luxury, or misled by false teachings, have shrunk in unmanly fashion from doing duty that was stern and that needed self-sacrifice, and have sought to hide from their own minds their shortcomings, their ignoble motives, by calling them love of peace. The peace of tyrannous terror, the peace of craven weakness, the peace of injustice, all these should be shunned as we shun unrighteous war. The goal to set before us as a nation, the goal which should be set before all mankind, is the attainment of the peace of justice, of the peace which comes when each nation is not merely safe-guarded in its own rights, but scrupulously recognizes and performs its duty toward others. Generally peace tells for righteousness; but if there is conflict between the two, then our fealty is due first to the cause of righteousness. Unrighteous wars are common, and unrighteous peace is rare; but both should be shunned. The right of freedom and the responsibility for the exercise of that right can not be divorced. One of our great poets has well and finely said that freedom is not a gift that tarries long in the hands of cowards. Neither does it tarry long in the hands of those too slothful, too dishonest, or too unintelligent to exercise it. The eternal vigilance which is the price of liberty must be exercised, sometimes to guard against outside foes; although of course far more often to guard against our own selfish or thoughtless shortcomings.

      If these self-evident truths are kept before us, and only if they are so kept before us, we shall have a clear idea of what our foreign policy in its larger aspects should be. It is our duty to remember that a nation has no more right to do injustice to another nation, strong or weak, than an individual has to do injustice to another individual; that the same moral law applies in one case as in the other. But we must also remember that it is as much the duty of the Nation to guard its own rights and its own interests as it is the duty of the individual so to do. Within the Nation the individual has now delegated this right to the State, that is, to the representative of all the individuals, and it is a maxim of the law that for every wrong there is a remedy. But in international law we have not advanced by any means as far as we have advanced in municipal law. There is as yet no judicial way of enforcing a right in international law. When one nation wrongs another or wrongs many others, there is no tribunal before which the wrongdoer can be brought. Either it is necessary supinely to acquiesce in the wrong, and thus put a premium upon brutality and aggression, or else it is necessary for the aggrieved nation valiantly to stand up for its rights. Until some method is devised by which there shall be a degree of international control over offending nations, it would be a wicked thing for the most civilized powers, for those with most sense of international obligations and with keenest and most generous appreciation of the difference between right and wrong, to disarm. If the great civilized nations of the present day should completely disarm, the result would mean an immediate recrudescence of barbarism in one form or another. Under any circumstances a sufficient armament would have to be kept up to serve the purposes of international police; and until international cohesion and the sense of international duties and rights are far more advanced than at present, a nation desirous both of securing respect for itself and of doing good to others must have a force adequate for the work which it feels is allotted to it as its part of the general world duty. Therefore it follows that a selfrespecting, just, and far-seeing nation should on the one hand endeavor by every means to aid in the development of the various movements which tend to provide substitutes for war, which tend to render nations in their actions toward one another, and indeed toward their own peoples, more responsive to the general sentiment of humane and civilized mankind; and on the other hand that it should keep prepared, while scrupulously avoiding wrongdoing itself, to repel any wrong, and in exceptional cases to take action which in a more advanced stage of international relations would come under the head of the exercise of the international police. A great free people owes it to itself and to all mankind not to sink into helplessness before the powers of evil.

      Arbitration Treaties—Second Hague Conference

      We are in every way endeavoring to help on, with cordial good will, every movement which will tend to bring us into more friendly relations with the rest of mankind. In pursuance of this policy I shall shortly lay before the Senate treaties of arbitration with all powers which are willing to enter into these treaties with us. It is not possible at this period of the world's development to agree to arbitrate all matters, but there are many matters of possible difference between us and other nations which can be thus arbitrated. Furthermore, at the request of the Interparliamentary Union, an eminent body composed of practical statesmen from all countries, I have asked the Powers to join with this Government in a second Hague conference, at which it is hoped that the work already so happily begun at The Hague may be carried some steps further toward completion. This carries out the desire expressed by the first Hague conference itself.

      Policy Toward Other Nations of the Western Hemisphere

      It is not true that the United States feels any land hunger or entertains any projects as regards the other nations of the Western Hemisphere save such as are for their welfare. All that this country desires is to see the neighboring countries stable, orderly, and prosperous. Any country whose people conduct themselves well can count upon our hearty friendship. If a nation shows that it knows how to act with reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters, if it keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference from the United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power. If every country washed by the Caribbean Sea would show the progress in stable and just civilization which with the aid of the Platt Amendment Cuba has shown since our troops left the island, and which so many of the republics in both Americas are constantly and brilliantly showing, all question of interference by this Nation with their affairs would be at an end. Our interests and those of our southern neighbors are in reality identical. They have great natural riches, and if within their borders the reign of law and justice obtains, prosperity is sure to come to them. While they thus obey the primary laws of civilized society they may rest assured that they will be treated by us in a spirit of cordial and helpful sympathy. We would interfere with them only in the last resort, and then only if it became evident that their inability or unwillingness to do justice at home and abroad had violated the rights of the United States or had invited foreign aggression to the detriment of the entire body of American nations. It is a mere truism to say that every nation, whether in America or anywhere else, which desires to maintain its freedom, its independence, must ultimately realize that the right of such independence can not be separated from the responsibility of making good use of it.

      In asserting the Monroe Doctrine, in taking such steps as we have taken in regard to Cuba, Venezuela, and Panama, and in endeavoring to circumscribe the theater of war in the Far East, and to secure the open door in China, we have acted in our own interest as well as in the interest of humanity at large. There are, however, cases in which, while our own interests are not greatly involved, strong appeal is made to our sympathies. Ordinarily it is very much wiser and more useful for us to concern ourselves with striving for our own moral and material betterment here at home than to concern ourselves with trying to better the condition of things in other nations. We have plenty of sins of our own to war against, and under ordinary circumstances we can do more for the general uplifting of humanity by striving with heart and soul to put a stop to civic corruption, to brutal lawlessness and violent race prejudices here at home than by passing resolutions and wrongdoing elsewhere. Nevertheless there are occasional crimes committed on so vast a scale and of such peculiar horror as to make us doubt whether it is not our manifest duty to endeavor at least to show our disapproval of the deed and our sympathy with those who have suffered by it. The cases must be extreme in which such a course is justifiable. There must be no effort made to remove the mote from our brother's eye if we refuse to remove the beam from our own. But in extreme cases action may be justifiable and proper. What form the action shall take must depend upon the circumstances of the case; that is, upon the degree of the atrocity and upon our power to remedy it. The cases in which we could interfere by force of arms as we interfered to put a stop to intolerable conditions in Cuba are necessarily very few. Yet it is not to be expected that a people like ours, which in spite of certain very obvious shortcomings, nevertheless as a whole shows by its consistent practice its belief in the principles of civil and religious liberty and of orderly freedom, a people among whom even the worst crime, like the crime of lynching, is never more than sporadic, so that individuals and not classes are molested in their fundamental rights—it is inevitable that such a nation should desire eagerly to give expression to its horror on an occasion like that of the massacre of the Jews in Kishenef, or when it witnesses such systematic and long-extended cruelty and oppression as the cruelty and oppression of which the Armenians have been the victims, and which have won for them the indignant pity of the civilized world.

      Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points Address, 8 January 1918

      This address put forth President Wilson's plan to bring an end to World War I. In an effort to bring peace, Wilson sought to boost Allied morale until the war was over and to assure the German people that the Allied peace terms would not be punitive.

