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Encyclopedia of African Religion

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Edited by: Molefi Kete Asante & Ama Mazama

Publication Year: 2009

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412964623

Subject: Black Studies

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Asante, M. K. & Mazama, A. (Eds.) (2009). Encyclopedia of African religion Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. doi: 10.4135/9781412964623

Asante, Molefi K. and Ama Mazama, eds. Encyclopedia of African Religion. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2009. doi: 10.4135/9781412964623.

Asante, M K & Mazama, A (eds) 2009, Encyclopedia of african religion, SAGE Publications, Inc., Thousand Oaks, CA, viewed 15 December 2018, doi: 10.4135/9781412964623.

Asante, Molefi K and Ama Mazama, eds. Encyclopedia of African Religion. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2009. SAGE Knowledge. Web. 15 Dec. 2018, doi: 10.4135/9781412964623.

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      Editorial Board

      Editors

      Molefi Kete Asante Temple University

      Ama Mazama, Temple University

      Editorial Board

      Chinua Achebe, Bard College

      Kwame Gyekye, University of Ghana

      Maulana Karenga, California State University, Long Beach

      Marta Moreno Vega, Caribbean Cultural Center

      Isidore Okpewho, Binghamton University, State University of New York

      Kofi Asare Opoku, Lafayette College

      List of Entries

      Reader's Guide

      The Reader's Guide is provided to assist readers in locating articles on related topics. It classifies entries into 16 general topical categories: Ancestral Figures; Communalism and Family; Concepts and Ideas; Deities and Divinities; Eternality; Nature; Personalities and Characters; Possessors of Divine Energy; Rituals and Ceremonies; Sacred Spaces and Objects; Societies; Symbols, Signs, and Sounds; Taboo and Ethics; Texts; Traditions; and Values. Entries may be listed under more than one topic.

      About the Editors

      Molefi Kete Asante is professor in the Department of African American Studies at Temple University. Dr. Asante has published 67 books; among the most recent are Afrocentric Manifesto (2008); The History of Africa: The Quest for Eternal Harmony (2007); Cheikh Anta Diop: An Intellectual Portrait (2006); Spear Masters: An Introduction to African Religion (2006), coau-thored with Emeka Nwadiora; Handbook of Black Studies (2005), coedited with Maulana Karenga; Encyclopedia of Black Studies (2005), coedited with Ama Mazama; Race, Rhetoric, and Identity: The Architecton of Soul (2005); Erasing Racism: The Survival of the American Nation (2003); Ancient Egyptian Philosophers (2000); Scattered to the Wind (2002); Custom and Culture of Egypt (2002); and 100 Greatest African Americans (2003).

      He has recently been recognized as one of the most widely cited scholars. In the 1990s, he was recognized as one of the most influential leaders in American education. Dr. Asante completed his MA at Pepperdine and received his PhD from the University of California, Los Angeles, at the age of 26, and was appointed a full professor at the age of 30 at the State University of New York at Buffalo. At Temple University, he created the first PhD program in African American Studies in 1987. He has directed more than 140 PhD dissertations. He has written more than 300 articles for journals and magazines and is the founder of the theory of Afrocentricity.

      Dr. Asante was born in Valdosta, Georgia, in the United States, of Sudanese and Nigerian heritage, 1 of 16 children. He is a poet, dramatist, and painter. His work on African language, multiculturalism, and human culture and philosophy has been cited by journals such as the Africalogical Perspectives, Quarterly Journal of Speech, Journal of Black Studies, Journal of Communication, American Scholar, Daedalus, Western Journal of Black Studies, and Africaological Perspectives. The Utne Reader called him one of the “100 Leading Thinkers” in America. Dr. Asante has appeared on more than 50 TV programs. In 2002, he received the distinguished Douglas Ehninger Award for Rhetorical Scholarship from the National Communication Association. He regularly consults with the African Union. In 2004, he was asked to give one of the keynote addresses at the Conference of Intellectuals of Africa and the Diaspora in Dakar, Senegal. He was inducted into the Literary Hall of Fame for Writers of African Descent at the Gwendolyn Brooks Center at Chicago State University in 2004, and he is the recipient of more than 100 national and international awards, including three honorary degrees.

      Dr. Asante is the founding editor of the Journal of Black Studies (1969) and was the president of the civil rights organization, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee chapter at UCLA, in the 1960s. In 1995, he was made a traditional king, Nana Okru Asante Peasah, Kyidomhene of Tafo, Akyem, Ghana.

      Ama Mazama is associate professor of African American Studies at Temple University. She was born and grew up in Guadeloupe, Eastern Caribbean. She received her PhD in Linguistics from the University of La Sorbonne, Paris, at the age of 26, with Highest Distinction. Before joining Temple, Dr. Mazama taught at the University of Texas, Austin, and Penn State, College Park, and was a visiting professor at Georgetown University and Howard University.

      She has published eight books in French or English, including The Afrocentric Paradigm (2003), L'Impératif Afrocentrique (2003), The Encyclopedia of Black Studies (2005) (coedited with Molefi Kete Asante), and Africa in the 21st Century: Toward a New Future (2007), as well as more than 60 articles in French and English in national and international journals. Dr. Mazama's early work was on the African roots of Caribbean creole languages.

      Dr. Mazama is the associate editor of the Journal of Black Studies, the top scholarly journal in Black Studies. In 2007, the National Council of Black Studies presented her with the Ana Julia Cooper and CLR James Award for her contributions to the advancement of the discipline of Black Studies.

      Dr. Mazama has lectured nationally, throughout the United States and internationally, in Paris, Vienna, London, Birmingham, South America, Benin, West Africa, Canada, and, of course, in the Caribbean, her place of origin. She is a highly sought after lecturer and workshop leader in the field of African and African American infusion in school curricula. An expert in linguistics and cultural theory, Dr. Mazama has been cited by numerous school districts for her work in Pan African culture.

