The African American Electorate: A Statistical History

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Edited by: Hanes Walton Jr., Sherman C. Puckett & Donald R. Deskins

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    Preface: The Genesis of This Work in the Journeys of Its Authors

    The three authors of this study come from different disciplinary backgrounds. In addition to collaborating on a previous book of county-level presidential election data,1 each of the authors had a different journey to this project. To share their stories is to illuminate both how this study came to be and the individuals whose prior work led to its creation.

    Hanes Walton, Jr.

    Hanes Walton, Jr., the senior co-author on this project, initially heard about African American voters in his hometown of Athens, Georgia, during the 1950s. At the time, he was in high school, and although the White Primary had been outlawed in Georgia, for African Americans to register and vote was still difficult in this city. The state had habitually ignored and defied the Supreme Court in its ruling of Smith v. Allwright in 1944 and delayed their response in defiance of the federal district court ruling in King v. Chapman, a case brought in Georgia in 1946 to outlaw the White Primary there. The African American electorate was—to put it mildly—discouraged from registering and voting. One example of this discouragement and intimidation was the terrible lynching of several African Americans in Monroe, Georgia, when they had neglected to disperse from a sidewalk during the 1946 gubernatorial election. Whispered discussions carried information that well before the 1944 ruling a few handpicked African Americans were allowed to vote. In the research of co-author Walton for his Black Politics book in 1972, he utilized a master's thesis that had found that “in 1930, for example, thirty blacks voted in the municipal election in Athens, Georgia,” despite the fact that in 1908 African Americans had been disenfranchised from voting in the state.1 Some of those in this group usually spoke at Walton's church, Ebenezer Baptist Church, West, on Men's Day and Youth Day about how leading whites in Athens liked their demeanor, political attitude, and behavior and rewarded them with this right. These chosen African American voters would close their addresses with the conclusion that other African American citizenry of the congregations could achieve the same thing if their example was followed of so-called circumspect civic behavior.

    The official data source, the Clarke County voter registration and voting records, contains very few references to the African American electorate in Athens, Georgia, during and before 1930.1 Of course, at the time Walton did not realize that this data and documentation of these experiences were quietly being omitted from most academic and scholarly studies. At this time Walton was unable to register to vote due to his age, although Georgia was then the only southern state where an eighteen-year-old could register.

    Walton's first year at Morehouse College in Atlanta, Georgia, 1959, coincided with the beginning of the desegregation sit-ins. Professor of Political Science Robert H. Brisbane in his Introduction to Social Science course discussed with his class the electoral power of the African American electorate in the “balance-of-power” voting strategy as well as such African American political innovations as black political parties.1 During Walton's second year Professor Brisbane in his American Government classes noted the numerous ways that the African American electorate had been creative and imaginative both in trying to vote and in trying to evade, avoid, and bypass white efforts to disenfranchise them. In his lectures and books Professor Brisbane offered places where data existed about these innovative efforts.1

    Walton began his own voting rights activism in the 1962 congressional election in Atlanta, Georgia, concerning the Democratic incumbent James Davis, a rabid segregationist. Davis was in charge of the House of Representatives’ District of Columbia Committee and ensured that the national capitol was tightly segregated, even though this had become an international embarrassment because black ambassadors and diplomats from third-world countries had been forced to endure rigid racial segregation. The African American communities of D.C. and Atlanta protested against Congressman Davis, and the Kennedy administration decided to try to unseat him in hopes that the next chairman would not continue with these tradition-based segregation policies. The challenger to Congressman Davis was a moderate liberal Georgian, Charles Weltner.

    In order to assist in Davis's defeat, in a newly reapportioned congressional district, many Morehouse students, including Walton, were recruited to mobilize the African American electorate through door-to-door canvassing and driving African American voters to the polls. This initial “get-out-the-vote” effort succeeded, and Charles Weltner upset the long-serving segregationist to represent this congressional district in Georgia.1

    Professor Tobe Johnson arrived during Walton's third year at Morehouse. Johnson's Public Administration class provided Walton and his classmates with vividly detailed analyses of public and private bureaucracies and, thereby, state and county voter registration administrative offices in the South; the class also showed how regional and individual personnel policies of these agencies permitted their prejudicial biases to limit and circumscribe the democratic implementation of the suffrage laws of the nation. Johnson's careful analysis in his lectures on public bureaucracies, especially in this era of the 1960s, was both poignant and significant, as his students tried to make sense of the regional systemic reaction to the civil and voting rights laws of 1957 and 1960 and the 1963 Freedom Vote Campaign and its emphasis on voter registration in Mississippi.1 Thus, in this period of significant African American voting rights activists and activism, one needed to know how values and beliefs of the dominant political behavioral culture influenced a scientific discipline, which declared that values and beliefs had nothing to do with understanding political behavior and public bureaucracies. Professor Johnson provided the necessary intellectual insights.1

    After graduating from Morehouse in 1963, Walton began a master's degree at Atlanta University. In his first year, Professor Samuel DuBois Cook offered a class on the American Political Process, including an astounding lecture on the relationship between the African American electorate in Georgia and the Tom Watson–led Populist Party there and in the nation. It not only was personally electrifying for Walton but also became the motivation for his first book, The Negro in Third Party Politics,1 and for this joint effort. Professor Cook not only brought the African American electorate off the intellectual sidelines in this course but also showed the roles and functions that they played in the political process via their political innovations.1 According to Professor Cook, these roles and functions could be understood through the rare empirical data on the African American electorate, which in turn offered new perspectives on the American political experience.

    Another major intellectual contribution of Professor Cook was his use of stellar and classic works in the discipline, including those of V.O. Key, Jr. (e.g., his Southern Politics and his textbook, Politics, Parties, and Pressure Groups), and those of Professor Key's mentor, Professor Harold Gosnell (e.g., his Negro Politicians: The Rise of Negro Politics in Chicago). In both authors’ works were new data sources on the African American electorate. Professor Key's work Southern Politics in State and Nation contained a chapter on the Negro Republicans, particularly the Black-and-Tan Republican satellite parties, while Professor Gosnell's work had Appendix Table XVIII, which listed all of the pioneering African American state legislators of Illinois from 1876 through 1932. Also assisting Professor Key was another political scientist, Alexander Heard, who went on to gather and publish election returns data on some of the African American political parties and independent candidacies that Professor Cook brought to our attention.1 Here was previously unseen and unused empirical data on the African American electorate. In addition to providing literature that covered little known factual information, Professor Cook left his students with a terrific moral compass to guide them through the civil rights movement, led by his Morehouse classmate, the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., who had by then become a national figure.

    At the doctoral level, Walton's experience at Howard University included department chairman and Professor Emmett Dorsey and Professor Harold Gosnell, as well as the late Robert Martin and Bernard Fall. At the University of Chicago, Professor Gosnell had taught not only Key but Martin as well and became a co-author with Martin of works on African American elected officials. While several things stand out in this intellectual sojourn, one of particular mention is Professor Gosnell's discussions and dialogues about the use of homogeneous precinct analysis in studying the African American electorate, which led to its innovative use in this volume.