      The address of the President of the United States, this day delivered at a joint session of the two Houses of Congress, is as follows:

      Gentlemen of the Congress, once more, as repeatedly before, the spokesmen of the Central Empires have indicated their desire to discuss the objects of the war and the possible bases of a general peace. Parleys have been in progress at Brest-Litvosk between Russian representatives and representatives of the Central Powers, to which the attention of all the belligerents has been invited for the purpose of ascertaining whether it may be possible to extend these parleys into a general conference with regard to terms of peace and settlement. The Russian representatives presented not only a perfectly definite statement of the principles upon which they would be willing to conclude peace, but also an equally definite programme of the concrete application of these principles. The representatives of the Central Powers, on their part, presented an outline settlement which, if much less definite, seemed susceptible of liberal interpretation until their specific programme of practical terms was added. That programme proposed no concessions at all either to the sovereignty of Russia or to the preferences of the populations with whose fortunes it dealt, but meant, in a word, that the Central Empires were to keep every foot of territory their armed forces had occupied—every province, every city, every point of vantage—as a permanent addition to their territories and their power. It is a reasonable conjecture that the general principles of settlement which they at first suggested originated with the more liberal statesmen of Germany and Austria, the men who have begun to feel the force of their own peoples' thought and purpose, while the concrete terms of actual settlement came from the military leaders who have no thought but to keep what they have got. The negotiations have been broken off. The Russian representatives were sincere and in earnest.

      They cannot entertain such proposals of conquest and domination.

      The whole incident is full of significance. It is also full of perplexity. With whom are the Russian representatives dealing? For whom are the representatives of the Central Empires speaking? Are they speaking for the majorities of their respective parliaments or for the minority parties, that military and imperialistic minority which has so far dominated their whole policy and controlled the affairs of Turkey and of the Balkan states which have felt obliged to become their associates in the war? The Russian representatives have insisted, very justly, very wisely, and in the true spirit of modern democracy, that the conferences they have been holding with the Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should be held within open, not closed, doors, and all the world has been audience, as was decided. To whom have we been listening, then? To those who speak the spirit and intention of the Resolutions of the German Reichstag of the ninth of July last, the spirit and intention of the liberal leaders and parties of Germany, or to those who resist and defy that spirit and intention and insist upon conquest and subjugation? Or are we listening, in fact, to both, unreconciled and in open and hopeless contradiction? These are very serious and pregnant questions. Upon the answer to them depends the peace of the world.

      But whatever the results of the parleys at Brest-Litvosk, whatever the confusions of counsel and of purpose in the utterances of the spokesmen of the Central Empires, they have again attempted to acquaint the world with their objects in the war and have again challenged their adversaries to say what their objects are and what sort of settlement they would deem just and satisfactory. There is no good reason why that challenge should not be responded to, and responded to with the utmost candor. We did not wait for it. Not once, but again and again, we have laid our whole thought and purpose before the world, not in general terms only, but each time with sufficient definition to make it clear what sort of definitive terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of them. Within the last week Mr. Lloyd George has spoken with admirable candor and in admirable spirit for the people and Government of Great Britain. There is no confusion of counsel among the adversaries of the Central Powers, no uncertainty of principle, no vagueness of detail. The only secrecy of counsel, the only lack of fearless frankness, the only failure to make definite statement of the objects of the war, lies with Germany and her Allies. The issues of life and death hang upon these definitions. No statesman who has the least conception of his responsibility ought for a moment to permit himself to continue this tragical and appalling outpouring of blood and treasure unless he is sure beyond a peradventure that the objects of the vital sacrifice are part and parcel of the very life of Society, and that the people for whom he speaks think them right and imperative as he does.

      There is, moreover, a voice calling for these definitions of principle and of purpose which is, it seems to me, more thrilling and more compelling that any of the many moving voices with which the troubled air of the world is filled. It is the voice of the Russian people. They are prostrate and all but helpless, it would seem, before the grim power of Germany, which has hitherto known no relenting and no pity. Their power, apparently, is shattered. And yet their soul is not subservient. They will not yield in either principle or in action. Their conception of what is right, of what is humane and honorable for them to accept, has been stated with a frankness, a largeness of view, a generosity of spirit, and a universal human sympathy which must challenge the admiration of every friend of mankind; and they have refused to compound their ideals or desert others that they themselves may be safe. They call to us to say what it is that we desire, in what, if anything, our purpose and our spirit differ from theirs; and I believe that the people of the United States would wish me to respond, with utter simplicity and frankness. Whether their present leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and hope that some way may be opened whereby we may be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace.

      It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow now or at any other time the objects it has in view.

      We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this:

      • Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
      • Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
      • The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
      • Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
      • A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
      • The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
      • Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
      • All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly 50 years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
      • A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be affected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
      • The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development.
      • Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
      • The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
      • An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
      • A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.

      In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end.

      For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does not remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world—the new world in which we now live—instead of a place of mastery.

      Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or modification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must frankly say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent dealings with her on our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen speak for when they speak to us, whether for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and the men whose creed is imperial domination

      We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit of any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak. Unless this principle be made its foundation no part of the structure of international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act upon no other principle; and to the vindication of this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything that they possess. The moral climax of this the culminating and final war for human liberty has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integrity and devotion to the test.

      Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 6 January 1941

      In 1941 the United States was coming out of the Great Depression and watching European nations fight a war that America would enter before the year was out. During an address that would come to be known as his “Four Freedoms” speech, President Franklin D. Roosevelt laid out the social and political objectives that Americans deserved to enjoy in a world facing “unprecedented” threats.

      Mr. Speaker, Members of the 77Th Congress:

      I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

      Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these—the four-year war between the States—ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in fortyeight States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

      It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the Principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

      What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition—clear, definite opposition—to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

      That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

      And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914—ninety-nine years—no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

      Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength. Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

      We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

      I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

      During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

      Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

      Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere—yes, many times over.

      In times like these it is immature—and, incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

      No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion—or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

      As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests. I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

      There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

      But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

      The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes—and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America.

      As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

      And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history.

      That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility—great accountability.

      The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency. Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all of our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

      Our national policy is this:

      First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

      Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

      Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

      In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on the line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

      Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases—and, I am sorry to say, very important cases—we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

      The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

      I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

      No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations: We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

      We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule. To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. The greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

      The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence. New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

      I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars' worth of the weapons of defense.

      The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

      I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons—a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

      Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

      For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need. Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in everincreasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.”

      In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

      And when the dictators—if the dictators—are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

      They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

      Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency—almost as serious as war itself—demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

      A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

      The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

      As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakeable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

      The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect. Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

      The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

      • Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
      • Jobs for those who can work.
      • Security for those who need it.
      • The ending of special privilege for the few.
      • The preservation of civil liberties for all.
      • The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

      These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations. Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

      • We should bring more citizens under the coverage of oldage pensions and unemployment insurance.
      • We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
      • We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

      I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

      If the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead [of] pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

      In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

      The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.

      The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world.

      The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.

      The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.

      That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

      To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear. Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

      This nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

      To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

      Special Message to the Congress on Greece and Turkey by Harry S. Truman, 12 March 1947

      In early 1947, the British government announced that it could no longer financially support Greece in fighting off an insurrection by Communist guerillas. At the same time, there were fears that the Soviet Union intended to expand into Turkey. Diplomats were concerned that if Soviet power moved into the Mediterranean, the Middle East would then be at risk of Communist takeover. In an address that put forth a policy that came to be known as the “Truman Doctrine,” President Truman asked Congress for $400 million to aid Greece and Turkey.

      Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:

      The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress.

      The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved.

      One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey.

      The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

      I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government.

      Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

      When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five percent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings.

      As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

      Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security so essential for economic and political recovery.

      The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

      The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations Security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontier between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.

      Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority to the government throughout Greek territory.