      In 2002, she was initiated in Haiti to become a Mambo, that is, a Vodu priestess. Thus, Ama Mazama's knowledge of African religion is not only academic but also, and most important, stems from a lived experience. The mother of three, Dr. Mazama is committed to recording and transmitting knowledge of the African cultural traditions to present and future generations.

      Contributors

      Oluwatoyin Vincent Adepoju, University College, London

      Saheed Aderinto, University of Texas at Austin

      Afe Adogame University of Edinburgh

      Kwame Akonor Seton Hall University

      Edona M. Alexandria, Umayat Spriritual Education Circle

      Adisa A. Alkebulan, San Diego State University

      David Amponsah, Indiana University

      Elizabeth Andrade, Devry University

      Edward E. Andrews, University of New Hampshire

      M. K. Asante, Jr., Morgan State University

      Molefi Kete Asante Temple University

      Kwabena Faheem Ashanti, North Carolina State University

      Deji Ayegboyin, University of Ibadan

      Diedre L. Badejo Kent State University

      Katherine Olukemi Bankole West Virginia University

      Michael Antonio Barnett, Florida International University

      Moses Ohene Biney New York Theological Seminary

      Yaba Amgborale Blay Temple University

      Kwame Botwe-Asamoah University of Pittsburgh

      George Brandon, City University of New York

      Jovan A. Brown Temple University

      Nana Kwabena Brown, Nyama Institute

      Willie Cannon-Brown Peirce College

      Patricia E. Canson Medgar Evers College of City University of New York

      Ibo Changa Temple University

      Kefentse K. Chike, Michigan State University

      Vimbai Gukwe Chivaura, University of Zimbabwe

      Asia Austin Colter Temple University

      Malachi D. Crawford, University of Missouri

      Chikukuango Cuxima-zwa Brunei University-West London

      Kyrah Malika Daniels, Stanford University

      Leslie Desmangles Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut

      Kofi Kissi Dompere Howard University

      Paul H. L. Easterling, University of Houston

      Philip U. Effiong, University of Maryland University College

      Zetla K. Elvi, State University of New York

      Femi Euba, Louisiana State University

      Salim Faraji, California State University, Dominguez Hills

      Stephen C. Finley Rice University

      Justin Gammage Temple University

      Geoffrey Jahwara Giddings Antiocb College

      DeBorah Gilbert White, Union Institute

      Annette M. Gilzene Pepperdine University

      Bruce Grady, Shaw University

      Valerie I. Harrison Temple University

      Deonte James Hollowell Temple University

      Thomas Houessou-Adin, Philadelphia University/Episcopal Academy

      LaRese Hubbard, California State University, Long Beach

      Asar Sa Ra Imhotep, University of Houston

      Shaza Gamal Ismail, Helwan University

      Bayyinah S. Jeffries, Michigan State University

      Charles Jegede, University of Ibadan

      Maulana Karenga, California State University, Long Beach

      Kunbi Labeodan, University of Ibadan

      Elisa Larkin Nascimento IPEAFRO, Rio de Janeiro

      Shantrelle P. Lewis Tempie University

      Tracey Michael Lewis, African American Museum in Philadelphia

      Weckea D. Lilly Temple University

      Aloysius M. Lugira Boston College

      Garvey F. Lundy, University of Pennsylvania

      Denise Martin, University of Louisville

      Ama Mazama Temple University

      Andrew M. Mbuvi Shaw University Divinity School

      Serie McDougal III, San Francisco State University

      Claudine Michel, University of California, Santa Barbara

      Ana Monteiro-Ferreira Temple University

      Mussa S. Muneja, University of Botswana

      Godwin Uetuundja Murangi, University of Namibia

      LaAisha Murray Temple University

      Gwinyai P. Muzorewa Temple University

      Kimani S. K. Nehusi University of East London

      Emmanuel Kombem Ngwainmbi, Elizabeth City State University

      Mutombo Nkulu-N'Sengha, California State University, Northridge

      Vera DeMoultrie Nobles San Francisco State University

      Wade W Nobles San Francisco State University

      BioDun J. Ogundayo, University of Pittsburgh

      David O. Ogungbile, Obafemi Awolowo University

      S. K. Olajide, University of Ibadan

      Daniel Tetteh Osabu-Kle, Carleton University

      Marquita Pellerin Temple University

      Nashay M. Pendleton Temple University

      D. Zizwe Poe, Lincoln University

      Tiffany D. Pogue, Florida International University

      Pamela D. Reed, Virginia State University

      Monica L. Rhodes Temple University

      Ibram H. Rogers Temple University

      Laird Scranton Colgate University

      Jorge Serrano Temple University

      Tabona Magondo Shoko, University of Zimbabwe

      Mwalimu J. Shujaa Meager Ever s College

      Djibo Sobukwe Temple University

      Douglas Edwin Thomas Boricua College

      M. Tillotson, University of Houston

      Joel E. Tishken Columbus State University

      Brenda J. Washington Temple University

      Khonsura A. Wilson, California State University, Long Beach

      Tyrene K. Wright John Jay College, City University of New York

      Introduction

      The Encyclopedia of African Religion is the first comprehensive work to assemble ideas, concepts, discourses, and extensive essays on African religion. Over the years, there have been numerous encyclopedias on religion from other parts of the world, but African religion has often been relegated to “primitive religions,” “African mythologies,” or “tribal religions” sections of such works on religion. It is as if African religion is an afterthought in the eyes of the authors and editors of such volumes. Of course, these designations are clearly based on outmoded and problematic Western notions of Africa, and we have created this encyclopedia as a monument to the memory of those Africans who left us enough information from which to rediscover for the world the original beauty and majesty of African culture.