    Professor Walton gratefully acknowledges his intellectual debt to these giants in the study of electoral politics and especially to their expertise on the African American electorate when few were paying attention or believed the topic to be worthy of intellectual concern. Their talents, skills, and publications have clearly helped make this volume possible. And Walton would also like to acknowledge his two co-authors, Sherman C. Puckett and Donald R. Deskins, Jr. Having co-authored an earlier volume with them, Walton knew that their superb computer and mapping skills would be essential to producing this volume on the African American electorate, and he is quite pleased that they agreed to join him on this major breakthrough study.

    Sherman C. Puckett

    Co-author Sherman C. Puckett also has southern roots that helped shape him, having grown up in Nashville, Tennessee. He began his collegiate experience at the historic Fisk University, where he majored in mathematics and American history. Despite the pride within his community for classmates who had achieved an undefeated high school basketball season and state championship, there was a certain degree of timidity, unexplained at least to Puckett, surrounding the issue of civil rights. In Puckett's first year at Fisk, an unannounced visit to the campus by African American activist Stokely Carmichael was met with hostility by school administrators. At the end of his second and last year at Fisk, the assassination of the great civil rights leader, the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., induced rioting in African American communities throughout the nation, including Nashville, leading to nighttime curfews for all residents of the community surrounding Fisk University and Tennessee State University, a couple of miles away.

    The next year Puckett transferred to the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor to study electrical and computer engineering. After his first year Puckett had one of his most important experiences while at Michigan when he learned computer programming from, and worked for, engineering Professor Brice Carnahan. Like many other African American students, Puckett became politicized by isolation as a member within an “out” group at Michigan. In his senior year, just when the one protest in which he participated had seemed to fail, a large host of other students joined in an unforgettably dramatic fashion and the university accepted the single demand for increased diversity. Two of his most rewarding experiences as an engineering student bracketed his senior year. After a period at Cummins Engine Company in Indiana (running a computer laboratory for testing diesel engines), Puckett returned to graduate school in Ann Arbor.

    Several professors at Michigan left strong impressions upon Puckett: Professor Gary Fowler (statistics), Professor Donald R. Deskins, Jr. (sociology), one of very few African American professors on campus at that time, and Professor John Nystuen (geography). And Thomas Anton, a professor of political science, taught that African American politics had become a practical reality in some of the largest urban areas such as Atlanta, Cleveland, New York, Los Angeles, and Detroit.

    After earning a PhD in urban and regional planning, Puckett was employed as a political appointee of Detroit Mayor Coleman Young. Puckett had previously assisted a fellow graduate student in conducting and analyzing political surveys during the mayor's first reelection. As an appointee Puckett also traversed the city on patrols against the arsons of “Devil's Night,” in sweeps to encourage citizens to come forward for census counts, and, of course, to support various political campaigns. Professor Deskins suggested to Puckett that he could present survey results geographically with choropleth maps of Detroit. Rather than specialized commercial software, only a little computer programming was necessary to produce the spatial polygons and patterns that represented Detroit's twenty-four community districts. Like the continental United States, the shape of Detroit overall fits comfortably on the screen or landscaped on a sheet of paper. The mayor was thrilled with the results.

    Convincing the Detroit Elections Commission to report city election results using maps has not been, to this point, successful. The Commission did eventually produce a digital map of its more than 600 precincts, but Puckett could not persuade the then-director to share his vision of the value of showing election results on the map, immediately after any election and to the general public. The current mayor has announced a policy of triage for the delivery of services to the neighborhoods of Detroit, a city with a greater than 80% African American population, and in the fall election of 2011, the city charter was amended to henceforth elect a super-majority of city council members by district.1 Perhaps that outcome coupled with reception of this work will convince the Commission to help its citizenry to realize the potential of all of its neighborhood electorates and even to preserve the legacy of its past elections in the records that it should and can retain, organize, and exploit with current and future mapping technologies.

    Donald R. Deskins, Jr.

    The third co-author of this study, Donald R. Deskins, Jr., is a noted former athlete as well as continuing scholar. His journey to this effort has been long and eventful. He was born and raised in Brooklyn, New York, and he served in the United States Marine Corps during the Korean War. He was later a member of both the All-Marine and Michigan Wolverine football teams, and he was a first-round draft choice and member of the Oakland Raiders professional football team. He returned to the University of Michigan to earn his baccalaureate degree, master's degree, and PhD and to become a professor of geography and sociology. To these accomplishments he has added several academic publications and awards, as well as the mentorship of numerous former students to noteworthy professional lives and academia.

    This is the third collaboration of Walton, Puckett, and Deskins. The second to appear, which began as their first, is the forthcoming Presidential Elections 1789–2008, to be published by the University of Michigan Press. We credit Deskins as the inspiration for that project and for bringing us together as a team. His vision and what both Walton and Puckett learned from it have made this current project possible.

    Acknowledgments

    In closing Professor Walton would like to acknowledge the assistance of his sons, Brandon M. Walton and Brent M. Walton, Professor Josephine Allen of Cornell and Binghamton University, his typist and all-around troubleshooter, Margaret Hunter, and diagram maker Greta Blake for their numerous efforts in data collection and continual encouragement during this more than three-decade research and writing process. In particular, Brent Walton made several special trips to the Illinois State Archives to collect the election return data as well as the names of those African American state legislators who came after the ones listed by Professor Gosnell. Moreover, both Brent Walton and all three co-authors would like to acknowledge the excellent help and assistance of the Director of the Illinois State Archives, Dr. David A. Joens, in gathering this rare data. Another gatherer of rare election data, on the two state elections in the Louisiana State Archives, was a former student and native of Louisiana, Tanya Isom. On this same matter, Walton would like to acknowledge the assistance of Archivist Debra Basham in his data-collecting trip to the West Virginia Division of Culture and History in Charleston.

    At the University of Michigan graduate library, Multicultural Studies Librarian Charles Ransom was of immense help in tracking down fugitive books, monographs, and documents on the African American electorate. Ransom's great skills and talent in ferreting out vital background works was certainly much appreciated over the three decades of research. He was always gracious in his help and assistance. In addition to Ransom, the rare book and manuscript division in the Hatcher Graduate Library had the complete issues of the elusive and short-lived newspaper, Mississippi Free Press, which contained county-level “Freedom Vote” election return data for the 1963 statewide election in Mississippi. African American voting rights activists chose their own gubernatorial candidates to run in this election. After two trips and numerous written queries to the state of Mississippi, said data was not collected by the Secretary of State nor does it exist in the State Archives, simply because it was not official data. Most books, articles, and doctoral dissertations on this election merely mention grand totals but do not give a county-by-county breakdown. The librarians in the rare book and manuscript division were quite helpful in reading and copying this fragile and rare data. As a consequence of this extant newspaper, readers will now have easy access to this data. At the University of Michigan Buhr Library storage facility reading room, two individuals deserve mention for their excellent assistance, Andrew Perez, Information Resources Senior Assistant, and Anne Elias, Information Resources Assistant Intern.

    Besides these individuals, Professor Walton would like to acknowledge his brother, Thomas N. Walton, and his always lovely wife and children, who provided kind words of support and great meals; cousins Edna and Pope Lane and Maxie, Katie, and Geneva Foster. These are a just a few of the people to whom the authors are grateful for assistance with this study.