      Greece must have assistance if it is to become a selfsupporting and self-respecting democracy.

      The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid but these are inadequate.

      There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn.

      No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.

      The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.

      We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.

      It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving is public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece, in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

      No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents 85 percent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

      The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

      Greece's neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention.

      The future of Turkey as an independent and economically sound state is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.

      Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support.

      Since the war Turkey has sought additional financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity.

      That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.

      The British Government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey.

      As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.

      I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time.

      One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

      To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace and hence the security of the United States.

      The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation, in violation of the Yalta Agreement, in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

      At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one.

      One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression.

      The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

      I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

      I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

      I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

      The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

      It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East.

      Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose people are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

      It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possible failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

      Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.

      We must take immediate and resolute action.

      I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

      In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as my be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.

      Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized.

      If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for the purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of Government must work together.

      This is a serious course upon which we embark.

      I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious.

      The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace.

      The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1/10 of 1 percent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain.

      The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

      We must keep that hope alive.

      The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms.

      If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world—and we shall surely endanger the welfare of this Nation.

      Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

      I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

      Dwight D. Eisenhower's Presidential Press Conference, 7 April 1954

      By March of 1954, the French were clearly failing to defeat Ho Chi Minh's Communist forces in North Vietnam and appealed to the United States to intervene. Although Eisenhower eventually chose not to allow U.S. involvement, he did fear that a French defeat would mean that the region known as Indochina (Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam) could fall like a “row of dominoes” to Communist takeover.

      Q. Robert Richards, Copley Press: Mr. President, would you mind commenting on the strategic importance of Indochina for the free world? I think there has been, across the country, some lack of understanding on just what it means to us.

      The President. You have, of course, both the specific and the general when you talk about such things. First of all, you have the specific value of a locality in its production of materials that the world needs.

      Then you have the possibility that many human beings pass under a dictatorship that is inimical to the free world.

      Finally, you have broader considerations that might follow what you would call the “falling domino” principle. You have a row of dominoes set up, you knock over the first one, and what will happen to the last one is the certainty that it will go over very quickly. So you could have a beginning of a disintegration that would have the most profound influences.

      Now, with respect to the first one, two of the items from this particular area that the world uses are tin and tungsten. They are very important. There are others, of course, the rubber plantations and so on.

      Then with respect to more people passing under this domination, Asia, after all, has already lost some 450 million of its peoples to the Communist dictatorship, and we simply can't afford greater losses.

      But when we come to the possible sequence of events, the loss of Indochina, of Burma, of Thailand, of the Peninsula, and Indonesia following, now you begin to talk about areas that not only multiply the disadvantages that you would suffer through the loss of materials, sources of materials, but now you are talking about millions and millions of people.

      Finally, the geographical position achieved thereby does many things. It turns the so-called island defensive chain of Japan, Formosa, of the Philippines and to the southward; it moves in to threaten Australia and New Zealand.

      It takes away, in its economic aspects, that region that Japan must have as a trading area or Japan, in turn, will have only one place in the world to go—that is, toward the Communist areas in order to live.

      So, the possible consequences of the loss are just incalculable to the free world.

      John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address, 20 January 1961

      President John F. Kennedy's memorable inaugural address would set the stage for an administration remembered for its energy and promise. In his speech, President Kennedy addressed his words—and his hopes for the future—not only to Americans but also to his “fellow citizens of the world.”

      Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning—signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

      The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe—the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

      We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans—born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage—and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

      Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

      This much we pledge—and more. To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do—for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

      To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom—and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

      To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required—not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

      To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge—to convert our good words into good deeds—in a new alliance for progress—to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

      To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support—to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective—to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak—and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

      Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental selfdestruction.

      We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

      But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course—both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

      So let us begin anew—remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

      Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

      Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms—and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

      Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

      Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah—to “undo the heavy burdens … and to let the oppressed go free.”

      And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

      All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

      In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

      Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are—but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”—a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

      Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

      In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

      And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.

      My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

      Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

      “Peace without Conquest,” an Address by Lyndon Johnson, 7 April 1965

      In response to a Vietcong attack on a U.S. Army barracks in Pleiku, North Vietnam, President Lyndon Johnson ordered gradually intensified air strikes on select targets in North Vietnam. Johnson's speech, delivered at Johns Hopkins University, explains his plan for increasing American military commitments in South Vietnam—a commitment that would grow from 40,000 U.S. soldiers in April 1965 to 365,000 in a year's time.

      Tonight Americans and Asians are dying for a world where each people may choose its own path to change.

      This is the principle for which our ancestors fought in the valleys of Pennsylvania. It is the principle for which our sons fight tonight in the jungles of Viet-Nam.

      Viet-Nam is far away from this quiet campus. We have no territory there, nor do we seek any. The war is dirty and brutal and difficult. And some 400 young men, born into an America that is bursting with opportunity and promise, have ended their lives on Viet-Nam's steaming soil.

      Why must we take this painful road?

      Why must this nation hazard its ease, its interest, and its power for the sake of a people so far away?

      We fight because we must fight if we are to live in a world where every country can shape its own destiny, and only in such a world will our own freedom be finally secure.

      This kind of world will never be built by bombs or bullets. Yet the infirmities of man are such that force must often precede reason and the waste of war, the works of peace.

      We wish this were not so. But we must deal with the world as it is, if it is ever to be as we wish.

      The Nature of the Conflict

      The world as it is in Asia is not a serene or peaceful place.

      The first reality is that North Viet-Nam has attacked the independent nation of South Viet-Nam. Its object is total conquest.

      Of course, some of the people of South Viet-Nam are participating in attack on their own government. But trained men and supplies, orders and arms, flow in a constant stream from North to South.

      This support is the heartbeat of the war.

      And it is a war of unparalleled brutality. Simple farmers are the targets of assassination and kidnapping. Women and children are strangled in the night because their men are loyal to the government. And helpless villagers are ravaged by sneak attacks. Large-scale raids are conducted on towns, and terror strikes in the heart of cities.

      The confused nature of this conflict cannot mask the fact that it is the new face of an old enemy.

      Over this war—and all Asia—is another reality: the deepening shadow of Communist China. The rulers in Hanoi are urged on by Peking. This is a regime which has destroyed freedom in Tibet, which has attacked India and has been condemned by the United Nations for aggression in Korea. It is a nation which is helping the forces of violence in almost every continent. The contest in Viet-Nam is part of a wider pattern of aggressive purposes.

      Why are We in Viet-Nam?

      Why are these realities our concern? Why are we in South Viet-Nam?

      We are there because we have a promise to keep. Since 1954 every American President has offered support to the people of South Viet-Nam. We have helped to build, and we have helped to defend. Thus, over many years, we have made a national pledge to help South Viet-Nam defend its independence.

      And I intend to keep that promise.

      To dishonor that pledge, to abandon this small and brave nation to its enemies, and to the terror that must follow, would be an unforgivable wrong.

      We are also there to strengthen world order. Around the globe from Berlin to Thailand are people whose well being rests in part on the belief that they can count on us if they are attacked. To leave Viet-Nam to its fate would shake the confidence of all these people in the value of an American commitment and in the value of America's word. The result would be increased unrest and instability, even wide war.

      We are also there because there are great stakes in the balance. Let no one think for a minute that retreat from Viet-Nam would bring an end to the conflict. The battle would be renewed in one country and then another. The central lesson of our time is that the appetite of aggression is never satisfied. To withdraw from one battlefield means only to prepare for the next. We must say in Southeast Asia—as we did in Europe—in the words of the Bible: “Hitherto shalt thou come, but no further.”

