Encyclopedia of Human Geography

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Edited by: Barney Warf

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      List of Entries

      Reader's Guide

      Human geography is such a broad field of study that it is nearly impossible to categorize the multitude of topics it covers. This list is designed to assist readers in finding articles on related topics. Headwords are organized into six major categories: Economic Geography, Urban Geography, Political Geography, Social/Cultural Geography, Geographic Theory and History, and Cartography/Geographic Information Systems. Note, however, that many topics defy easy categorization and belong to more than one grouping.

      Editorial Board

      EDITOR

      Barney Warf

      Florida State University

      ASSOCIATE EDITORS

      Altha Jane Cravey

      University of North Carolina

      Dydia DeLyser

      Louisiana State University

      Larry Knopp

      University of Minnesota–Duluth

      Daniel Z. Sui

      Texas A&M University

      David Wilson

      University of Illinois

      Contributors

      Paul Adams

      University of Texas

      Stuart Aitken

      San Diego State University

      Derek Alderman

      East Carolina University

      Luc Anselin

      University of Illinois

      Trevor Barnes

      University of British Columbia

      Rob Bartram

      University of Sheffield

      Dean Beck

      University of Illinois, Urbana–Champaign

      Robert Bednarz

      Texas A&M University

      F. L. Bein

      Indiana University/Purdue University at Indianapolis

      Lawrence Berg

      University of British Columbia

      William Beyers

      University of Washington

      Nicholas Blomley

      Simon Fraser University

      Barry Boots

      Wilfrid Laurier University

      Scott Bridwell

      University of Utah

      Kath Browne

      University of Brighton

      Brian Ceh

      Indiana State University

      Thomas Chapman

      Florida State University

      Jianer Chen

      Texas A&M University

      Paul Cloke

      University of Bristol

      Michael Conzen

      University of Chicago

      Meghan Cope

      State University of New York at Buffalo

      Susan Craddock

      University of Minnesota

      Jeremy Crampton

      Georgia State University

      Altha Cravey

      University of North Carolina

      Tim Cresswell

      University of Wales, Aberystwyth

      Jeff Crump

      University of Minnesota

      Nicholas Dahmann

      University of Chicago

      Christopher Dalbom

      Louisiana State University

      Bruce D'Arcus

      Miami University

      Vincent Del Casino

      California State University, Long Beach

      Dydia DeLyser

      Louisiana State University

      Michaela Denny

      Florida State University

      Lary Dilsaver

      University of South Alabama

      Teresa Dirsuweit

      University of the Witwatersrand

      Deborah Dixon

      University of Wales, Aberystwyth

      Jerome Dobson

      University of Kansas

      Rebecca Dolhinow

      California State University, Fullerton

      James Duncan

      University of Cambridge

      James Eflin

      Ball State University

      Glen Elder

      University of Vermont

      Colin Flint

      University of Illinois

      Jay Gatrell

      Indiana State University

      Wil Gesler

      University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

      Mary Gilmartin

      University College Dublin

      Jim Glassman

      University of British Columbia

      Pat Gober

      Arizona State University

      Michael Goodchild

      University of California, Santa Barbara

      Jon Goss

      University of Hawaii

      William Graves

      University of North Carolina at Charlotte

      Richard Greene

      Northern Illinois University

      John Grimes

      Eastern Kentucky University

      Jeanne Guelke

      University of Waterloo

      Daniel Hammel

      Illinois State University

      Stephen Hanna

      University of Mary Washington

      Holly Hapke

      East Carolina University

      Francis Harvey

      University of Minnesota

      Maureen Hays-Mitchell

      Colgate University

      Michael Heiman

      Dickinson College

      Andrew Herod

      University of Georgia

      Ken Hillis

      University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

      Steve Hoelscher

      University of Texas

      Briavel Holcomb

      Rutgers University

      Gail Hollander

      Florida International University

      Louise Holt

      University of Brighton

      Mark Horner

      Florida State University

      Ed Jackiewicz

      California State University, Northridge

      Daniel Jacobson

      University of Calgary

      Donald Janelle

      University of California, Santa Barbara

      Nuala Johnson

      Queen's University, Belfast

      Lynda Johnston

      University of Waikato

      Ronald Kalafsky

      University of North Carolina at Charlotte

      David Kaplan

      Kent State University

      Paul Kingsbury

      Simon Fraser University

      Andrew Klein