    Dr. Puckett would like to acknowledge first of all the help and assistance of his wife, Cheryl, for her encouragement, love, support, and patience. She helped him with typing the input of several large data sets and she has been very tolerant of his sometimes working until the early hours of the morning. He is also grateful to the Boston Athenaeum for the sale of the model constitution for branches of the National Equal Rights League, the cover of which is presented in Chapter 11; to the many state archives, historical societies, libraries, and legislative organizations that are acknowledged in Chapter 19 for providing information on their earliest elected African American legislators; and to his co-authors, Professors Hanes Walton, Jr., and Donald R. Deskins, Jr., for the honor of working alongside them and allowing him to be a part of this journey and accomplishment.

    Each of the co-authors who signed a contract in August 2006 to write this two-volume work would like to express their sincere appreciation to the individuals who lent their skills, talents, and brilliant insights to this pioneering work and made it possible to complete it in such an informative and scholarly manner. Of the CQ Press acquisitions editors with whom we worked, Mary Carpenter assisted us in the initial overall conceptualization of the work. Later, when she took maternity leave, our new editor, January Layman-Wood, with telephone calls, emails, lunches, and personal conversations guided the work with wonderful patience and insight through several editors and organizational transformations.

    With her help David Arthur assisted us on the project through several chapters, and in 2009 he was joined by Professor Steven Danver, who provided diligent assistance and editorial changes through the end of the summer. Next came our final development editor, John Martino, who spent the most time with us and produced careful editorial work on both the structure and organization of the two volumes as well as the narrative, tabular, and map presentations. His skillful hands and talented eyes helped us develop a comprehensive bibliography and clear source notes for all of the visual statistical presentations. And most importantly, he made sure that the narrative and the visual statistical work re-enforced and effectively complemented each other. This was quite important in a subject matter area where so much of the extant literature and election data was so fragmentary and sketchy.

    Finally, the work reached the copyediting stage, and CQ Press and SAGE provided us with production editor Gwenda Larsen, project editor Laureen Gleason, and a fine copy editor, Jay Powers. Their judicious editing, production capabilities, and cooperation helped us reach our deadline with a quite polished manuscript. We salute each and every one of these outstanding individuals.

    We could not have asked to work with a better group of people.

    Hanes Walton, Jr., University of Michigan

    Sherman C. Puckett, University of Michigan

    Donald R. Deskins, Jr., University of Michigan

    Copyright Acknowledgments

    The authors would like to acknowledge the following works from which they have excerpted quotations and data. All of the authors and publishers of these works are given credit within the chapters in which the use of their work appears.

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    Donald R. Deskins, Jr., Hanes Walton, Jr., and Sherman C. Puckett, Presidential Elections, 1789–2008: County, State, and National Mapping of Election Data (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, forthcoming).

    Quoted in Hanes Walton, Jr., Black Politics: A Theoretical and Structural Analysis (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 33.

    A detailed analysis of two works on the state that covers the African American electorate in this period do not show any references. See John Dittmer, Black Georgia in the Progressive Era, 1900–1920 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977); and Laughlin McDonald, A Voting Rights Odyssey: Black Enfranchisement in Georgia (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003). However, the Dittmer book does reveal that “[v]oter registration lists on microfilm at the Georgia Archives document the decline of black voting both before and after disfranchisement,” p. 214.

    Robert H. Brisbane, “The Negro Vote as a Balance of Power Factor in the National Elections,” Quarterly Review of Higher Education Among Negroes (July 1952), pp. 97–110. For more on this subject see Hanes Walton, Jr., and William H. Boone, “Black Political Parties: A Demographic Analysis,” Journal of Black Studies Vol. 5 (1974), pp. 86–95.

    See Robert H. Brisbane, The Black Vanguard: Origins of the Negro Social Revolution, 1900–1960 (Valley Forge: Judson Press, 1970) and his Black Activism: Racial Revolution in the United States, 1954–1970 (Valley Forge: Judson Press, 1974). See also Hanes Walton, Jr., “Review of Black Activism: Racial Revolution in the United States, 1954–1970,” Journal of Negro History (July 1975), pp. 437–438.

    Charles L. Weltner, Southerner (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1966). For a limited scholarly analysis of this 1962 midterm election see L. Harmon Ziegler and M. Kent Jennings, “Electoral Strategies and Voting Patterns in a Southern Congressional District,” in M. Kent Jennings and L. Harmon Ziegler (eds.), The Electoral Process (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1966), chapter 7.

    Doug McAdam, Freedom Summer (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 36–38.

    Hanes Walton, Jr., Invisible Politics: Black Political Behavior (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), pp. 1–19.

    Hanes Walton, Jr., The Negro in Third Party Politics (Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1969).

    Samuel DuBois Cook, “Introduction: The Politics of the Success of Failure,” in Hanes Walton, Jr., Black Political Parties: An Historical and Political Analysis (New York: Free Press, 1972), pp. 1–8.

    See Alexander Heard and Donald Strong, Southern Primaries and Elections, 1920–1949 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1950). This volume is one of the very few reliable election-return data sources that contains significant information on the African American electorate, but it has been rarely if ever used.

    “Bing's Neighborhood Plans Draw both Optimism, Fear,” The Detroit News, http://detnews.com/article/20110728/METRO/107280377, accessed July 28, 2011; “Detroit Services to Depend on Neighborhood Condition,” The Detroit News, http://detnews.com/article/20110728/METRO/107280418, accessed July 28, 2011; “Revised City Charter Closer to Going before Voters,” The Detroit News, http://detnews.com/article/20110811/METRO01/108110375, accessed August 11, 2011; and “Detroit City Charter Revisions Win Voter Approval,” The Detroit News,http://detnews.com/article/20111109/METRO01/111090390, accessed November 9, 2011.

    Introduction

    This pioneering study offers the first systematic and comprehensive longitudinal analysis of the African American electorate in America. This study describes and then explains both commonly known and newly discovered rare registration and voting data on the African American electorate. Using this empirical data, this study tells the story from the Colonial Era through the Revolutionary, Antebellum, and Civil War eras, through Reconstruction to the Disenfranchisement, pre-White Primary, and Poll Tax eras, to the Voting Rights Act (VRA), and finally to the historic presidential election of African American Senator Barack Hussein Obama, Jr., in 2008.

    This new study on the African American electorate has a conceptualized dimension that completely distinguishes it from all other works on this electorate, including VRA reports and studies, voting behavior studies, and documentary and compendium volumes, i.e., longitudinal empirical registration, turnout, and voting data. This pioneering study contains detailed chapters on each major era; rare data on the more than twenty statewide suffrage referenda before, during, and after the Civil War; county and state-level registration, turnout, and voting data on the freedmen in 1867 and 1868 using basically unused Senate and House of Representative reports; and white and African American voting data for African American congressmen from Reconstruction through the enfranchisement of African American women. This study also contains voting data on the enfranchisement and disenfranchisement of African American women and on the African American electoral revolt in the 1920s.