      There are those who say that all our effort there will be futile—that China's power is such that it is bound to dominate all southeast Asia. But there is no end to that argument until all of the nations of Asia are swallowed up.

      There are those who wonder why we have a responsibility there. Well, we have it there for the same reason that we have a responsibility for the defense of Europe. World War II was fought in both Europe and Asia, and when it ended we found ourselves with continued responsibility for the defense of freedom.

      Our Objective in Viet-Nam

      Our objective is the independence of South Viet-Nam, and its freedom from attack. We want nothing for ourselves—only that the people of South Viet-Nam be allowed to guide their own country in their own way.

      We will do everything necessary to reach that objective. And we will do only what is absolutely necessary.

      In recent months attacks on South Viet-Nam were stepped up. Thus, it became necessary for us to increase our response and to make attacks by air. This is not a change of purpose. It is a change in what we believe that purpose requires.

      We do this in order to slow down aggression.

      We do this to increase the confidence of the brave people of South Viet-Nam who have bravely borne this brutal battle for so many years with so many casualties.

      And we do this to convince the leaders of North Vietnam—and all who seek to share their conquest—of a simple fact:

      We will not be defeated.

      We will not grow tired.

      We will not withdraw, either openly or under the cloak of a meaningless agreement.

      We know that air attacks alone will not accomplish all of these purposes. But it is our best and prayerful judgment that they are a necessary part of the surest road to peace.

      We hope that peace will come swiftly. But that is in the hands of others besides ourselves. And we must be prepared for a long continued conflict. It will require patience as well as bravery, the will to endure as well as the will to resist.

      I wish it were possible to convince others with words of what we now find it necessary to say with guns and planes: Armed hostility is futile. Our resources are equal to the challenge. Because we fight for values and we fight for principles, rather than territory or colonies, our patience and our determination are unending ….

      Richard M. Nixon's Second Inaugural Address, 20 January 1973

      As America's long involvement in Vietnam War was drawing to a close, President Richard M. Nixon spoke of being on the “threshold of a new era of peace” as the United States neared its 200th birthday. He also encouraged Americans “to turn away from the condescending policies of paternalism—of ‘Washington knows best,’” asking for a wider division of responsibility. Nixon's resignation in 1974, in the wake of the Watergate scandal, meant that Gerald Ford—not Nixon—would be president during the bicentennial celebrations of 1976.

      Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, Senator Cook, Mrs. Eisenhower, and my fellow citizens of this great and good country we share together:

      When we met here four years ago, America was bleak in spirit, depressed by the prospect of seemingly endless war abroad and of destructive conflict at home.

      As we meet here today, we stand on the threshold of a new era of peace in the world.

      The central question before us is: How shall we use that peace? Let us resolve that this era we are about to enter will not be what other postwar periods have so often been: a time of retreat and isolation that leads to stagnation at home and invites new danger abroad.

      Let us resolve that this will be what it can become: a time of great responsibilities greatly borne, in which we renew the spirit and the promise of America as we enter our third century as a nation.

      This past year saw far-reaching results from our new policies for peace. By continuing to revitalize our traditional friendships, and by our missions to Peking and to Moscow, we were able to establish the base for a new and more durable pattern of relationships among the nations of the world. Because of America's bold initiatives, 1972 will be long remembered as the year of the greatest progress since the end of World War II toward a lasting peace in the world.

      The peace we seek in the world is not the flimsy peace which is merely an interlude between wars, but a peace which can endure for generations to come.

      It is important that we understand both the necessity and the limitations of America's role in maintaining that peace.

      Unless we in America work to preserve the peace, there will be no peace.

      Unless we in America work to preserve freedom, there will be no freedom.

      But let us clearly understand the new nature of America's role, as a result of the new policies we have adopted over these past four years.

      We shall respect our treaty commitments.

      We shall support vigorously the principle that no country has the right to impose its will or rule on another by force.

      We shall continue, in this era of negotiation, to work for the limitation of nuclear arms, and to reduce the danger of confrontation between the great powers.

      We shall do our share in defending peace and freedom in the world. But we shall expect others to do their share.

      The time has passed when America will make every other nation's conflict our own, or make every other nation's future our responsibility, or presume to tell the people of other nations how to manage their own affairs.

      Just as we respect the right of each nation to determine its own future, we also recognize the responsibility of each nation to secure its own future.

      Just as America's role is indispensable in preserving the world's peace, so is each nation's role indispensable in preserving its own peace.

      Together with the rest of the world, let us resolve to move forward from the beginnings we have made. Let us continue to bring down the walls of hostility which have divided the world for too long, and to build in their place bridges of understanding—so that despite profound differences between systems of government, the people of the world can be friends.

      Let us build a structure of peace in the world in which the weak are as safe as the strong—in which each respects the right of the other to live by a different system—in which those who would influence others will do so by the strength of their ideas, and not by the force of their arms.

      Let us accept that high responsibility not as a burden, but gladly—gladly because the chance to build such a peace is the noblest endeavor in which a nation can engage; gladly, also, because only if we act greatly in meeting our responsibilities abroad will we remain a great Nation, and only if we remain a great Nation will we act greatly in meeting our challenges at home.

      We have the chance today to do more than ever before in our history to make life better in America—to ensure better education, better health, better housing, better transportation, a cleaner environment—to restore respect for law, to make our communities more livable—and to insure the God-given right of every American to full and equal opportunity.

      Because the range of our needs is so great—because the reach of our opportunities is so great—let us be bold in our determination to meet those needs in new ways.

      Just as building a structure of peace abroad has required turning away from old policies that failed, so building a new era of progress at home requires turning away from old policies that have failed.

      Abroad, the shift from old policies to new has not been a retreat from our responsibilities, but a better way to peace.

      And at home, the shift from old policies to new will not be a retreat from our responsibilities, but a better way to progress.

      Abroad and at home, the key to those new responsibilities lies in the placing and the division of responsibility. We have lived too long with the consequences of attempting to gather all power and responsibility in Washington.

      Abroad and at home, the time has come to turn away from the condescending policies of paternalism—of “Washington knows best.”

      A person can be expected to act responsibly only if he has responsibility. This is human nature. So let us encourage individuals at home and nations abroad to do more for themselves, to decide more for themselves. Let us locate responsibility in more places. Let us measure what we will do for others by what they will do for themselves.

      That is why today I offer no promise of a purely governmental solution for every problem. We have lived too long with that false promise. In trusting too much in government, we have asked of it more than it can deliver. This leads only to inflated expectations, to reduced individual effort, and to a disappointment and frustration that erode confidence both in what government can do and in what people can do.

      Government must learn to take less from people so that people can do more for themselves.

      Let us remember that America was built not by government, but by people—not by welfare, but by work—not by shirking responsibility, but by seeking responsibility.

      In our own lives, let each of us ask—not just what will government do for me, but what can I do for myself?

      In the challenges we face together, let each of us ask—not just how can government help, but how can I help?

      Your National Government has a great and vital role to play. And I pledge to you that where this Government should act, we will act boldly and we will lead boldly. But just as important is the role that each and every one of us must play, as an individual and as a member of his own community.

      From this day forward, let each of us make a solemn commitment in his own heart: to bear his responsibility, to do his part, to live his ideals—so that together, we can see the dawn of a new age of progress for America, and together, as we celebrate our 200th anniversary as a nation, we can do so proud in the fulfillment of our promise to ourselves and to the world.

      As America's longest and most difficult war comes to an end, let us again learn to debate our differences with civility and decency. And let each of us reach out for that one precious quality government cannot provide—a new level of respect for the rights and feelings of one another, a new level of respect for the individual human dignity which is the cherished birthright of every American.

      Above all else, the time has come for us to renew our faith in ourselves and in America.