      Texas A&M University

      Dan Klooster

      Florida State University

      Larry Knopp

      University of Minnesota–Duluth

      Olaf Kuhlke

      University of Minnesota–Duluth

      Richard Kujawa

      St. Michael's College

      Jonathan Leib

      Florida State University

      Jonathan Lepofsky

      University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

      Paul Longley

      University College London

      Susan Mains

      University of the West Indies–Mona

      Jo Margaret Mano

      State University of New York at New Paltz

      Sallie Marston

      University of Arizona

      Tom Martinson

      Auburn University

      Robert Mason

      Temple University

      Kent Mathewson

      Louisiana State University

      Jon May

      University of London

      Kendra McSweeney

      The Ohio State University

      Christopher Merrett

      Western Illinois University

      Peter Meserve

      Fresno City College

      Don Mitchell

      Syracuse University

      Karen Morin

      Bucknell University

      Alison Mountz

      Syracuse University

      Thomas Mueller

      California University of Pennsylvania

      Peter Muller

      University of Miami

      Beverley Mullings

      Syracuse University

      Garth Myers

      University of Kansas

      David Nemeth

      University of Toledo

      Elizabeth Oglesby

      University of Arizona

      Shannon O'Lear

      University of Kansas

      Kathleen O'Reilly

      University of Illinois

      David O'Sullivan

      University of Auckland

      Ruth Panelli

      University of Otago

      Thomas Paradis

      Northern Arizona University

      Hester Parr

      University of Dundee

      Robert Pennock

      Florida State University

      Donna Peuquet

      Pennsylvania State University

      Scott Pike

      Texas A&M University

      Gabriel Popescu

      Florida State University

      Jeff Popke

      East Carolina University

      Deborah Popper

      College of Staten Island/City University of New York

      Marcus Power

      University of Durham

      Valerie Preston

      York University

      Darren Purcell

      University of Oklahoma

      Neil Reid

      University of Toledo

      George Rengert

      Temple University

      Susan Roberts

      University of Kentucky

      Clayton Rosati

      Syracuse University

      Robert Ross

      Syracuse University

      Grant Saff

      Hofstra University

      Joseph Scarpaci

      Virginia Tech

      Andrew Schoolmaster

      Eastern Kentucky University

      Joan Schwartz

      Queen's University

      Anna Secor

      University of Kentucky

      Joanne Sharp

      University of Glasgow

      Fred Shelley

      University of Oklahoma

      Betty Smith

      Eastern Illinois University

      Jonathan Smith

      Texas A&M University

      Michael Solem

      Association of American Geographers

      Kristin Stewart

      Florida State University

      Roger Stough

      George Mason University

      Christa Stutz

      Mesa College

      Daniel Sui

      Texas A&M University

      Emily Talen

      University of Illinois, Urbana–Champaign

      Jean-Claude Thill

      University at Buffalo, The State University of New York

      Mary Thomas

      Ohio State University

      Waldo Tobler

      University of California, Santa Barbara

      Paul Torrens

      University of Utah

      Carlos Tovares

      California State University, Northridge

      James Tyner

      Kent State University

      Michael Urban

      University of Missouri

      Robert Vanderbeck

      University of Leeds

      Richard Van Deusen

      Syracuse University

      Peter Vincent

      Lancaster University

      Andy Walter

      State University of West Georgia

      Barney Warf

      Florida State University

      Gerald Webster

      University of Alabama

      Elizabeth Wentz

      Arizona State University

      David Wilson

      University of Illinois

      Charles Withers

      University of Edinburgh

      David Wong

      George Mason University

      John Wylie

      University of Sheffield

      Emily Yeh

      University of Colorado

      Junbo Yu

      Tsinghua University

      May Yuan

      University of Oklahoma

      Jingxiong Zhang

      Wuhan University

      About the Editor

      Barney Warf is Professor and Chair of Geography at Florida State University in Tallahassee. His research and teaching interests lie within the broad domain of human geography, particularly social, economic, and urban issues. He has studied New York as a global city, telecommunications and electronic capital markets, offshore banking in Panama, information net-works in the Dominican Republic, international networks of legal and engineering services, mergers in the telecommunications industry, the geographies of cyberspace, military spending, the lumber industry, the political economy of ports, Indonesia, and Cleveland, among other things. He has coauthored or coedited 5 books, 25 book chapters, and 80 articles in journals, and he has won teaching and research awards.