    Rare data have been gathered and presented on southern urban areas as well as on the federal government's Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA) Cotton and Tobacco referenda, in which African American farmers in the rural South were given the right to vote with white farmers in the 1930s and 1940s.1 This public policy biracial voting experiment predated the 1965 VRA and was also successful. In addition, one will find new and fresh voting data on the sundry African American political and electoral innovations of the 1960s and 1970s. And there are additional empirical data on the Border States and northern states, especially enumerating the earliest African American statewide elected officials. And all of these established, neophyte, and rare data are presented in such a way that laypersons, academics, and scholars can use the data in their own historical or contemporary studies. As of this writing, this wealth of data on the African American electorate can be found nowhere else without extensive effort to track it down. The data presented here is the fruit of a detective effort that required more than three decades of research and data collection.

    Presentation of these established and rare election data is not just tabular in nature and scope. This study uses visual statistics to assist with its descriptions and explanations. Tabular data have been supplemented and/or supported with graphs, figures, charts, histograms, and maps. These visual statistics allow the reader to compare and contrast the southern states with the neighboring Border States and beyond to other states. Presentations within this new data-rich study aid further analyses and allow differently designed portraits of this electorate to emerge.

    Uniqueness of This Work

    Unlike previous works on this electorate that have focused on different categories of periodizations, which inevitably causes numerous epistemic and conceptual problems by slicing and dicing this electorate into limited segments of American history, this study has sought linkage, unity, continuity, and connectivity. Although some chapters cover a particular period in time, others span a longer time frame (such as Chapter 20 on African American women in the electorate).

    This approach of continuity is essential to capture the dynamism of the African American electorate as it moved from the electoral empowerment of Free-Women-and-Men-of-Color in Colonial America to their electoral disenfranchisement in the same era and into subsequent eras. This dynamism continued in the post–Civil War era when Congress, via its Four Military Reconstruction Acts in 1867–1868, electorally empowered the former slaves and shortly thereafter, in 1870 via the Fifteenth Amendment, empowered all of the other African American males living outside of the South and the Border States who had not yet acquired the right to vote.

    A Dynamic History of Disenfranchisement

    Disenfranchisement (and its counterpart enfranchisement) as a central characteristic and feature of the dynamism that surrounds and activates the African American electorate did not begin—as the majority of history books would have one believe—after the collapse of Black Reconstruction (1866–1876) and shortly after the questionable Compromise of 1877.1 Moreover, disenfranchisement is not just a southern phenomenon. Colonial Virginia, as you will see, disenfranchised Free-Women-of-Color in 1699 and Free-Men-of-Color in 1723, while Antebellum New Jersey disenfranchised both groups in 1807. And numerous statewide referenda between 1800 and 1869 either disenfranchised the African American electorate or refused to enfranchise them. Thus, although the southern states of Virginia and South Carolina disenfranchised Free-Women-and-Men-of-Color during the Colonial Era, several states, North and South, disenfranchised them during the Revolutionary and Antebellum eras. Hence, when the South began the process after Reconstruction, they were following a procedure in which northern and midwestern states had already engaged.1 Due to their periodization methodology previous studies have failed to pick up these linkages and continuities and therefore never became aware of the dynamic characteristic of the African American electorate. Conceptualized dynamism is a unique aspect of this study.

    Voting Rights Activism Distinct from Civil Rights Activism

    Hence, once one conceptualizes the dynamism inherent in the African American electorate's trek through American history and politics, another unique characteristic and feature surfaces. Not just civil rights leaders and organizations have stepped forward against the suppression, intimidation, and disenfranchisement of African American voters, and against the refusal of the white majority to grant, consider, or even acknowledge the possible right to vote of these men and women. Other African American leaders and organizations have emerged with a singular focus on voting rights. There are and have been among the African American electorate a cadre of voting rights activists. There are individuals, men and women, and organizations that act either individually or organizationally to begin the protest and lobbying for the vote, to begin the protest and lobbying against disenfranchisement—and these have operated from Colonial America to the present. Perhaps most importantly, they have operated both separately from the traditional Civil Rights organizations as well as in conjunction with them. The National Equal Rights League (NERL), essentially a voting rights organization, was created by a civil rights organization, the Negro Convention Movement, in 1864. Or in the 1898–1908 period, the National Afro-American Council (NAAC) began legal activism against disenfranchisement.1 After that organization's demise, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) used the same approach and won an initial victory in 1915 against the grand­father clause and, in 1944, a victory against the White Primary law in Texas.

    By 1957, another rising civil rights leader, the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference gave a voting rights speech at the Prayer Pilgrimage in front of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, DC. King's speech helped to generate both the 1957 Civil Rights Act and the 1960 Civil Rights Act; although both pieces of new legislation were called civil rights bills, they primarily dealt with voting rights. In 1965, King would lead another march in Selma, Alabama, which led to the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Secondly, prior to the 1965 Selma March, President John F. Kennedy and his staff met with most of the civil rights leaders at the White House and suggested that they work together via the Voter Education Project (VEP) of the Southern Regional Council to electorally empower the African American electorate in the South.1 With the advent of the VRA and its subsequent renewals, the VEP eventually closed its doors. But it was another prime example of the relationship and the distinction between civil rights leaders with their organizations on the one hand and their voting rights activism on the other hand, which demonstrated that the two things were not one and the same thing.

    This voting rights activism is and has been a fundamental feature and characteristic of the African American electorate longitudinally. And it has helped, as have civil rights organizations, to continue the dynamism, as have white groups and organizations in favor of African American suffrage, as well as presidents like Dwight D. Eisenhower, Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, and Barack Obama. The history of African American voting rights activism is another unique aspect of this study.

    The Role of Protest Organizations and Votes

    This lack of focus on the dynamism and its inherent African American voting rights activism longitudinally, together with the failure to conceptually separate the voting rights movement when necessary from the civil rights movement, have obscured another key aspect of the whole picture that we describe in this study. This critical omission rendered a huge number of political innovations and creative lobbying and political and electoral protest vehicles that the African American electorate implemented and institutionalized in the American political process. African American voting rights did not just materialize out of thin air and/or overnight. Disenfranchisement did not just halt on its own and/or die a sudden and quick political or legal death. Systemic forces, which enacted and implemented these electoral and political realities, had to be confronted, contested, as well as politically and legally challenged. Nor did the systemic disenfranchisement forces halt because they met resistance from the African American electorate. They had to be challenged and confronted. This study makes clear that the African American electorate at numerous points in American electoral history had no alliances, few political friends, and/or barely any semblance of political goodwill from the white majority. Hence, they had to proceed alone, and their electoral protest results were, at many points in American history, considered minuscule or worthless. Few states, their political leadership, and/or academics or scholars recorded these efforts, and the identities of brave members of the African American electorate in these events were discarded along with their electoral efforts and the resulting empirical data. And much of the electoral data that has not been lost simply has slipped through the political and academic net, despite the fact that it reveals interesting stories of the African American electorate's attempts to empower themselves and become either enfranchised or re-enfranchised.