      In recent years, that faith has been challenged.

      Our children have been taught to be ashamed of their country, ashamed of their parents, ashamed of America's record at home and of its role in the world.

      At every turn, we have been beset by those who find everything wrong with America and little that is right. But I am confident that this will not be the judgment of history on these remarkable times in which we are privileged to live.

      America's record in this century has been unparalleled in the world's history for its responsibility, for its generosity, for its creativity and for its progress.

      Let us be proud that our system has produced and provided more freedom and more abundance, more widely shared, than any other system in the history of the world.

      Let us be proud that in each of the four wars in which we have been engaged in this century, including the one we are now bringing to an end, we have fought not for our selfish advantage, but to help others resist aggression.

      Let us be proud that by our bold, new initiatives, and by our steadfastness for peace with honor, we have made a break-through toward creating in the world what the world has not known before—a structure of peace that can last, not merely for our time, but for generations to come.

      We are embarking here today on an era that presents challenges great as those any nation, or any generation, has ever faced.

      We shall answer to God, to history, and to our conscience for the way in which we use these years.

      As I stand in this place, so hallowed by history, I think of others who have stood here before me. I think of the dreams they had for America, and I think of how each recognized that he needed help far beyond himself in order to make those dreams come true.

      Today, I ask your prayers that in the years ahead I may have God's help in making decisions that are right for America, and I pray for your help so that together we may be worthy of our challenge.

      Let us pledge together to make these next four years the best four years in America's history, so that on its 200th birthday America will be as young and as vital as when it began, and as bright a beacon of hope for all the world.

      Let us go forward from here confident in hope, strong in our faith in one another, sustained by our faith in God who created us, and striving always to serve His purpose.

      Jimmy Carter's Speech on His Proposed Energy Policy, 18 April 1977

      During 1973 and 1974, an Arab oil embargo caused energy shortages in the United States, forcing long lines at the gas pump and measures like mandated carpooling to conserve gasoline. Although the embargo had been lifted, many policymakers felt the need for a coordinated policy actions that would forestall another “energy crisis.” In 1977 President Jimmy Carter spoke to the American people on the energy policy he was proposing to reduce U.S. dependence on foreign oil—an issue that he saw as someday threatening national security.

      Tonight I want to have an unpleasant talk with you about a problem unprecedented in our history. With the exception of preventing war, this is the greatest challenge our country will face during our lifetimes. The energy crisis has not yet overwhelmed us, but it will if we do not act quickly.

      It is a problem we will not solve in the next few years, and it is likely to get progressively worse through the rest of this century.

      We must not be selfish or timid if we hope to have a decent world for our children and grandchildren.

      We simply must balance our demand for energy with our rapidly shrinking resources. By acting now, we can control our future instead of letting the future control us.

      Two days from now, I will present my energy proposals to the Congress. Its members will be my partners and they have already given me a great deal of valuable advice. Many of these proposals will be unpopular. Some will cause you to put up with inconveniences and to make sacrifices.

      The most important thing about these proposals is that the alternative may be a national catastrophe. Further delay can affect our strength and our power as a nation.

      Our decision about energy will test the character of the American people and the ability of the President and the Congress to govern. This difficult effort will be the “moral equivalent of war”—except that we will be uniting our efforts to build and not destroy.

      I know that some of you may doubt that we face real energy shortages. The 1973 gasoline lines are gone, and our homes are warm again. But our energy problem is worse tonight than it was in 1973 or a few weeks ago in the dead of winter. It is worse because more waste has occurred, and more time has passed by without our planning for the future. And it will get worse every day until we act.

      The oil and natural gas we rely on for 75 percent of our energy are running out. In spite of increased effort, domestic production has been dropping steadily at about six percent a year. Imports have doubled in the last five years. Our nation's independence of economic and political action is becoming increasingly constrained. Unless profound changes are made to lower oil consumption, we now believe that early in the 1980s the world will be demanding more oil that it can produce.

      The world now uses about 60 million barrels of oil a day and demand increases each year about 5 percent. This means that just to stay even we need the production of a new Texas every year, an Alaskan North Slope every nine months, or a new Saudi Arabia every three years. Obviously, this cannot continue.

      We must look back in history to understand our energy problem. Twice in the last several hundred years there has been a transition in the way people use energy.

      The first was about 200 years ago, away from wood—which had provided about 90 percent of all fuel—to coal, which was more efficient. This change became the basis of the Industrial Revolution.

      The second change took place in this century, with the growing use of oil and natural gas. They were more convenient and cheaper than coal, and the supply seemed to be almost without limit. They made possible the age of automobile and airplane travel. Nearly everyone who is alive today grew up during this age and we have never known anything different.

      Because we are now running out of gas and oil, we must prepare quickly for a third change, to strict conservation and to the use of coal and permanent renewable energy sources, like solar power.

      The world has not prepared for the future. During the 1950s, people used twice as much oil as during the 1940s. During the 1960s, we used twice as much as during the 1950s. And in each of those decades, more oil was consumed than in all of mankind's previous history.

      World consumption of oil is still going up. If it were possible to keep it rising during the 1970s and 1980s by 5 percent a year as it has in the past, we could use up all the proven reserves of oil in the entire world by the end of the next decade.

      I know that many of you have suspected that some supplies of oil and gas are being withheld. You may be right, but suspicions about oil companies cannot change the fact that we are running out of petroleum.

      All of us have heard about the large oil fields on Alaska's North Slope. In a few years when the North Slope is producing fully, its total output will be just about equal to two years' increase in our nation's energy demand.

      Each new inventory of world oil reserves has been more disturbing than the last. World oil production can probably keep going up for another six or eight years. But some time in the 1980s it can't go up much more. Demand will overtake production. We have no choice about that.

      But we do have a choice about how we will spend the next few years. Each American uses the energy equivalent of 60 barrels of oil per person each year. Ours is the most wasteful nation on earth. We waste more energy than we import. With about the same standard of living, we use twice as much energy per person as do other countries like Germany, Japan and Sweden.

      One choice is to continue doing what we have been doing before. We can drift along for a few more years.

      Our consumption of oil would keep going up every year. Our cars would continue to be too large and inefficient. Three-quarters of them would continue to carry only one person—the driver—while our public transportation system continues to decline. We can delay insulating our houses, and they will continue to lose about 50 percent of their heat in waste.

      We can continue using scarce oil and natural to generate electricity, and continue wasting two-thirds of their fuel value in the process.

      If we do not act, then by 1985 we will be using 33 percent more energy than we do today.

      We can't substantially increase our domestic production, so we would need to import twice as much oil as we do now. Supplies will be uncertain. The cost will keep going up. Six years ago, we paid $3.7 billion for imported oil. Last year we spent $37 billion—nearly ten times as much—and this year we may spend over $45 billion.

      Unless we act, we will spend more than $550 billion for imported oil by 1985—more than $2,500 a year for every man, woman, and child in America. Along with that money we will continue losing American jobs and becoming increasingly vulnerable to supply interruptions.

      Now we have a choice. But if we wait, we will live in fear of embargoes. We could endanger our freedom as a sovereign nation to act in foreign affairs. Within ten years we would not be able to import enough oil—from any country, at any acceptable price.

      If we wait, and do not act, then our factories will not be able to keep our people on the job with reduced supplies of fuel. Too few of our utilities will have switched to coal, our most abundant energy source.

      We will not be ready to keep our transportation system running with smaller, more efficient cars and a better network of buses, trains and public transportation.

      We will feel mounting pressure to plunder the environment. We will have a crash program to build more nuclear plants, strip-mine and burn more coal, and drill more offshore wells than we will need if we begin to conserve now. Inflation will soar, production will go down, people will lose their jobs. Intense competition will build up among nations and among the different regions within our own country.