      There were two objectives in advancing this work to the public. First, we wanted to provide the primary material necessary for further research, analysis, and exposition of the concrete beliefs of African people. Second, we sought to elevate the discourse around African religion, suggesting by the presentation of nearly 500 entries that there was still much we did not know about African culture. Africa is the second largest continent in the world. Yet its intellectual and cultural contributions remain among the least understood if we take the written records about the continent and its people as sources of knowledge about the continent. There are still those whose knowledge of Africa is grounded in the perceptions and attitudes of missionaries, merchants, and marines who have occupied the continent through foreign religions, trade, or guns. The enormity of African contribution to ideas of religion, spirituality, and ethics has gone unappreciated by religious scholars, although at the beginning of human history, Africa makes its case for the origin of religion in an official, formal manner. It is our hope that the reflection on African religion occasioned by these entries will enhance our understanding of the African world and provide a new adventure for comparative studies.

      Unquestionably, a work as innovative and comprehensive as this encyclopedia makes its mark in the area of intellectual inquiry by staking out new areas of knowledge. It provides the reader with new metaphors, tropes, figures of speech, modes of reasoning, etymologies, analogies, and cosmogonies to satiate the intellect. Only in such an encyclopedia as this can one truly grasp the enormity of Africa's contribution to religious ideas. Thus, this work presents richly textured ideas of spirituality, ritual, and initiation while advancing new theological categories, cosmological narratives, and ways to conceptualize ethical behavior.

      Given that we viewed African religion as one religion and the African continent as a whole, we were inclined to introduce classical African religious ideas, from the beginning of Kernet to the arrival of Christianity and later Islam in Africa, as significant forerunners of much of continental African thought. The same appeal to ethics, based on righteous character; the same search for eternal life, found in living a life where good outweighs evil; and the same openness to ancestral spirits, kas, as remaining among the community of the living, creates an appreciation of the recurring cycle of humanity. Correspondences of language and concept as with Amen, Amani, and Intani, which are transgenerational and transcontinental, remain vibrant parts of the African legacy of religion. When the Akan use the words Kwame, Asare, and Nkwa, they recall the more ancient Amen, Ausar, and Ankb. Several books, starting with the older works of Eva Meyerowitz, have examined these correspondences. Of course, in more recent times, Afrocentric authors such as Mubabinge Bilolo, Chinweizu Chinweizu, and Théophile Obenga have identified other correspondences in the religious and philosophical traditions of Africa.

      The fact that Western or Islamic categories, which come much later than African religion, have often been employed in the discourse on African religion means that we have not yet established enough concrete data for asserting the African religion. Because of this reality, much of African religious thought has been distorted and confused as authors have tried to force newly discovered or uncovered or different concepts into old and familiar classes. Therefore, as editors, we have avoided ironclad classificatory schemes and sought entries that revealed as closely as possible the actualities of African societies. What we wanted the entries to reveal was the thinking of African people about religion from the earliest of times.

      The 20th-century Rediscovery of African Religion

      The extraordinary attention and widespread interest aroused by the publication of John Mbiti's African Religions and Philosophy thrust African religion into the modern discourse about ways that humans have experienced the sacred. Subsequent African authors such as Bolaji Idowu, Kofi Opoku Asare, Emeka Nwadiora, Ifa Karade, Wände Abimbola, and Laurent Magesa engaged the discussion on African religion with the idea of expanding and clarifying much of what was written by Mbiti in the 1960s and 1970s. Of course, in most cases, these writers were, like Mbiti, Christians or newly reconverted Africans who were attempting to explain African religion in the context of Christian theology. Mbiti, for example, had been an ordained Anglican priest who was eventually elevated to canon in 2005.

      Born in Kenya, Mbiti studied in Uganda and the United States before finally completing his doctorate at Cambridge. During his career, he taught religion in Africa and Europe and was the director of the World Council of Churches' Ecumenical Institute. Although it was his intention to challenge Western assumptions that African religion was demonic and anti-Christian, Mbiti's work, written from a Christian perspective, had the impact of catering to Western ideas about Africa. As a parish minister in Burgdorf, Switzerland, Mbiti continued to advance the idea that Christianity was more significant than African religion and never returned to the religion of his ancestors. Although this is not meant as a condemnation, it is nonetheless an awareness of the complexity and contradictions of Mbiti's approach to traditional African religion.

      Mbiti's African Religions and Philosophy remains a classic text in the historical sense, but it further complicates the discourse on African religion by insisting on a plurality of religions in Africa. A number of writers have contested this reading of African culture, claiming that the unity of African religion is uncontested by philosophy, practice, and ritual. Actually, Mbiti's original title to his book, African Religions and Philosophy, suggests his own ambivalence about the nature of this unity. “African religions” in his title is problematic, but “African philosophy” is not. One is an insistence on plurality, and the other is a statement of unity. In the Encyclopedia of African Religion, we have taken as a starting point the unity of African religion, although we are quite aware of the diversity of expressions of that religion, much like one would see in Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, Islam, or other human religions.

      African religion dramatizes its unity in the universal appeal to the spirits that animate all of nature. Humans, stones, trees, animals, lakes, rivers, and mountains are conjoined in one grand movement toward the continuation of life. However, the entries that are included in our Encyclopedia have convinced us that the ideas of reciprocity, circularity, and continuity of the human community are essential elements in the discourse on African religion. At the core of this continuity is the belief that ancestors remain active in the community of the living. Almost all other actions on Earth are dependent on the eternal community that encompasses the unborn, the living, and the deceased.

      The Encyclopedia of African Religion articulates a philosophical approach to this topic that situates African transcendent expressions in a unitary sense. Fractured by numerous cultural and spiritual intrusions, African religion has withstood the worst of human brutality and cruelty against other humans with solemn resilience. There are some beliefs and aspects of life and knowledge that are consistent across the continent. For example, human beings originated on the continent of Africa, and the earliest human consciousness toward the awesomeness of nature and the mysteries of life and death was an African experience. In Africa, the world exists as a place full of energy, dynamism, and life, and the holding back of chaos by harmonizing the spirit world is the principal task of the human being in keeping with nature. In the African world, spirits exist. This is not a debatable issue in most African societies. The existence of spirits that are employed in the maintenance of balance and harmony represents the continuous search for equilibrium.