    This study highlights oft-overlooked sources of data: political and electoral inventions like the NERL; state-based NERL chapters like the one in Boston led by newspaperman William Monroe Trotter, which lobbied Congress in 1920 against legislation sponsored by southern congressmen; the NAACP, which lobbied Congress in 1921 after African American women were denied their voting rights in Florida and elsewhere; independent political candidates, independent third parties, and minor African American political parties; satellite political parties like the South Carolina Progressive Democratic Party, the “Black and Tan” Republican parties, the Freedom Elections, the Freedom Vote and Freedom Candidates, the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, and the National Democratic Party of Alabama; national major party convention seating challenges, congressional seating challenges; and the southern urban and rural areas of the nation that allowed neither slaves nor the segregated free African American electorate to vote. These omitted data sources carry a wealth of empirical registration and voting data on the African American electorate during periods when most scholars have taken for granted that this electorate could not or did not participate. This was a poor assumption.

    Partisanship and the African American Electorate

    At the party and the partisanship levels nationally, the Republican Party took up the mantle first (before, during, and after the Civil War) to support the African American electorate; only since the 1960s has the Democratic Party joined in to support this right for the African American electorate. Prior to the 1960s, the Democratic Party was fundamentally and nearly unalterably opposed to voting rights for African Americans. In fact, it is one of the most distinguishing factors that defined the two major political parties for both the African American and southern white electorates over time. Although the Republican Party since the 1960s has not called for full disenfranchisement, as its party strength has grown in the South it has opposed the extension of the VRA, promoted felony disenfranchisement, and in other ways aligned itself against at least part of the African American electorate. To be sure, there have been a few periods of bipartisanship on behalf of this electorate, notably during the 2006 reauthorization of the VRA, but they have been brief.

    This major public policy difference between the Republicans and Democrats has had its greatest influence and impact in the South. The South and its White Supremacy Democrats led the fight for disenfranchisement. Recently, however, this struggle has seen dynamism as regionalism, and this type of dynamism has been transformed into an ideological variable and factor in the South, as well as elsewhere in the nation, as seen with the 2008 presidential election. This debate and dialogue about race in the historic 2008 election has generated a rising body of academic and scholarly literature.

    Presenting Data over Time on the African American Electorate

    But looming over all of these characteristics, and emerging when one includes the dynamism surrounding the African American electorate, is the failure of the academic and scholarly community to focus on this electorate, especially in a period of hyper-intense election data gathering during the discipline's major effort to study and analyze electoral behavior. Launched with the publication in 1960 of The American Voter and the political behavioral movement in the political science discipline, the data gathering and analyses of both aggregate and survey-based voting data have generated a voluminous literature in political science,1 history, sociology, and political psychology.1 Yet, despite this huge research effort in this and other disciplines, the African American electorate was in the main passed over. There are only a few works on the African American electorate, voting rights, voting rights activism, voter registration, turnout, voting, voter intimidation and suppression, and the VRA. Essentially, studies, popular and scholarly, have focused on crises, crisis periods, and crisis legislation, such as the often-noted VRA. And in these crises-based studies there has been little data gathering, and almost none of the works attempted longitudinal data gathering. This study is one of the very first works to get beyond this major failure in the literature. This is not to say that limited and partial and scattered efforts have not been made. But there is little linkage and connectivity. And this has long been needed on such a continuing reality as the African American electorate's sojourn in the American political experience. Thus, linkage and unity are unique to this study.

    To get beyond this failure in the popular and academic literature on the African American electorate, we began our research and data gathering in Colonial America and continued through to the present. Moreover, as noted above, this study turned to a variety of sources that heretofore had never been used, or were merely omitted due to bad assumptions and poor conceptualization. Some of these omitted and bypassed research and data sources contain unique and rare data; other researchers often ignored efforts made by the African American voting rights activists, including their political and electoral inventions that were recorded but felt by many not to be significant enough to examine and link to a greater perspective. Here, we turned to fugitive works and sources to gather this bypassed empirical election data on the African American electorate for a greater empirical electoral portrait. And next our conceptualization sought to answer a question never asked in the voluminous literature on voting behavior and the VRA: what about the political and electoral context?

    Beyond a South-Only Approach

    The literature on the African American electorate shows a great and general tendency: a focus almost always on the South. Although one occasionally finds a study that deals with Chicago, beginning with Professor Harold Gosnell's pioneering Negro Politician in 1935, and a host of articles and some monographs on other northern urban areas such as Philadelphia, New York, and Detroit, most of these voting studies and studies of the VRA focus primarily on the South. This is a single political context and it can only provide a very narrow electoral and political perspective on the African American electorate. Perhaps even more important is the fact that the South was neither the only region of the country with slaves nor the only region where slaves were granted their voting rights during the same time period. Freedmen in the Border States (Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, and West Virginia) received their voting rights via the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870 (about three years after the freedmen in the South got theirs). But how did disenfranchisement proceed in the Border States? Are there parallels in terms of trends and patterns in these states with those in the South? Were there similarities and dissimilarities? Are there empirical data to help to draw comparisons and contrasts between these two different regions in regard to the African Americans residing there? Clearly, to simply leave out the Border States leaves out a significant part of the story of the African American electorate. And the very same question can and should be raised about the northern and midwestern states. Even more so, did the rise of African American elected officials elsewhere in the country have no effect on the enfranchisement and disenfranchisement movements in the South? Thus, to tell the story of the African American electorate from only a southern perspective is to tell the story in a one-dimensional manner, which inhibits a collective and holistic portrait of the African American electorate in America. Hence, another unique feature of this study is that it goes beyond this limited research to display the continual presence and influence of the political context variable on the African American electorate longitudinally.1

    Methodology of This Study

    The methodology for this study derives from its conceptualization. Conceived of and designed as a longitudinal research study of the African American electorate that would be both comprehensive and systematic, even though the election data might be spotty, fragmentary, piecemeal, as well as elusive and fugitive, it was essential that our methodology include case studies and be integrative in nature and scope. In the past, the dominant and hegemonic periodization approach has fractionalized even the limited registration and voting data on the African American electorate.

    Periodization's Focus on Isolated Events

    A perfect example of the prevailing approach is found in Steven Lawson's two books: (1) Black Ballots: Voting Rights in the South, 1944–1969 and (2) In Pursuit of Power: Southern Blacks and Electoral Politics, 1965–1982. Although there is some overlapping in Lawson's periodization approach, the two break points are (1) 1944, when the Supreme Court ruling in the Smith v. Allwright outlawed the White Primary as a disenfranchising technique, and (2) 1965, the year in which Congress passed the Voting Rights Act. Thus, Lawson's study focused on pivotal events, like Supreme Court rulings, congressional legislation or reauthorization, the political inventions and innovations like the “Freedom Vote,” and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party national convention seating challenge, the southern and Border states disenfranchisement techniques or procedures, and African Americans’ capture of certain elective offices for the very first time. All of these political and electoral events constitute periodization. And because these events emerge as a fractionalized portrait of the African American electorate, they also allow the spotty, fragmentary, and piecemeal data to continue to prevail as the only available data extant on the African American electorate. But that was just the problem—periodization that obfuscated extant registration and voting data on the African American electorate, causing it to be omitted and remain fugitive. Clearly, a new methodology was and is needed.