      If we fail to act soon, we will face an economic, social and political crisis that will threaten our free institutions.

      But we still have another choice. We can begin to prepare right now. We can decide to act while there is time.

      That is the concept of the energy policy we will present on Wednesday. Our national energy plan is based on ten fundamental principles.

      The first principle is that we can have an effective and comprehensive energy policy only if the government takes responsibility for it and if the people understand the seriousness of the challenge and are willing to make sacrifices.

      The second principle is that healthy economic growth must continue. Only by saving energy can we maintain our standard of living and keep our people at work. An effective conservation program will create hundreds of thousands of new jobs.

      The third principle is that we must protect the environment. Our energy problems have the same cause as our environmental problems—wasteful use of resources. Conservation helps us solve both at once.

      The fourth principle is that we must reduce our vulnerability to potentially devastating embargoes. We can protect ourselves from uncertain supplies by reducing our demand for oil, making the most of our abundant resources such as coal, and developing a strategic petroleum reserve.

      The fifth principle is that we must be fair. Our solutions must ask equal sacrifices from every region, every class of people, every interest group. Industry will have to do its part to conserve, just as the consumers will. The energy producers deserve fair treatment, but we will not let the oil companies profiteer.

      The sixth principle, and the cornerstone of our policy, is to reduce the demand through conservation. Our emphasis on conservation is a clear difference between this plan and others which merely encouraged crash production efforts. Conservation is the quickest, cheapest, most practical source of energy. Conservation is the only way we can buy a barrel of oil for a few dollars. It costs about $13 to waste it.

      The seventh principle is that prices should generally reflect the true replacement costs of energy. We are only cheating ourselves if we make energy artificially cheap and use more than we can really afford.

      The eighth principle is that government policies must be predictable and certain. Both consumers and producers need policies they can count on so they can plan ahead. This is one reason I am working with the Congress to create a new Department of Energy, to replace more than 50 different agencies that now have some control over energy.

      The ninth principle is that we must conserve the fuels that are scarcest and make the most of those that are more plentiful. We can't continue to use oil and gas for 75 percent of our consumption when they make up seven percent of our domestic reserves. We need to shift to plentiful coal while taking care to protect the environment, and to apply stricter safety standards to nuclear energy.

      The tenth principle is that we must start now to develop the new, unconventional sources of energy we will rely on in the next century.

      These ten principles have guided the development of the policy I would describe to you and the Congress on Wednesday.

      Our energy plan will also include a number of specific goals, to measure our progress toward a stable energy system.

      These are the goals we set for 1985:

      • Reduce the annual growth rate in our energy demand to less than two percent.
      • Reduce gasoline consumption by ten percent below its current level.
      • Cut in half the portion of United States oil which is imported, from a potential level of 16 million barrels to six million barrels a day.
      • Establish a strategic petroleum reserve of one billion barrels, more than six months' supply.
      • Increase our coal production by about two thirds to more than 1 billion tons a year.
      • Insulate 90 percent of American homes and all new buildings.
      • Use solar energy in more than two and one-half million houses.

      We will monitor our progress toward these goals year by year. Our plan will call for stricter conservation measures if we fall behind.

      I can't tell you that these measures will be easy, nor will they be popular. But I think most of you realize that a policy which does not ask for changes or sacrifices would not be an effective policy.

      This plan is essential to protect our jobs, our environment, our standard of living, and our future.

      Whether this plan truly makes a difference will be decided not here in Washington, but in every town and every factory, in every home and on every highway and every farm.

      I believe this can be a positive challenge. There is something especially American in the kinds of changes we have to make. We have been proud, through our history of being efficient people.

      We have been proud of our leadership in the world. Now we have a chance again to give the world a positive example.

      And we have been proud of our vision of the future. We have always wanted to give our children and grandchildren a world richer in possibilities than we've had. They are the ones we must provide for now. They are the ones who will suffer most if we don't act.

      I've given you some of the principles of the plan.

      I am sure each of you will find something you don't like about the specifics of our proposal. It will demand that we make sacrifices and changes in our lives. To some degree, the sacrifices will be painful—but so is any meaningful sacrifice. It will lead to some higher costs, and to some greater inconveniences for everyone.

      But the sacrifices will be gradual, realistic and necessary. Above all, they will be fair. No one will gain an unfair advantage through this plan. No one will be asked to bear an unfair burden. We will monitor the accuracy of data from the oil and natural gas companies, so that we will know their true production, supplies, reserves, and profits.

      The citizens who insist on driving large, unnecessarily powerful cars must expect to pay more for that luxury.

      We can be sure that all the special interest groups in the country will attack the part of this plan that affects them directly. They will say that sacrifice is fine, as long as other people do it, but that their sacrifice is unreasonable, or unfair, or harmful to the country. If they succeed, then the burden on the ordinary citizen, who is not organized into an interest group, would be crushing.

      There should be only one test for this program: whether it will help our country.

      Other generation of Americans have faced and mastered great challenges. I have faith that meeting this challenge will make our own lives even richer. If you will join me so that we can work together with patriotism and courage, we will again prove that our great nation can lead the world into an age of peace, independence and freedom.

      Ronald Reagan's Remarks at the Annual Convention of the National Association of Evangelicals, 8 March 1983.

      Known as President Reagan's “evil empire” speech, this talk hit hard on the themes of banning abortions and maintaining the importance of God and religion in America. Reagan then moved into a perennial theme for conservatives—being watchful of the Soviet Union, which Reagan characterized as an “evil empire.”

      Those of you in the National Association of Evangelicals are known for your spiritual and humanitarian work. And I would be especially remiss if I didn't discharge right now one personal debt of gratitude. Thank you for your prayers. Nancy and I have felt their presence many times in many years. And believe me, for us they've made all the difference.

      The other day in the East Room of the White House at a meeting there, someone asked me whether I was aware of all the people out there who were praying for the President. And I had to say, “Yes, I am. I've felt it. I believe in intercessionary prayer.” But I couldn't help but say to that questioner after he'd asked the question that—or at least say to them that if sometimes when he was praying he got a busy signal, it was just me in there ahead of him. I think I understand how Abraham Lincoln felt when he said, “I have been driven many times to my knees by the overwhelming conviction that I had nowhere else to go.” From the joy and the good feeling of this conference, I go to a political reception. Now, I don't know why, but that bit of scheduling reminds me of a story—which I'll share with you.

      An evangelical minister and a politician arrived at Heaven's gate one day together. And St. Peter, after doing all the necessary formalities, took them in hand to show them where their quarters would be. And he took them to a small, single room with a bed, a chair, and a table and said this was for the clergyman. And the politician was a little worried about what might be in store for him. And he couldn't believe it then when St. Peter stopped in front of a beautiful mansion with lovely grounds, many servants, and told him that these would be his quarters.

      And he couldn't help but ask, he said, “But wait, how—there's something wrong—how do I get this mansion while that good and holy man only gets a single room?” And St. Peter said, “You have to understand how things are up here. We've got thousands and thousands of clergy. You're the first politician who ever made it.”

      But I don't want to contribute to a stereotype. So I tell you there are a great many God-fearing, dedicated, noble men and women in public life, present company included. And yes, we need your help to keep us ever mindful of the ideas and the principles that brought us into the public arena in the first place. The basis of those ideals and principles is a commitment to freedom and personal liberty that, itself, is grounded in the much deeper realization that freedom prospers only where the blessings of God are avidly sought and humbly accepted.