      The idea that a creator exists is also at the base of this African reality. In fact, African people have lived with the name of a Supreme Deity longer than any other people because the first humans who responded to the unknown with the announcement of awe originated on the African continent. This is not just true in the sense of oral tradition, but in historical time we know that the names of Bes, Ptah, Atum, Ra, Amen, Khnum, Set, Ausar, and Auset are among the oldest names for divinities in the world.

      Nothing in ancient African culture was more standard and more consistent than the belief in a First Ancestor. Whether one was in the Nile, Congo, or Niger valley, Africans accepted the idea of a Supreme Being or a First Ancestor. There is generally the belief that a Supreme Being or First Ancestor arrived with the first ancestor of a group of people in a region. Sometimes these two entities are the same being, and at other times they are separate. An Akan saying is “God is the Great Ancestor.” A woman dies and she is remembered for what she did on Earth, and the story is passed down from generation to generation; in the transmission, the story is embellished so that a current generation revels in the supernatural deeds done eons ago. She becomes the First Ancestor. We are in the province of mystery here because the numerous powers that may be called on to explain various phenomena will have their roots in the ancestral world.

      The African Supreme Being, however, rarely plays a role in the daily activities of the people. No one would even think of knowing this being or trying to know him or her as “a personal savior.” The Abrahamic deity of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam is quite different from the African God of Yoruba, Zulu, and Gikuyu. Who could fathom the possibilities of the Creator being involved on a personal level with humans? How could one have a personal relationship with God? How could God be a dictator in human life? Thus, the myths, stories, legends, and narratives that are created by the various branches of Popular Traditional African Religion Everywhere (PTARE) are designed to approximate the nature of the God of Gods or, at least, to provide the necessary and attendant assistants in the process of maintaining ethics without the universe.

      What is believed intensely all over the continent of Africa is that the Supreme Being, who could be male, female, or both, created the universe, animals, and human beings, but soon retreated from any direct involvement in the affairs of humans. In some cases in Africa, the Supreme Being does not finish the creation; it is left to other deities to complete. Among the Yoruba, this delegation of creation appears when Olorun, the Owner of the Sky, the Supreme God, starts the creation of the universe and then leaves it to Obatala, a lesser deity, to complete the task. Among the Herero of Namibia, the Supreme God, Omukuru, the Great One, Njambi Kurunga, withdrew into the sky after creating lesser divinities and humans. There are neither temples nor shrines to the God of Gods among most people in Africa. In most cases, the lesser divinities are worshipped, revered, loved, and feared. Why should an Akan person fear Almighty God Nyankopon or the Yoruba people become frightened of Olorun or the Herero be scared of Omukuru?

      Only at the most critical moment when it seems the entire universe is topsy-turvy or the cosmos may fail will the African person appeal to the Creator God. Of course, this situation is not expected. It is probably best summed up by the behavior of the Ewe of southern Ghana, who do not invoke the name of Dzingbe, the Universal Father, unless there is a drought. With a drought comes the possibility that there will be no food, and if there is no food, there will be no life. It is a time of severe crisis. They might then say, “Universal Father, Dzingbe, who rules the sky, to whom we are grateful, mighty is the drought and we are suffering; let it rain, let the earth be refreshed, let the fields be resurrected and the people prosper!” Otherwise, they do not bother the awesome Dzingbe.

      Ancestors appear more important on a daily basis than the Supreme Deity. It is the ancestors who must be feared, who must be appeased, and to whom appeals must be directed; they are the ones who must be invoked and revered because they are the agents of transformation. In effect, the ancestors know the people; they have lived among them and have a keen insight into the nature of ordinary lives. A person's life can change drastically if he or she does not pay proper homage to the ancestors. Some ancestors, as we shall see, are more powerful than others, but all are essentially concerned about the well-being of the society.

      Is Egypt Part of Africa?

      There has been a tendency for Westerners to speak of Egyptian religion and African religion as if these were two separate entities. What this creates is a false dichotomy on the African continent, where Egypt is divorced from the rest of Africa or, to put it another way, Kernet is divorced from Nubia, as if there is neither contiguity nor continuity.

      What is clear from many of the authors who wrote entries for this Encyclopedia is that ancient Egyptian religion was African religion; one cannot isolate Egypt from Africa any more than one can isolate a Christian Rome from a Christian Britain. Two different nations that practice the same religion with different accents and inclinations can be found on every continent. Egypt, or Kernet as it was called in the ancient times, is an African nation in the sense that the continental memory and cultural products are similar to those found throughout the continent.

      Forty-two ethnic groups or political units called nomes existed in predynastic Kernet. Each nome possessed a name for the Supreme Deity. Every local deity was considered universal, omnipotent, ever-lasting, original, and a creator who made all things in the world. Ancient African sages could see from their own situations that humans lived in families, and there was no reason that the gods could not also have families. So the creator god in a local nome was given a family that included an intimate circle who intervened from time to time in the creation plan or in the organization of the world. A common family for the Supreme Deity consisted of a triad. In this pattern, there was a godfather, goddess mother, and godchild. The great religious seat of Waset had a triad of Amen, Mut, and Khonsu while at Men-nefer (Memphis) there was the triad of Ptah, Sekhmet, and Nefertum. The Council of Nicea in 325 AD spoke of the Christian triad as God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost. The female entity found in African religion had been removed from what was later called the Christian Trinity. In terms of the female energy, Auset was replaced by Mary, who was not a deity, but a virgin.

      Clearly for us, this Encyclopedia of African Religion is focused on the totality of the African record without regard to region. Therefore, our headword list had to include concepts and entries that dealt with the religious thinking of ancient Kernet, as well as the Kikuyu, the Yoruba, and the Zulu. What is significant about this is that once a reader understands the mythological and philosophical foundations of African religion, the concepts are easy to access; it is like cracking a combination to a complex lock. Once it has been cracked, there is a new world awaiting the reader, who is able to peer through the metaphorical or mythical veils of African narratives.