    Periodization Ignores the Pre–Civil War Time Period

    The second main epistemic problem with the periodization approach is there was no exploration of registration and voting data before the Civil War. The best data on the pre–Civil War period came from a minimalist research effort to provide a list of the colonies and states, which permitted Free-Women-and-Men-of-Color to vote. Even this primary and dominant pre-occupation and focus was quite limited and only came into view with the publication of Alexander Keyssar's book The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States, which first appeared in 2000, despite the existence of several scholarly journal articles and book chapters on this reality. Even in the most recent book-length study, Christopher Malone's Between Freedom and Bondage: Race, Party, and Voting Rights in the Antebellum North, published in 2008, there is only an analysis of four of the six states that allowed Free-Men-of-Color to vote and no coverage of the states that allowed Free-Women-of-Color to vote. Hence, what one is left with is a very thin and truncated coverage of the African American electorate before the Civil War and very little or next to nothing on the huge number of statewide referenda on African American suffrage rights before, during, and after the Civil War. Said empirical data provide the reader with a starting point—the actual beginning in the Colonial Era—and provide continuity from this departure point through the Civil War, Reconstruction, and beyond. A linkage and relationship has been made, which distinguishes this study from all previous studies which rely heavily on periodization.

    Periodization Ignores Government Reports and Archives

    The third problem with the periodization approach is the non-use and/or limited recovery of national, state, and local registration data that are embedded in Senate and House documents, state and local archives, as well as data recovered in master's theses and doctoral dissertations. Much of this empirical information has simply been undisturbed and underexplored. Thus, it could not be linked and/or related to already known and currently used and reported data. An exception is the two volumes done on southern primaries and general elections by two different groups of authors. First, there is the compendia by Alexander Heard and Donald Strong, Southern Primaries and Elections, 1920–1949. The second and follow-up volume is by Numan Bartley and Hugh Graham, Southern Elections: County and Precinct Data, 1950–1972. But these two data compendia are not comparable, especially in terms of their information on the African American electorate.1 The first volume includes categories of data on the African American electorate and political candidates and disenfranchisement that do not appear in the second volume. Unique to the second volume is precinct data in addition to county-level data. Comparability in these two volumes would have been an immense and staggering contribution to a portrait of the African American electorate. As they are now constituted, one volume becomes even more important than the other.

    However, if the empirical data in these two volumes are merged and used with the study that appears in Lawrence Hanks’ 1990 book, The Struggle for Black Political Empowerment in Three Georgia Counties (Clay, Hancock, and Peach), at least one could develop a longitudinal analysis of these three counties from 1920 through 1980.1 As their separation now stands, here are three periodization studies that are unlinked and distinct. Such is the case with much of the extant data on the African American electorate, and this must be recognized and dealt with so that a more holistic portrait can be made.

    Periodization Excludes the Freedmen's Voting Data

    The third problem of periodization—limited recovery of national, state, and local registration data—brings us to the fourth problem in this previous methodological approach, the almost universal exclusion of empirical registration and voting data on the southern African American electorate after the Civil War, i.e., the freedmen, generated by the Senate and House of Representatives executive documents.1 The Four Military Reconstruction Acts of 1867 and 1868 empowered the military commanders in the field in the South to register the freedmen in ten of the eleven southern states (Tennessee was excluded because three days before the first of these four acts was implemented, the state's new constitution granted voting rights to the freedmen) and to permit them to vote. In addition, committees in both houses of Congress required these military commanders to collect registration and voting data by race. These empirical compilations appeared in Senate Executive Document 53, 40th Congress, 2nd Session, pages 1–14, and in House Executive Document 3.2, 40th Congress, 2nd Session, pages 1–208. Embedded in these official government documents are the numbers of registered freedmen voters county-by-county in each of these ten southern states, the number who actually voted, as well as the number of non-voters. Similar data are available for white voters in each state, county by county.

    And today, there are scholarly publications of these initial registrants by race in Texas and North Carolina. But very few scholarly and academic works have made any use of these official documents in terms of mapping the nature, scope, and significance of these initial racial voters. A lone exception is Richard L. Hume and Jerry B. Gough, Blacks, Carpetbaggers, and Scalawags: The Constitutional Conventions of Radical Reconstruction. Nor has exploration of this initial data at the state level generated any major works on this southern African American electorate. Needless to say, some historical works have used the grand total of the freedmen registered in these ten states of the South vis-à-vis the white electorate but little beyond that. In its place most historical studies used the official racial registration data kept in the state of Louisiana at the parish level from Reconstruction to the present time. This approach left out the other nine states, plus whatever data that were available on Tennessee. Thus, a partial portrait was drawn of the African American electorate in this period and through the Disenfranchisement Era until 1920, when African American women got the vote and joined those few freedmen who had not been stripped of their right to vote. Hence, this exclusion problem was exemplified by the general prohibition of official voting data inherent in both federal and state documents, with the lone exception of Louisiana. This led to questionable interpretations of freedmen voting and political participation in the Reconstruction Era. Unique to this volume is the use of those empirical data that allow continuity and linkage with the data before, during, and after the Civil War, as well as better quantitative assessment of the impact and influence of the techniques of disenfranchisement. And more importantly, it allows continuity and linkage with those data that were generated when African American women became enfranchised.

    Longitudinal Data at the Group Level

    Therefore, once our conceptualization for this volume was developed as a longitudinal one, our integrative approach became to merge, link, and relationally combine all the known, recovered, and new data that we could find. More than thirty years of researching and data collecting for this project yielded the rich treasure trove of new registration, turnout, and voting data on the African American electorate that readers will find in this volume. To continue our longitudinal study even when empirical data no longer existed, as in the state of Louisiana, we have used a surrogate variable: the existence of African American majority counties along with the white majority counties. Examination of racial majority counties has allowed coverage across time and a continuous description of the African American electorate, particularly in presidential elections. Using homogenous county-level data made it possible to trace and evaluate the African American electorate at the group level longitudinally. Since the county became our unit of political analysis, we could not and did not attempt to describe and explain the African American electorate at the individual level. Thus, the majority of our descriptions and explanations in this volume are at the group level simply because public opinion polls and surveys, especially the former, did not begin until the mid-1930s, while our analysis begins in Colonial America and proceeds to the present. Therefore, our portrait of the African American electorate in this volume is a group-level one and nothing else.

    Integrating a Case-Study Approach

    Beyond our integrative approach for this volume is our case-study approach. The research for this study did not always turn up longitudinal data. At times it turned up data in great detail and specificity. Hence, we did not discard this new and revelatory electoral information. This study uses these new data in a case-study manner. Embedded in several of our chapter narratives, alongside or in the absence of longitudinal data, one will find in-depth studies of unique and rare events like the Mississippi “Freedom Vote” in 1963 or the electoral revolt of the African American electorate in 1920 and 1921, when African American women joined with the remaining few African American males who had not been disenfranchised to vote for African American political candidates. Hence, the case-study approach allowed this volume to utilize the singular electoral events that happened in the African American community from time to time rather than to dismiss them as unsuccessful efforts. These were not really epiphenomena because in the African American suffrage struggle all of these unusual events originated in the creative aspirations of the African American voting rights activists and their meaningful and linked attempts to get the right to vote in America, successful or not. The case-study approach has helped to preserve these efforts.

    Data Sources

    Our approach links demographic data to electoral data on presidential contests.1 We utilize several datasets of the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR), combining them at the county and election-year levels. Our intent is to provide the reader with a vivid view of the historical journey that has shaped the African American struggle for suffrage rights, to see not only the resistance to these aspirations but also the reactions that have made African Americans a part of the American experience.