      The American experiment in democracy rests on this insight. Its discovery was the great triumph of our Founding Fathers, voiced by William Penn when he said: “If we will not be governed by God, we must be governed by tyrants.” Explaining the inalienable rights of men, Jefferson said, “The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time.” And it was George Washington who said that “of all the disposition and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supporters.”

      And finally, that shrewdest of all observers of American democracy, Alexis de Tocqueville, put it eloquently after he had gone on a search for the secret of America's greatness and genius—and he said: “Not until I went into the churches of America and heard her pulpits aflame with righteousness did I understand the greatness and the genius of America … America is good. And if America ever ceases to be good, America will cease to be great.”

      Well, I'm pleased to be here today with you who are keeping America great by keeping her good. Only through your work and prayers and those of millions of others cans we hope to survive this perilous century and keep alive this experiment in liberty, this last, best hope of man.

      I want you to know that this administration is motivated by a political philosophy that sees the greatness of America in you, her people, and in your families, churches, neighborhoods, communities—the institutions that foster and nourish values like concern for others and respect for the rule of law under God.

      Now, I don't have to tell you that this puts us in opposition to, or at least out of step with, a prevailing attitude of many who have turned to a modern-day secularism, discarding the tried and time-tested values upon which our very civilization is based. No matter how well intentioned, their value system is radically different from that of most Americans. And while they proclaim that they're freeing us from superstitions of the past, they've taken upon themselves the job of superintending us by government rule and regulation. Sometimes their voices are louder than ours, but they are not yet a majority.

      An example of that vocal superiority is evident in a controversy now going on in Washington. And since I'm involved I've been waiting to hear from the parents of young America. How far are they willing to go in giving to government their prerogatives as parents?

      Let me state the case as briefly and simply as I can. An organization of citizens, sincerely motivated and deeply concerned about the increase in illegitimate births and abortions involving girls well below the age of consent, some time ago established a nationwide network of clinics to offer help to these girls and, hopefully, alleviate this situation. Now, again, let me say, I do not fault their intent. However, in their well-intentioned effort, these clinics have decided to provide advice and birth control drugs and devices to underage girls without the knowledge of their parents.

      For some years now, the federal government has helped with funds to subsidize these clinics. In providing for this, the Congress decreed that every effort would be made to maximize parental participation. Nevertheless, the drugs and devices are prescribed without getting parental consent or giving notification after they've done so. Girls termed “sexually active”—and that has replaced the word “promiscuous”—are given this help in order to prevent illegitimate birth or abortion.

      Well, we have ordered clinics receiving federal funds to notify the parents such help has been given. One of the nation's leading newspapers has created the term “squeal rule” in editorializing against us for doing this, and we're being criticized for violating the privacy of young people. A judge has recently granted an injunction against an enforcement of our rule. I've watched TV panel shows discuss the issue, seen columnists pontificating on our error, but no one seems to mention morality as playing a part in the subject of sex.

      Is all of Judeo-Christian tradition wrong? Are we to believe that something so sacred can be looked upon as a purely physical thing with no potential for emotional and psychological harm? And isn't it the parents' right to give counsel and advice to keep their children from making mistakes that may affect their entire lives?

      Many of us in government would like to know what parents think about this intrusion in their family by government. We're going to fight in the courts. The right of parents and the rights of family take precedence over those of Washington-based bureaucrats and social engineers.

      But the fight against parental notification is really only one example of many attempts to water down traditional values and even abrogate the original terms of American democracy. Freedom prospers when religion is vibrant and the rule of law under God is acknowledged. When our Founding Fathers passed the First Amendment, they sought to protect churches from government interference. They never intended to construct a wall of hostility between government and the concept of religious belief itself.

      The evidence of this permeates our history and our government. The Declaration of Independence mentions the Supreme Being no less than four times. “In God We Trust” is engraved on our coinage. The Supreme Court opens its proceedings with a religious invocation. And the members of Congress open their sessions with a prayer. I just happen to believe the schoolchildren of the United States are entitled to the same privileges as Supreme Court justices and congressmen.

      Last year, I sent the Congress a constitutional amendment to restore prayer to public schools. Already this session, there's growing bipartisan support for the amendment, and I am calling on the Congress to act speedily to pass it and to let our children pray.

      Perhaps some of you read recently about the Lubbock school case, where a judge actually ruled that it was unconstitutional for a school district to give equal treatment to religious and nonreligious student groups, even when the group meetings were being held during the students' own time. The First Amendment never intended to require government to discriminate against religious speech.

      Senators Denton and Hatfield have proposed legislation in the Congress on the whole question of prohibiting discrimination against religious forms of student speech. Such legislation could go far to restore freedom of religious speech for public school students. And I hope the Congress considers these bills quickly. And with your help, I think it's possible we could also get the constitutional amendment through the Congress this year.

      More than a decade ago, a Supreme Court decision literally wiped off the books of fifty states statutes protecting the rights of unborn children. Abortion on demand now takes the lives of up to one and a half million unborn children a year. Human life legislation ending this tragedy will someday pass the Congress, and you and I must never rest until it does. Unless and until it can be proven that the unborn child is not a living entity, then its right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness must be protected.

      You may remember that when abortion on demand began, many, and indeed, I'm sure many of you, warned that the practice would lead to a decline in respect for human life, that the philosophical premises used to justify abortion on demand would ultimately be used to justify other attacks on the sacredness of human life; infanticide or mercy killing. Tragically enough, those warnings proved all too true. Only last year a court permitted the death by starvation of a handicapped infant.

      I have directed the Health and Human Services Department to make clear to every health care facility in the United States that the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 protects all handicapped persons against discrimination based on handicaps, including infants. And we have taken the further step of requiring that each and every recipient of federal funds who provides health care services to infants must post and keep posted in a conspicuous place a notice stating that “discriminatory failure to feed and care for handicapped infants in this facility is prohibited by federal law.” It also lists a twenty-fourhour, toll-free number so that nurses and others may report violations in time to save the infant's life.

      In addition, recent legislation introduced in the Congress by Representative Henry Hyde of Illinois not only increases restrictions on publicly financed abortions, it also addresses this whole problem of infanticide. I urge the Congress to begin hearings and to adopt legislation that will protect the right of life to all children, including the disabled or handicapped.

      Now, I'm sure that you must get discouraged at times, but you've done better than you know, perhaps. There's a great spiritual awakening in America, a renewal of the traditional values that have been the bedrock of America's goodness and greatness.

      One recent survey by a Washington-based research council concluded that Americans were far more religious than the people of other nations; 95 percent of those surveyed expressed a belief in God and a huge majority believed the Ten Commandments had real meaning in their lives. And another study has found that an overwhelming majority of Americans disapprove of adultery, teenage sex, pornography, abortion, and hard drugs. And this same study showed a deep reverence for the importance of family ties and religious belief.

      I think the items that we've discussed here today must be a key part of the nation's political agenda. For the first time the Congress is openly and seriously debating and dealing with the prayer and abortion issues; and that's enormous progress right there. I repeat: America is in the midst of a spiritual awakening and a moral renewal. And with your biblical keynote, I say today, “Yes, let justice roll on like a river, righteousness like a never-failing stream.”

      Now, obviously, much of this new political and social consensus I've talked about is based on a positive view of American history, one that takes pride in our country's accomplishments and record. But we must never forget that no government schemes are going to perfect man. We know that living in this world means dealing with what philosophers would call the phenomenology of evil or, as theologians would put it, the doctrine of sin.

      There is sin and evil in the world, and we're enjoined by Scripture and the Lord Jesus to oppose it with all our might. Our nation, too, has a legacy of evil with which it must deal. The glory of this land has been its capacity for transcending the moral evils of our past. For example, the long struggle of minority citizens for equal rights, once a source of disunity and civil war, is now a point of pride for all Americans. We must never go back. There is no room for racism, anti-Semitism, or other forms of ethnic and racial hatred in this country.