      Introduction

      Human geography over the past decade has undergone a conceptual and methodological renaissance that has transformed it into the most dynamic and innovative of the social sciences. Geography, especially human geography, long suffered from a negative popular reputation (particularly in the United States) as a trivial discipline with little analytical substance, a view that centers on the “capes and bays” approach. That misconception has been decisively annihilated by the intellectual advances of the past four decades. The Encyclopedia of Human Geography offers a comprehensive overview of the major ideas, concepts, terms, and approaches that characterize a notoriously diverse field. No single volume can hope to capture the breadth and variety to be found in a discipline, but this book aspires to encapsulate at least the most important highlights of human geography at this moment in time. The reader will find a variety of themes characterizing different schools of thought and subject areas in this volume. The emphasis throughout has been on topics and ideas, and this focus has required the omission of other possible entries. For example, there are no biographical summaries of well-known geographers.

      Human geography—the study of how societies construct places, how humans use the surface of the earth, how social phenomena are distributed spatially, and how we bring space into consciousness—has matured along multiple fronts. Starting as early as the 1950s, many geographers turned to mathematical models of spatial phenomena, developing increasingly complex understandings of, for example, the spatial structures of urban areas, transportation systems, and public services. These approaches, although now less prominent, made great contributions to the study of spatial diffusion, networks, and industrial location. Philosophically, this approach elevated the abstract over the concrete—the general over the specific—and reduced geography to geometry. Its rigorous methodology reduced the role for armchair speculation and was useful in uncovering regularities in the landscape. The so-called positivist school of geography has been challenged and supplemented by various other philosophies and approaches, but the growth over the past two decades of geographic information systems (GIS) has given this way of looking at space new popular appeal. The explosion of GIS has had wide-reaching and generally highly beneficial consequences for human geography, providing new means to model and simulate spatial phenomena with an unprecedented degree of analytical sophistication. The presence of GIS, both as a tool and as a language, has energized human geography in ways that were unthinkable just a generation ago. Although this encyclopedia addresses several topics of significance to positivism (e.g., the gravity model, location theory), its focus leans more heavily toward more contemporary approaches.

      Several postpositivist perspectives have contributed significantly to the diversity of human geography today. Marxists injected into the field a concern with class and power along with a far richer understanding of production and the spatial division of labor, uneven development, and the need to historicize our understanding of space (i.e., embed geographies in their temporal contexts). Marxism illustrated that geography cannot be understood independently of social structures—of how resources are organized and opportunities and constraints are produced differentially for and challenged by different groups—and raised the ethical obligation to confront inequality and injustice. Similarly, feminists brought to the field the notion that social and spatial life always is gendered and that gender permeates social relations, crosscutting class and ethnicity in complex ways and shaping the daily lives and access to resources of men and women in a manner that often perpetuates, but occasionally challenges, patriarchy. An emerging line of thought concerns the spatiality of sexuality, introducing views drawn from queer theory to study sexual minorities. More recently, many geographers have turned to the spatial analysis of race and ethnicity, revealing that race and racial inequality are far from biologically given “natural” categories; rather, they are social products of domination and subordination that play out unevenly over space and time. Humanistic geographers, drawing on the rich tradition of phenomenology and existentialism, emphasized what it means to be human, the constitutive role of language in shaping human consciousness, the intangible dimensions of place as repositories of meaning, and the ways in which landscape and identity constitute one another, in the process “humanizing” social and spatial structures and processes by revealing the active role played by people in everyday life.

      Moving beyond the usual definitions of culture as the sum total of learned behavior or a “way of life,” many human geographers have effectively overcome the long-standing “micro–macro” division in the social sciences. Because culture is acquired through the process of socialization, individuals never live in a social vacuum; rather, they are socially produced from cradle to grave. Social and spatial structures consist of the rules and resources that people draw on in their daily lives and that in turn structure their actions. Thus, time and space are reproduced through the very same structures that enable people to carry out their daily existence. The socialization of the individual and the reproduction of society and place are two sides of the same coin. People reproduce the world, largely unintentionally, in their everyday lives, and in turn the world reproduces them through socialization. In forming their biographies every day, people recreate and transform their social worlds primarily without meaning to do so; individuals are both produced by and producers of history and geography. Hence, everyday thought and behavior do not simply mirror the world; they constitute it. This way of looking at human geography emphasized the contingent, open-ended nature of landscapes and the active role of people as agents, and it softened the blunt edges of earlier structuralist theories.