    We began first by determining the population counts of slaves and Free-Men-and-Women-of-Color during colonial and pre-federal periods, from 1624 to 1790, in various colonies and states, using official data from the United States Census Bureau.1 The methods and data sources for this presentation of presidential elections are given in our appendix. We relied on Michael Dubin for county-level data covering the elections from 1789 to 1824, ICPSR datasets for elections from 1828 to 1988, and the Dave Leip Web site for all elections since 1992.1 The ICPSR Study No. 2896 is our primary source for determining the census population counts of Free-Men-and-Women-of-Color, slaves, and whites by age, gender, and county in the federal period from 1790 to 1870 and the racial majority counties, including component breakdowns by age and gender, in census data since 1870.1

    Census data in the studies indicated above provide the group-level foundation for establishing how the partitioning and extent of slave and free populations affected congressional apportionment and representation in the Colonial and Antebellum periods. Census data further provide information on the eligibility of the electorate, including African Americans, based on gender and age in periods after the Civil War: from the initial election of several African Americans to Congress, to the decimation of the African American electorate in the Disenfranchisement Era, to the re-emergence of local and state-level African American legislators and officeholders marked by the Electoral Revolt of 1920 and the enfranchisement of African American women, and to the modern era of political re-enfranchisement with the Smith v. Allwright court decision, the passage and renewals of the Voting Rights Act, and the election of President Barack Obama. Grouping and associating the presidential election results with census data then extends this logical structure by constructing the evolutionary timeline for the political innovations and alignments within the African American electorate and reactions from without to it, especially in making group-level comparisons in and between the geographic regions, and in and between the racial majority counties.

    Overall, our use of census data from the Colonial and Revolutionary eras combined with that of the Antebellum and more recent eras allows this volume to situate our electoral and political data within the official demographic and geographical contexts of the nation from its founding to the present. And such a methodological and research approach keeps this rare data on the African American electorate within the national and state political contexts across all of the nation's epochs. This is the dominant feature of this pioneering study.

    Presenting the Data

    Finally, with our integrative and case-study data, there is the matter of presentation. To assist readers we have employed both descriptive and visual statistics for the presentation of our data. We have used not only the traditional tabular presentation method but the newer styled presentations so prevalent in this new media age with its visual technology. These new visuals will allow a greater descriptive analysis and hopefully more useful interpretations of the longitudinal data on the African American electorate, in terms of greater depth and specificity. Such a data-rich study with so much new data needs the kind of summarization that only graphic elements can provide. Embracing visualization technology as this volume does sets it apart from all of the other studies on the African American electorate up to this point in time.

    Using county-level data, newly found data, in both a longitudinal and case-study format, with a visualization presentation, all in a carefully written narrative thoroughly differentiates this volume from any other work on the African American electorate. We hope that our work sets the stage for new empirical data analyses and future approaches to reforms in the American electoral process.

    For a discussion of African American farmers’ political participation in the AAA Cotton referenda see Ralph Bunche, The Political Status of the Negro in the Age of FDR, Edited and with an Introduction by Dewey Grantham (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973), pp. 505–515.

    On this point about Professor C. Vann Woodward's concept of the “Compromise of 1877” see Allan Peskin, “Was There a Compromise of 1877?” in John Herbert Roper (ed.), C. Vann Woodward: A Southern Historian and His Critics (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), pp. 150–164. For another work on another one of Professor Woodward's concepts that relates to the African American electorate see Hanes Walton, Jr., Josephine A. V. Allen, Sherman C. Puckett, and Donald R. Deskins, Jr., “Beyond the Second Reconstruction: C. Vann Woodward's Concept of the Third Reconstruction in the South,” American Review of Politics Vol. 32 (Spring & Summer 2011), pp. 105–130.

    For the most recent and updated study on disenfranchisement, with new data on the beginning and ending dates, see Michael Perman, Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888–1908 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001).

    See this new study, which focuses on the efforts of the NAAC that most earlier works simply ignored or omitted, R. Volney Riser, Defying Disfranchisement: Black Voting Rights Activism in the Jim Crow South, 1890–1908 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2010). And for the first major scholarly work on the NAAC, see Benjamin Justesen, Broken Brotherhood: The Rise and Fall of the National Afro-American Council (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2008).

    Pat Watters and Reese Cleghorn, Climbing Jacob's Ladder: The Arrival of Negroes in Southern Politics (New York: Harcourt Brace and Jovanovich, 1967).

    Jack Dennis, “The Study of Electoral Behavior,” in William Crotty (ed.), Political Science: Looking into the Future, Volume Three: Political Behavior (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1991), pp. 51–89.

    For a pathbreaking work on a new subfield in this discipline see Tasha Philpot and Ismail White (eds.), African-American Political Psychology (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).

    For a pioneering work on the political context variable in African American politics see Hanes Walton, Jr., African American Power and Politics: The Political Context Variable (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).

    See Numan Bartley and Hugh Graham, Southern Elections: County and Precinct Data, 1950–1972 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1978).

    See Lawrence J. Hanks, The Struggle for Black Political Empowerment in Three Georgia Counties (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987).

    One of the very few historical studies of the Reconstruction Era to make use of the quantitative voting data collected by Senate and House of Representatives committees is the recent work by Richard L. Hume and Jerry Gough, Blacks, Carpetbaggers, and Scalawags: The Constitutional Conventions of Radical Reconstruction (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008).

    Donald R. Deskins, Jr., Hanes Walton, Jr., and Sherman Puckett, Presidential Elections, 1789–2008: County, State, and National Mapping of Election Data (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, forthcoming).

    United States Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, Part 2 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1975), Chapter Z. See specifically the Series Z tables 1–19 and 24–132, pp. 1168–1171.

    Michael J. Dubin, United States Presidential Elections, 1788–1860: The Official Results by County and State (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2002). Data from Dubin were used to augment results up through the election of 1860 from the following ICPSR studies: for the presidential elections of 1828 to 1836 ICPSR Study No. 1, United States Historical Election Returns, 1824–1968 [Computer File] http://dx.doi.org/10.3886/ICPSR00001, accessed September 19, 2002; the elections of 1840 to 1972 were covered using Jerome M. Clubb, William H. Flanigan, and Nancy H. Zingale, ICPSR Study No. 8611, Election Data for Counties in the United States: Presidential and Congressional Races, 1840–1972 [Computer File] http://dx.doi.org/10.3886/ICPSR08611, accessed December 26, 2002; and the data source for the elections of 1976 to 1988 was ICPSR Study No. 13, Historical, Demographic, Economic, and Social Data: The United States, 1790–1970 [Computer File] http://dx.doi.org/10.3886/ICPSR00013, accessed December 5, 2002. Data for the elections of 1992–2000 were obtained from Dave Leip, U.S. Election Atlas,http://uselectionatlas.org/myatlas.php, accessed April 26, 2004; for the 2004 election, results were accessed on November 21, 2005; and for the election of 2008, October 26, 2009.