      Polytheism or Monotheism?

      In the Encyclopedia of African Religion, our authors have shown that the question of monotheism or polytheism is not an African question. It is profoundly a Western question. Most Africans believe in a Supreme God who creates the universe or causes it to be created, although it is believed that this entity may remain distant because the Supreme Deity is not a manager, but a creator.

      Although there is a unity to African religion, there are many variations to the characteristics, rituals and ceremonies, and details of practice related to the Deity. For example, the Asante, an Akan-speaking people of Ghana, and the Yoruba people of Nigeria believe in one great God and are politically monarchical, but have no regular worship of the Almighty. Yet both the Gikuyu people of Kenya and the Ibo people of Nigeria are individualistic and believe in one great God, but the Gikuyu make sacrifices to Ngai, who remains distant but respected, where the Ibo's Supreme God, Cbukwu, is not regularly worshipped in any sense. Using the African system of understanding, the nature of being one cannot conclude that there is only one divinity. Neither can one conclude that there are many creator deities. At best, one must accept that the nature of the divinity is one, but the attributes of the one are found in the numerous manifestations of the one as the many. To say that the nature of the divinity is one is different from claiming that there is only one divinity, although in most African societies, there is only one aspect of the divinity that is responsible for creation. However, polytheism in the sense of several superdeities responsible for human society does not exist. Yet there is every reason to believe that there is a divinity, spirit, or ancestor that is capable of relating to every human activity.

      Even among the Gikuyu, when a taboo is broken or an injury is caused to someone by another person, one may appeal to the ancestors for the proper remedy. Ngai does not bother with the affairs of one person, but rather with the entire people, the whole ethnic group, and the entire nation. Thus, the Gikuyu are similar to other African people in terms of communion with the ancestors and ritual sacrifices. Nevertheless, the Gikuyu are not polytheistic.

      The names of the Supreme God are many. Among the Masai, like the Gikuyu, their neighbors, God is called Ngai. Among the Mende, the name Ngewo, which means existing from the beginning, also means Almighty. The Asante believe in Nyankopon, who may be female or male. The Ga people of Ghana use the name Nyonmo, who is the god of rain, but is also Almighty. The Yoruba of Nigeria speak of God as O lor un, owner of the sky. The Ngombe believe in a supreme spirit called Akongo, the beginner and the unending, Almighty and inexplicable. The Baganda use the name Katonda for Almighty God. Among the Kikuyu, God is referred to as Ngai, the creator. The Kikuyu also use the name Murungu, which means the one who lives in the four sacred mountains and is the possessor of the sky. About 25 other ethnic groups use the name Mulungu or Murungu for Almighty God. The Baila people call God Leza. In Tanzania and Congo, the name Leza is often used for the divinity, the supreme. The Sotho say that the Supreme God is Molimo, protector and father. To the Zulu, the Almighty is Nkulunkulu. The Efik or Ibibio people of Nigeria call the name of the Supreme God Abasi. But the Ijaw speak of Woyengi, the Mother Goddess, who created the universe and everything in it. Included as an appendix in the Encyclopedia of African Religion is a list of the names given by more than 200 African ethnic groups to God.

      Attributes of the Supreme Deity

      We have discovered that the attributes of God in Africa are quite numerous. Among the more popular attributes are the following: the moulder, the bringer of rain, the one who thunders from afar, the one who gives life, the who gives and destroys, the ancient of days, the one who humbles the great, the one who you meet everywhere, the one who brings sunshine, the one on whom we can lean and not fall, the one who is father of little babies, the high one up, the immense ocean whose circular headdress is the horizon, and the Universal Father-Mother.

      Unquestionably, however, the African idea of a creator God who brings justice to the Earth is the most consistent description of the Almighty. Among the Konso of Ethiopia, Waqa, the Supreme God, originated morality, social order, justice, and fertility. Waqa gave the breath of life to humans who had been formed, but could neither move nor speak. When Waqa's wife saw the state of humanity, she pleaded with him to do something about human immobility and lack of speech. Waqa then gave humans breath and humans began to speak and to move. Yet when humans die, they must give breath back to Waqa.

      The Akan Nyankopon had to deal with humans trying to reach God after he had retreated into a distant abode. A woman wanting to reach God had her children stack pounding mortars on each other until they almost reached God. They were one short of reaching God when the woman thought that the only way to succeed was to have one of the mortars taken from the bottom and put on the top to reach God. When this was tried, the whole thing crashed to the Earth. Since that time, no humans have been able to reach the distant abode of God.

      The Yoruba God name Olorun is derived from Orun, which means “heaven,” and Ol, the prefix for owner. The myths of Olorun are less anthropomorphic than other divinities. He is considered a cosmic force, ruler over all other gods. Controller of all life and natural forces, he is the Supreme Being to whom man, nature, and lesser gods answer. It is possible that one other god, Obatala (Great God) or Eleda (Creator), which is also another name for Olorun, existed before him in the Yoruba construction of their pantheon. However, Olorun created the Earth and gave it to Obatala to finish.

      Although seldom referred to in proverb and myths, Olorun is known by many names. Among them are Eleda—Creator; Alaye—living; Owner of life; Elemi—Owner of breath; Alagbara gbagbo—all powerful; Olodumare—almighty; Oluwa—Lord. The term Oluwa is used for other gods as well, but none are as depended on as Olorun. His importance is reflected in daily sayings such as Olorun Yioju ni re, “may God awake us well,” Bi florin ba she, “if God Goes it,” and isbe Olorun, “God has done it.” Despite his prevalence in the Yoruba daily life, there is no regular worship of Olorun. He is called on during times of great distress, when all other gods have failed.