      Recently, many of the dualities that long characterized social science–nature versus society, the individual versus the social, the historical versus the geographic, and consumption versus production have broken down in the face of postmodern and poststructuralist approaches. Postmodernism, a term that has suffered from its popularity, emphasized the complexity of the world, the difficulty or impossibility of finding absolute truth, the deep linkages between knowledge and power, and the ways in which some ways of truth making cover up, ignore, or annihilate other perspectives. This trend forced a reevaluation, among other things, of the nature of the human subject; whereas classical theories portrayed human identities as stable and consistent, postmodernism holds them to be constantly in flux as individuals move among different categories of meaning. Geographically, identities are both space forming and space formed, that is, inextricably intertwined with geographies in complex and contingent ways. Space affects not only what we see in the world but also how we see it. Likewise, the human body has become an inspirational topic for human geographers, particularly the multiple ways in which identity, subjectivity, the body, and place are sutured together. Although bodies appear as “natural,” they are in fact social constructions deeply inscribed with multiple meanings and “embodiments” of class, gender, ethnic, and other relations.

      Human geographers often are fascinated by the question of how space is encoded and brought into consciousness through language. In a poststructuralist light, every representation is a simplification filled with silences, for the world is inherently more complex than our language allows us to admit. Representations of space—whether maps, stories, diagrams, or narratives—always are social products with social origins, even if they become taken for granted as “natural” or “objective.” Moreover, it is widely accepted that spatial representations always are linked to power; that is, they serve someone's interest and never are neutral or value free. Representations of space inevitably have social consequences (albeit not always intended ones), and geographic knowledge is less an objective mirror of the world than a contested battleground of views linked to different social interests. Discourses are socially produced sets of representations that simultaneously enable and constrain our understanding of the world. In short, geographic representations are part of the reality they help to construct; word making is also world making. That is, discourses do not simply mirror the world; they constitute it. This line of thought led to a “cultural turn” in economic geography, demonstrating that culture as a complex contingent set of relations is every bit as important as “economic” factors in the structuring of economic landscapes.

      The growth of culturalist explanations and the concern for the social nature of representation also infiltrated into the study of GIS. An earlier literature denaturalized maps, revealing them to be far from objective views of space but rather partial, inevitably biased discourses that represent the world in some ways and not others, naturalizing what they portray by obscuring social origins and processes. Geographic information systems, for all of their technological sophistication, long labored under the assumption that they too were, or at least could be, atheoretical, objective representations of the world. Human geography, however, has engaged in a mutually beneficial dialogue with practitioners and theoreticians of GIS, a dialogue that has pointed to GIS as a culturally laden discourse that selectively filters the ways in which the world is portrayed and analyzed. Thus, the process of pixelizing the social has been complemented by a parallel process of “socializing the pixel.”

      The explosion of the Internet has unleashed, perhaps predictably, analyses of the geography of cyberspace. Electronic communications have contributed to a massive worldwide round of time–space compression that reconfigured social relations and the rhythms of everyday life. Human geographers have charted the multiple impacts of this universe, including the growth of cybercommunities and their associated virtual selves, the “digital divide” that separates information haves and have-nots globally and locally, the growth of e-commerce, digital pedagogy, and the political uses of the Internet. In studying cyberspace, most human geographers jettisoned the technological determinism that holds that telecommunications simply affects space in favor of views that emphasize the coevolution of communications and space. The Internet is a social product that is interwoven with relations of class, race, and gender and inescapably subject to the uses and misuses of power. In an age when ever broader domains of everyday life are increasingly mediated electronically, this literature has moved beyond simplistic dichotomies such as online and off-line to suggest the ways in which the real and the virtual are shot through with one another. Moreover, far from signaling the “death of distance,” cyberspace itself is deeply structured geographically, with multiple topologies at different spatial scales.

      Globalization, the latest chapter in the expansion of capitalism, has rapidly increased the scope, volume, and velocity of international linkages, and as a result geographers have produced an ocean of literature on topics such as transnational capital, international trade, global commodity chains, global cities, international financial and telecommunications systems, and how the global economy is reshaping geopolitics and governance. By revealing how the global and the local are shot through with one another, or “glocalized,” this literature has contributed mightily to more nuanced understandings of how globalization is manifested differently in different places, challenging simplistic views that globalization inevitably leads to homogeneous landscapes and the eradication of local differences.