      I know that you've been horrified, as have I, by the resurgence of some hate groups preaching bigotry and prejudice. Use the mighty voice of your pulpits and the powerful standing of your churches to denounce and isolate these hate groups in our midst. The commandment given us is clear and simple: “Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.”

      But whatever sad episodes exist in our past, any objective observer must hold a positive view of American history, a history that has been the story of hopes fulfilled and dreams made into reality. Especially in this century, America has kept alight the torch of freedom, but not just for ourselves but for millions of others around the world.

      And this brings me to my final point today. During my first press conference as president, in answer to a direct question, I pointed out that, as good Marxist-Leninists, the Soviet leaders have openly and publicly declared that the only morality they recognize is that which will further their cause, which is world revolution. I think I should point out I was only quoting Lenin, their guiding spirit, who said in 1920 that they repudiate all morality that proceeds from supernatural ideas—that's their name for religion—or ideas that are outside class conceptions. Morality is entirely subordinate to the interests of class war. And everything is moral that is necessary for the annihilation of the old, exploiting social order and for uniting the proletariat.

      Well, I think the refusal of many influential people to accept this elementary fact of Soviet doctrine illustrates a historical reluctance to see totalitarian powers for what they are. We saw this phenomenon in the 1930s. We see it too often today.

      This doesn't mean we should isolate ourselves and refuse to seek an understanding with them. I intend to do everything I can to persuade them of our peaceful intent, to remind them that it was the West that refused to use its nuclear monopoly in the forties and fifties for territorial gain and which now proposes a 50-percent cut in strategic ballistic missiles and the elimination of an entire class of land-based, intermediate-range nuclear missiles.

      At the same time, however, they must be made to understand we will never compromise our principles and standards. We will never give away our freedom. We will never abandon our belief in God. And we will never stop searching for a genuine peace. But we can assure none of these things America stands for through the so-called nuclear freeze solutions proposed by some.

      The truth is that a freeze now would be a very dangerous fraud, for that is merely the illusion of peace. The reality is that we must find peace through strength.

      I would agree to freeze if only we could freeze the Soviets' global desires. A freeze at current levels of weapons would remove any incentive for the Soviets to negotiate seriously in Geneva and virtually end our chances to achieve the major arms reductions which we have proposed. Instead, they would achieve their objectives through the freeze.

      A freeze would reward the Soviet Union for its enormous and unparalleled military buildup. It would prevent the essential and long overdue modernization of United States and allied defenses and would leave our aging forces increasingly vulnerable. And an honest freeze would require extensive prior negotiations on the systems and numbers to be limited and on the measures to ensure effective verification and compliance. And the kind of a freeze that has been suggested would be virtually impossible to verify. Such a major effort would divert us completely from our current negotiations on achieving substantial reductions.

      A number of years ago, I heard a young father, a very prominent young man in the entertainment world, addressing a tremendous gathering in California. It was during the time of the cold war, and communism and our own way of life were very much on people's minds. And he was speaking to that subject. And suddenly, though, I heard him saying, “I love my little girls more than anything—” And I said to myself, “Oh, no, don't. You can't—don't say that.” But I had underestimated him. He went on: “I would rather see my little girls die now, still believing in God, than have them grow up under communism and one day die no longer believing in God.”

      There were thousands of young people in that audience. They came to their feet with shouts of joy. They had instantly recognized the profound truth in what he had said, with regard to the physical and the soul and what was truly important.

      Yes, let us pray for the salvation of all of those who live in that totalitarian darkness—pray they will discover the joy of knowing God. But until they do, let us be aware that while they preach the supremacy of the state, declare its omnipotence over individual man, and predict its eventual domination of all peoples on the earth, they are the focus of evil in the modern world.

      It was C.S. Lewis who, in his unforgettable Screwtape Letters, wrote: “The greatest evil is not done now in those sordid ‘dens of rime’ that Dickens loved to paint. It is not even done in concentration camps and labor camps. In those we see its final result. But it is conceived and ordered (moved, seconded, carried and minuted) in clean, carpeted, warmed, and well-lighted offices, by quiet men with white collars and cut fingernails and smooth-shaven cheeks who do no need to raise their voice.”

      Well, because these “quiet men” do not “raise their voices,” because they sometimes speak in soothing tones of brotherhood and peace, because, like other dictators before them, they're always making “their final territorial demand,” some would have us accept them as their word and accommodate ourselves to their aggressive impulses. But if history teaches anything, it teaches that simpleminded appeasement or wishful thinking about our adversaries is folly. It means the betrayal of our past, the squandering of our freedom.

      So, I urge you to speak out against those who would place the United States in a position of military and moral inferiority. You know, I've always believed that old Screwtape reserved his best efforts for those of you in the church. So, in your discussions of the nuclear freeze proposals, I urge you to beware the temptation of pride—the temptation of blithely declaring yourselves above it all and label both sides equally at fault, to ignore the facts of history and the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a giant misunderstanding and thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good and evil.

      I ask you to resist the attempts of those who would have you withhold your support for our efforts, this administration's efforts, to keep America strong and free, while we negotiate real and verifiable reductions in the world's nuclear arsenals and one day, with God's help, their total elimination.

      While America's military strength is important, let me add here that I've always maintained that the struggle now going on for the world will never be decided by bombs or rockets, by armies or military might. The real crisis we face today is a spiritual one; at root, it is a test of moral will and faith.

      Whittaker Chambers, the man whose own religious conversation made him a witness to one of the terrible traumas of our time, the Hiss-Chambers case, wrote that the crisis of the Western world exists to the degree in which the West is indifferent to God, the degree to which it collaborates in communism's attempt to make man stand alone without God. And then he said, for Marxism-Leninism is actually the second-oldest faith, first proclaimed in the Garden of Eden with the words of temptation, “Ye shall be as gods.”

      The Western world can answer this challenge, he wrote, “but only provided that its faith in God and the freedom He enjoins is as great as communism's faith in Man.”

      I believe we shall rise to the challenge. I believe that communism is another sad, bizarre chapter in human history whose last pages even now are being written. I believe this because the source of our strength in the quest for human freedom is not material, but spiritual. And because it knows no limitation, it must terrify and ultimately triumph over those who would enslave their fellow man. For in the words of Isaiah: “He giveth power to the faint; and to them that have no might He increased strength … But they that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings as eagles; they shall run, and not be weary …”

      Yes, change your world. One of our Founding Fathers, Thomas Paine, said, “We have it within our power to begin the world over again.” We can do it, doing together what no one church could do by itself.

      God bless you, and thank you very much.

      George Herbert Walker Bush's Address To a Joint Session of Congress, 11 September 1990

      As the United States prepared to help Kuwait defend itself against an invading Iraqi army, this speech laid the groundwork for what President George H. W. Bush termed “a new world order.” It was a world where, after the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe, the Russians could now be our partners in peace.

      Mr. President and Mr. Speaker and Members of the United States Congress, distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank you very much for that warm welcome. We gather tonight, witness to events in the Persian Gulf as significant as they are tragic. In the early morning hours of August 2d, following negotiations and promises by Iraq's dictator Saddam Hussein not to use force, a powerful Iraqi army invaded its trusting and much weaker neighbor, Kuwait. Within 3 days, 120,000 Iraqi troops with 850 tanks had poured into Kuwait and moved south to threaten Saudi Arabia. It was then that I decided to act to check that aggression.

      At this moment, our brave servicemen and women stand watch in that distant desert and on distant seas, side by side with the forces of more than 20