      The Supreme God stands alone in the African tradition. As the most ancient Africans believed, the aim of humans was to maintain balance, order, and harmony to continue to beat back chaos. One sees this at the beginning of religious history in the relationship of the people of Egypt to their divinities. This is possible because the Supreme God also made possible lesser divinities whose job it was to assist humans in the maintenance of harmony. A Supreme Deity is the progenitor of all other deities. For example, Nyankopon, the truly great Nyame, is personified by the sun in the culture of the Akan, the dynamic center of the state as the sun is of the sky. He is the creator of all gods, and so many golden objects are symbolic of his radiance. The Queen Mother is the daughter of the moon, but only the Supreme Deity is said to be a progenitor of gods.

      A Vodun priest in Benin was once asked, “Where is the house of God?” to which he replied, “Here, all around us. God cannot live in a mere house made by men.” It was on the continent of Africa where humans first built temples hoping to house the spirit of God. But this was soon abandoned as the philosophical understanding increased to the point where priests recognized that the Supreme Deity could not live in a finite house. One could not build a house massive enough to contain the creator. Karnak temple in Egypt is the world's largest religious site. But after Karnak and Gebel Barkal, Africa built no religious structure as large ever again, and no other people have built anything as large as these two temples devoted to Amen.

      The spiritual African knows that the Supreme Deity cannot be contained. Thus, Lake Bosumtwe is a huge, perfect circle lake, but it does not hold the Supreme Deity. It is sacred, but even the lake cannot house the Great Nyankapon. Nzambi Mpungu, the Supreme Creator of the Bakongo people of the Congo, is invisible and omnipotent, but he cannot be contained. He intervenes in the creation of every person, indeed, in the creation of everything. Humans render him no worship because he has need of none and is inaccessible anyway. Therefore, Nzambi, the sovereign master, cannot be approached. Yet it is Nzambi who watches every human being and then takes him or her out of life into death. Families have small shrines in many societies, and the father, mother, or head of family may simply salute the Supreme Deity who created Heaven, the sun, and the Earth, but for strategic living in the community of humans, it is the lineage deity and kinship ancestors that are most important.

      The Mwari Triad of the Shona who live in the Belingwe region see the deity Mwari as the father, mother, and son. This deity is related to the legendary king, Soro-Re-Zhou, for whom a cave is named in the Matopo Hills of Zimbabwe.

      Given the numerous titles found just among the Shona people of Zimbabwe, it should come as no surprise to the reader that the complexity and diversity of the idea of God in African cultures are fundamentally philosophical issues. For example, one can see Mwari as the Supreme Being above all men and nature, Creator of good and evil, the Source of Life, who represents fertility and at the same time know, as most Africans know, that Mwari is not a daily guide for humanity.

      Other African people have shown that their names for the deity reflect their philosophy and way of life as well. For instance, the Xhosa of South Africa have given the Supreme Being many praise names, but, in effect, the Supreme Deity is a Creator God. The idea of praise names is found throughout the Nguni-speaking culture and the Xhosa to the deity as uMdali, uMenzi, uHlanga, iNkosi yezuluk, uMvelingquangi, and uNkulunkulu, which are also used by the Zulu and other people, but the terms used for Supreme Being, Qamata and Tbixo, are considered purely Xhosa terms.

      The Nuer of Sudan call the Supreme Deity by the name of Kwotb, or Spirit. Kwoth is the omnipresent creator of the universe. He is identified with the sky, which makes all that is above sacred. He is also called Kwot nhial, Spirit of the sky. The Nuer say he is like the wind, you cannot see him, yet he is everywhere. He reveals himself through natural wonders, such as rain, thunder, and lightning. He is addressed in prayers as Kwotb gbaua, “Spirit of the universe.” He created ritual and custom, providing some men with belief and others with nothing. Sustainer of life, he is called yan, a living being, whose yiegb is the breath that gives man life. Nuer believe Kwoth is their friend, whom they call on in times of sickness. He is their protector, often called guandong, ancestor, or grandfather. Kwoth can also be angry and is deemed distant because of his far-away presence in the sky. He participates in man's affairs, but does so through the aid of other spirits that haunt the gap between Heaven and Earth. Kwoth has the power to bring death and take and protect souls. When the Nuer die, they believe it is natural, but ultimately attribute it to Kwoth.

      The Nupe people of Nigeria believe the universe consists solely of God, the world, the sky, and the Earth. Natural phenomenon is said to be nya Soko, or “of God.” God is referred to as soko or Tsoci (Lord) and is lokpa, “far away.” Soko is omnipresent and appealed to in the language of their daily lives. Although always near, they do not know exactly where Soko is or what he looks like. Soko is omnipotent, omniscient, the only God, creator of all things, good and evil. They believe all life comes from him and, when not incarnate, exists in the sky with him. Soko brings about that which is desired to come. Conception, birth, and ritual ceremony are his gifts. To seek further understanding of him is moot because there is no further knowledge to be learned.

      All natural phenomena might be considered candidates for divinity. The so-called nature divinities appear in many varieties. These are mountains, rivers, and trees that represent certain powerful aspects of the supreme. For example, among the Asante of Ghana, the Tano River and Lake Bosumtwe are seen as divinities. Any natural phenomenon that has been consecrated by certain human achievements, actions, and experiences can become identified with the divine. Thus, the baobab trees that have protected travelers during particular dreadful droughts have become divinities. There are Ohum and Iroko trees, from which special signs have appeared to assist humans moving from one place to another. These, too, have become divinities. All living things have the potential of becoming consecrated as sacred. The gulf that exists between the secular and the sacred in the West does not appear in traditional African religion. When the waters of the Tano River do not seem to flow as they should, the drummer recites an ancient saying: Pure, pure Tano/If you have gone elsewhere, come/And we shall seek a path for you.

      Nature gods are more common in West Africa than in Southern Africa. The western part of the continent is immensely rich in rain forests and rivers. It might be that the people of that region have had to deal with more intense natural phenomena and therefore are more apt to recognize the power of the natural elements. There is, however, among the Zulu of southern Africa, a female deity known as Inkosazana who helps corn to grow. Inkosazana, although not strictly a natural deity, does perform like a natural deity because she assists in the harvest, and the community can appeal to her for this assistance. However, Inkosazana is not like a river or mountain that has been deified.