      In several disciplines, including human geography, postcolonialism has turned the study of globalization back in time, noting that the European colonial conquest of the world was as much a cultural and ideological project as an economic and political one. Thus, colonialism took many forms, including the pervasive Eurocentrism of Western social science that portrayed the West as the dynamic active motor of history and the rest of the world as passive recipients. This view has been increasingly challenged, in part by human geographers. Geography as a way of knowing space—the active “geo-graphing” of various parts of the globe—was part and parcel of the Western control of colonized regions, naturalizing Western dominance and non-Western inferiority. Postcolonial geographers confront the discursive and ideological presumption that non-Western societies were not every bit as much intellectually vibrant and original as the West and that non-Western ways of knowing have been marginalized through the power relations of colonialism. Indeed, the very dichotomy between the West and the “Rest” has itself been undermined in favor of an emphasis on hybridity.

      One of the healthiest products of human geography's sustained intercourse with social theory includes a widespread “denaturalization” of many phenomena once assumed to lie outside the domain of human control. As topic after topic has fallen sway to social constructivism, including gender, time and space, poverty, and the body, it is not surprising that the discipline recently has exhibited a renewed appreciation of how social relations are intertwined with the physical environment. Some human geographers have argued for the social construction of nature, a perspective that refutes long-standing assumptions that nature lies “outside” of human affairs. By enfolding nature within social relations and discourse, the biophysical environment is depicted as shaped, molded, and even created through human action. In jettisoning the artificial dualism between “humans” and “nature,” the discipline has worked to overcome the long-standing schism between human geography and physical geography through the use of perspectives such as political ecology and the social production of nature.

      All of these changes, schools, and perspectives have made human geography both considerably more complicated and much richer. Long a borrower of ideas from other disciplines, geography has become a contributor in its own right, and a “spatial turn” is evident in disciplines as diverse as sociology, anthropology, and literary criticism. The editors hope that users of this encyclopedia will appreciate the diversity and sophistication of contemporary human geography and in turn use its themes and concepts for their own purposes. Those who would like to pursue these topics further will find “Suggested Reading” samples at the end of each entry. For broad overviews of the topic, see the entries at the end of this Introduction.

      Finally, I thank the numerous people who were so generous with their time in this project. The associate editors—Dydia DeLyser, Dan Sui, Larry Knopp, David Wilson, and Altha Cravey—worked long and hard to secure great entries from good authors. This project and I owe them an enormous debt of gratitude. The authors and contributors themselves—all 157 of them—contributed a wonderful series of entries on a bewildering array of topics; I have learned more from them than they will ever know. Sage's Leticia Gutierrez, Tracy Alpern, Yvette Pollastrini, and D. J. Peck were enormously helpful throughout the editorial and production process. Any mistakes are my own. And of course, I am constantly thankful for my wife Santa Arias and my son Derek for their love, energy, humor, and support.

      BarneyWarf
      Suggested Reading
      Anderson, K., Domosh, M., Pile, S., & Thrift, N. (Eds.). (2003). Handbook of cultural geography. London: Sagehttp://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781848608252.
      Cloke, P., Philo, C., & Sadler, D.(1991). Approaching human geography. New York: Guilford.
      Holt-Jensen, A.(2003). Geography: History and concepts (3rd ed.). London: Sage.
      Hubbard, P., Kitchin, R., Bartley, B., & Fuller, D.(2002). Thinking geographically: Space, theory, and contemporary human geography. London: Continuum.
      Hubbard, P., Kitchin, R., & Valentine, G. (Eds.). (2004). Key thinkers on space and place. London: Sage.
      Johnston, R., Gregory, D., Pratt, G., & Watts, M. (Eds.). (2001). Dictionary of human geography (4th ed.). Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
      Johnston, R., & Sidaway, J.(2004). Geography and geographers: Anglo-American human geography since 1945 (6th ed.). London: Edward Arnold.
      Low, M., Cox, K., & Robinson, J. (Eds.). (2003). Handbook of political geography. London: Sagehttp://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781848607880.
      Peet, R.(1998). Modern geographical thought. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
      Sheppard, E., & Barnes, T. (Eds.). (2000). A companion to economic geography. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
    • Master Bibliography

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      Archer, C., & Shelly, F.(1986)American electoral mosaics. Washington, DC: Association of American Geographers.
      Archer, J., Lavin, S., Martis, K., & Shelley, F.(2002)Atlas of American politics, 1960–2000. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press.
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