      Certain elegant trees such as the Iroko may have pots and leaf fences around them. Baobabs, the sacred trees of Senegal, remain a meeting place of the spirits, sometimes ritual sites of the priests and priestesses, despite the presence of Islam in the country. The forests are particularly full of spirits and divinities. But also in the deep bush are dangerous ghosts of men who have been lost, drowned, or burnt alive and have not received proper burial. Nonhuman spirits exist as well as totstes, dryads, juogi, and demons that prey on unsuspecting and unprotected people.

      Snake, tree, and river often figure together in some religious rites. Some ethnic groups in Benin believe that snakes are ancestors incarnate. Snake temples are found along the coast of Africa. Pythons are kept tame in temples, and people will bow to them, put dust on their heads, and salute them as fathers. The vilest crime is to kill a sacred python in some places.

      Africans accept that the most common experiences of human beings are with nature. Because nature interacts with humans on a daily basis, it is important to understand how nature figures in daily lives. All nature deities are useful in the recruitment of true believers.

      Deities are not inconsequential. They are able to bring about healing or destruction. Sometimes their potency is expressed in charms, medicines, and rites of secret societies. Any force that appears to have magical qualities that are inexplicable must be considered in the realm of the divine. These powers are often like energy, abstract, and invisible; results are visible. They tend to be amoral and forceful, simply manifesting themselves in the Earthly lives of humans.

      Indeed, the Earth is a living entity. The Ibo speak of Mother Earth, and the Akan say the Earth is Asase Yaa, Mother Earth. Among the Kru of Liberia, the Earth figures in all actions and can keep humans from seeing those who are taken out of the world, those who disappear or who are removed from the land of the living.

      According to the Kru, Sno-Nysoa, the Supreme God, gave each of his four sons a necklace of leopard teeth. He sent them to visit Earth, but they did not return. When he inquired of Earth, he was told that they had been encouraged to return, but would not. Each time Earth told them to return, they told Earth that their new home was so beautiful they had no desire to return. One day, Sno-Nysoa ran into his sons and told them, “You have made me sad because I am alone and would like for you to return.” They said, “But the new land is so interesting we cannot think of returning. There is so much food and Earth is very generous.”

      Sno-Nysoa grew upset with Earth and said to Earth, “I am going to get my sons back this very night. You will not rob me of my sons!” When the sons went to sleep, they slept soundly, and three of them woke up the next morning, but the eldest did not awake. Earth went to see Sno-Nysoa and asked him to explain his secret power over the eldest son. He noticed that the eldest son was alive. Earth wanted to know how Sno-Nysoa had got the eldest son to return. But Sno-Nysoa said to him, “Don't worry about my sons, when any one of them does not awake, just bury him.” In time, three of his sons slept the long sleep. One by one, they were found in the company of Sno-Nysoa. When Earth saw them, they were happy and quite pleased. When it was the turn of the fourth son, Earth decided that he would do everything he could to keep the fourth son, but in time, he also slept the long sleep. Earth then decided to go to Sno-Nysoa again to get his secret. However, on the way to Sno-Nysoa, Earth discovered that the ladder had been removed and he could not continue. To this day, no living person can see the abode of Sno-Nysoa. Now Sno-Nysoa could take people from the world, and the way to them remains barred because of the actions of Earth long ago.

      Altars are made for the lesser deities. How is an altar consecrated? On the advice of a diviner, a priest may consecrate himself to the service of the religion. A woman may find something sacred in her community and build an altar to a deity with the soil surrounding the place where the object was discovered. Elaborate ceremonies are created for the training of priests and priestesses. In some instances, it may take a person 20 years or more to learn all the rituals, ceremonies, and sacred texts necessary to become a priest.

      What does the popular expression mean that Africans are an incurably religious people? Is this a backdoor way of saying that Africans are superstitious? What is the meaning of superstition anyway? Are the things that we call superstitions realities for others and vice versa? Africans are not more religious than any other people; Africans have had a longer association with the supernatural because of the origin of humanity on the continent of Africa. This is not something special; it is simply a historical fact.

      Understanding the origins of African religion assists the reader in understanding the connectivity of the philosophical stream underlying all of the ideas in this Encyclopedia. This allows the reader to have some appreciation for the dissemination of religious ideas throughout the continent. Our aim in the encyclopedia is to have the reader ask, “What are the similarities, for instance, between the Nile Valley cultures and other African cultures?” Clearly, what is revealed in this work, written by scores of authors, is the idea that Africa is one, united, and spiritually related continen-tally. Although it remains true that Islam and Christianity have made significant inroads in Africa, the basic traditional values of the people are expressed in some of the most private occasions. Nevertheless, the elements of morality, ethical principles, and ancestor respect are seen throughout the continent as Africans rely on the ancient traditions of the ancestors.

      Connective and Related Links

      Eva Meyerowitz (1951) attempted to describe how the religious ideas of ancient Egypt were closely related to the Akan ideas in Ghana. Her work was groundbreaking, but found few followers at that time because of the more conventional Eurocentric interpretations of African culture. She argued that the similarities and correspondences between the ancient Egyptians and Akan people were so great that the relationship was clear. This line of reasoning should not have created a crisis in thinking in the West, but the rush to disbelief, as Basil Davidson calls it, introduced a disconnect in the thinking of European and American scholars about the connectivity and contiguity of ideas and cultures in Africa. They wanted an Africa that was separate, disparate, and isolated. Yet the overwhelming evidence of linguistics, anthropology, and cultural studies has shown that Africans have been migrating from one place to another for thousands of years. There is no secret to the interaction between cultures.

      What the authors of the Encyclopedia of African Religion have demonstrated is that the representations of deities in West Africa often share similarities with more ancient classical concepts. This was not intentional; it only occurred because as different scholars wrote entries for the encyclopedia the editors noticed the similarities from one culture to another. Consider the fact that in Benin, Mawu-Lisa of the Fon appear in representations as a joint deity with Lisa holding the Sun disk in his mouth and Mawu carrying the crescent moon. In various places in the Nile Valley, one could see representations of this symbolism, but it is not only a classical African form because we also see it in other regions of the continent.

      The Yoruba deity Sbango has river goddesses as wives. In many ways, this is like the Asante deity, River Tano, who has wives as well as siblings. We know also that pots of sacred water sit in the temples for beautiful Oshun. The sea deity, among the Yoruba, is Olokun, normally found in the bronzes of Ifè.

      Lake Bosumtwe in Ghana is a sacred lake; when the decaying matter explodes, the people believe the goddess is active. There are many sacred lakes in Africa; all are in some ways related to the Sacred Lake at the Temple of Karnak. In the country of Cameroon, for instance, Lake Bamblime is considered sacred.

      Any encyclopedia is incomplete almost as soon as it is published because ideas, concepts, and terms continue to enrich the particular discourse. This will be the case with our encyclopedia as well. However, because our intentions are to set the highest standards of scholarship and capture the most important aspects of traditional African religion, we seek to establish a baseline for future examinations of African religion. Thus, our encyclopedia is the best representation to date of the comprehensive nature of the African response to the sacred. As you read, you understand our initial reaction to the phenomenon of religion in Africa was to view it as one single phenomenon with numerous manifestations depending on the ethnic community. When our authors began to write and we reviewed the entries for facts, quality, and contribution, we were amazed to discover that the authors appeared to confirm what we had intimated in our original proposal to Sage Publications.

      The entries in this Encyclopedia of African Religion confirm the idea that religion is neither merely metaphysics nor simply morality. There is every reason to believe that the universe of African religious expression includes all that humans, in certain areas, know about how the world works, about what is necessary for humans to survive in community built in the midst of an environment that must constantly be coaxed to allow human settlement, and about what is known of the prospects of humans overcoming the conditions of humanity. Answering these questions and confronting these issues have occupied the minds of African sages longer than any others.

      Our objective has been to bring to the public a major reference work that would grow as scholars and laypeople alike use it to advance their own research and understand the core beliefs and rituals of African culture. Naturally, we have had to rely on many sources, references, and scholars who have demonstrated commitment to an authentic African voice. This is not a compara-tivist work because this is the first work of this type; however, comparison is now possible because of the existence of this Encyclopedia. It is to be expected that with the demonstration of the complexity, texture, and rhythms of the African religious tradition, future scholars will have a baseline from which to advance further research.

      In editing the encyclopedia, we constantly reminded ourselves and were reminded by the authors of these entries that human consciousness is not simply a matter of rational thought, but something deeply informed by myth and the mysteries of human life. Furthermore, language has always been the lever of myth, and our experiences with African languages and African myths convince us that there are thousands of ways of expressing the creation or establishing a proper ritual to recognize an ancestor. One escapes all mutilation of consciousness by appealing to these incredibly rich and varied entries on traditional African religion for a deeper, more profound understanding of African culture in general.

      Entry writers brought their own styles to the project. We have dealt with issues of language, for example, the idea of holocaust of African Enslavement, where the word holocaust has been seen as a word that refers only to the brutal experience of the Jews in World War II. In addition, we have had to deal with the issue of negative and pejorative terminologies such as sorcerer, witch, primitive, cult, and fetish. Given the impractical-ity of changing the entire reading public's image overnight, we have settled for the huge possibility that this encyclopedia can be used as a background text for cultural knowledge. Only then will we have established the key ideas and foun-dational thinking necessary for moving the discourse on African religion forward.

      We would like to acknowledge the tremendous assistance of Rolf Janke, acquisition editor, who expressed faith in our ability to bring this project to fruition from the beginning. In addition to Rolf, we appreciate the work of Yvette Pollastrini, developmental editor, and Leticia Gutierrez, systems coordinator, who made possible the smooth operation of the Sage SRT system and gave us encouragement and direction precisely when we needed it. Our work has been facilitated by Jacqueline Tasch, who has assisted with expert editing, and the guidance of Diana Axelsen. There is no way we could have completed this work without their constant attention to detail.

      When we embarked on this project, we were fortunate to have the blessings of some of the major scholars in the world of culture and religion. We thank Chinua Achebe, Africa's greatest novelist; Kwame Gyekye, one of Africa's leading philosophers; Maulana Karenga, the foremost African writer on ancient Egyptian religion; Marta Moreno Vega, scholar of African religion in the Americas; Isidore Okpewho, the eminent African scholar of myths and epics; and Kofi Asare Opoku, author of many books and articles on African religion and one of the leaders in the field of African proverbs, for lending their names and reputations to this Encyclopedia. They gave their suggestions, waited for our work patiently, and have become some of our best supporters. Each of them accepted our request to serve as board members of the project without hesitation.

      Finally, we dedicate this encyclopedia to our spouses, Ana and Garvey, and our children, Muswele, Tamu, Kiyaumuya, M. K., Jr., and Eka.

      Molefi KeteAsante, and AmaMazama

    • Appendix: Names of God in Africa

      The following list of the names of God in Africa was compiled by the scholar and author Dr. Emeka Nwadiora of Temple University. These names are collected from personal knowledge, literary references, and oral narratives. While quite extensive, this list is not exhaustive since there are names for the supreme deity in every African ethnic or linguistic community and there are more than 2,000 such groups on the continent. The reader should find this list impressive in its reach across the continent of Africa from north to south, east to west.

      Names of God Among Some Nigerian Ethnicities
      Names of God Among Some Ghanaian Ethnicities
      Names of God Among Some Kenyan Ethnicities
      Names of God Among Some Ugandan Ethnicities
      Names of God Among Some Cameroonian Ethnicities
      Names of God Among Some Ethiopian Ethnicities
      Names of God Among Some Sudanese Ethnicities
      Names of God Among Some Congo Ethnicities
      Names of God Among Some South African Ethnicities

      Names of God Among Some Tanzanian Ethnicities

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