    Michael R. Haines, ICPSR Study No. 2896, Historical, Demographic, Economic, and Social Data: The United States, 1790–2000 [Computer File] http://dx.doi.org/10.3886/ICPSR02896, accessed April 28, 2005. For 2010 data see the Census Web site http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/nav/jsf/pages/index.xhtml. For book references of census data that identify racial majority counties from 1880 to 1930 see United States Bureau of the Census, Negro Population in the United States, 1790 to 1915 (New York: Arno Press, 1968), pp. 776–97, and United States Bureau of the Census, Negroes in the United States, 1920–1932 (New York: Arno Press, 1969), pp. 683–762.

  • Appendix

    Introductory Remarks

    In order that we may present as comprehensive a picture of the African American electorate as possible, we include in this Appendix tables in addition to the tables that appeared in the chapters. These tables are very rich, detailed, and long, which is why we have determined that they are best located here, outside the chapter, so as not to interrupt the historical narrative.

    Each Appendix Table is linked to a particular chapter. In some cases, there are longer versions of a table that appears in abbreviated form in the chapter. For instance, Appendix Table A20.14 (pp. 732–734) is a fuller and more complete version of Table 20.14 (p. 438). Both tables show rare and unique data concerning Maggie L. Walker, who ran for Superintendent of Public Instruction in Virginia on the ticket of the Black and Tan Republicans. This African American splinter party was at that time, in 1921, revolting against the other Republicans known as the Lily White Republicans. The Table 20.14 in Chapter 20 shows a helpful summary and overview of the data by racial majority county, which fits within the narrative of the chapter, but Table A20.14 gives the data county-by-county (and city) through Virginia for this rare electoral event.

    In other cases, as with the nine Appendix Tables A6.7 through A6.15 (pp. 735–799), the data do not match up to a particular shorter table in a chapter, but they do fit within the theme of a chapter (in this case, Chapter 6, the African American Electorate in Antebellum and Civil War America 1788–1867). Here are the votes and percentages of the vote county by county for each political party in states that permitted Free-Men-of-Color to vote in every presidential election from 1828 through 1860. These county-level presidential voting data have been combined for the first time with the U.S. Census Free-Men-of-Color population data. Here are unique data for researchers and students of the African American electorate to study, ponder, and consider.

    Appendix Tables A16.8, A16.9, and A16.10 report on the voting behavior of southern and Border States and their racial majority counties in the presidential elections of 1868 to 1920. Table A16.8 (pp. 800–813) shows the collective vote of African American majority counties and white majority counties for the major political parties, the number of counties in each majority group, the collective total population, and the racial group population in each state of these regions. For each election and group of counties Tables A16.9 (pp. 814–818) and A16.10 (pp. 819–823) identify in each state the counties with the largest majorities of African Americans and whites, respectively, and compare how these particular counties voted.

    Appendix Table A23.25 (pp. 824–826) shows data that derive from the second Civil Rights Commission Report, from 1963. As we write in Chapter 23, 100 counties of eight southern states had been deemed by this Commission the worst offenders of White Supremacy in denying the African American electorate their constitutional (Fifteenth Amendment and Nineteenth Amendment) right to vote. The Commission s report showed the change in voter registration before and after, which was not a great change (about 5 percent to 8.3 percent). Whereas in Figure 23.26 (p. 492) we show these data s overall picture visually, here in this Appendix Table we present the data county by county for researchers and students to utilize and draw their own conclusions, by state and by county.

    Appendix Tables A23.32 (pp. 827–854), A23.33 (pp. 855–858), and A23.34 (pp. 859–863) match up with Appendix A, B, and C, respectively, of the 1961 report of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission. The 1961 report provided voter registration statistics at the county level for 1960 and census data for the same time period for not only all of the eleven southern states but for three of the Border States: Delaware, Maryland, and West Virginia. Moreover, the 1961 report provided voter registration by race in all of the African American majority counties for two years: 1958 and 1960. Since there were no African American majority counties in the Border States, Table 2 in the 1961 Report, which provides these data, has no such information on the Border States. Although there are some limitations to these data, they are still some of the most reliable data available.

    Appendix Tables A25.6 and A25.7 match the Tables 25.6 (p. 621) and 25.7 (p. 625) in Chapter 25 concerning the 1965 Voting Rights Act and its expansions and renewals. These tables show in greater detail the immediate effect of this landmark voting rights legislation on selected counties in the South, drawing from the first two reports of the Civil Rights Commission on the effectiveness of this new measure. Table A25.6 (pp. 864–874) has data from the initial report of the Commission released in 1965, while Table A25.7 (pp. 875–894) has data from the second report released in 1968. These data are presented in summary form in Chapter 25, but here in the Appendix we provide them in their full county-by-county detail.

    Appendix Table A25.13 (pp. 895–896) shows a more detailed picture of the data found in Table 25.13 (p. 633), a summary of the election observation assignments at the state level for the periods of 1966–1974 and 1975–1980 under the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Table A25.13 brings out the data to the county level.

    Appendix Table A25.15 (pp. 897–902) shows a more detailed picture of the data found in Table 25.15 (p. 634) concerning the voting age population (VAP, African American and white) for the three southern states Louisiana, North Carolina, and South Carolina the number and percentage of the VAP in these states that was registered, and the racial gap in registration that still existed in favor of whites in most cases. These data are county-by-county data from 1974. They come from the fourth report of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, entitled The Voting Rights Act: Ten Years After.

    Appendix Table A20.14 Election Results by County and Racial Majority for Superintendent of Public Instruction in Virginia, 1921

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    Appendix Table A6.7 County Level Results of the 1828 Presidential Election with Matching 1820 Census Demography

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    Appendix Table A6.8 County Level Results of the 1832 Presidential Election with Matching 1830 Census Demography

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    Appendix Table A6.9 County Level Results of the 1836 Presidential Election with Matching 1830 Census Demography

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    Appendix Table A6.10 County Level Results of the 1840 Presidential Election with Matching 1840 Census Demography

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    Appendix Table A6.11 County Level Results of the 1844 Presidential Election with Matching 1840 Census Demography

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    Appendix Table A6.12 County Level Results of the 1848 Presidential Election with Matching 1840 Census Demography

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    Appendix Table A6.13 County Level Results of the 1852 Presidential Election with Matching 1850 Census Demography

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    Appendix Table A6.14 County Level Results of the 1856 Presidential Election with Matching 1850 Census Demography

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    Appendix Table A6.15 County Level Results of the 1860 Presidential Election with Matching 1860 Census Demography

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    Appendix Table A16.8 Presidential Election Results, 1868–1920, and Census Information, 1860–1920

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    Appendix Table A16.9 The Voting Behavior of the Maximum Majority African American County by State in the South

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    Appendix Table A16.10 The Voting Behavior of the Maximum Majority African American County by State in the South

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    Appendix Table A23.25 Voter Registrations Statistics for 100 Counties in Department of Justice Suit, 1956–1962

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    Appendix Table A23.32 (United States Commission on Civil Rights Appendix A) Voter Registration Statistics, 1960

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    Appendix Table A23.33 Population by Race in All Black Belt Counties, 1950 and 1960

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    Appendix Table A23.34 Southern States’ Black Belt Counties, 1958 and 1960

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    Appendix Table A25.6 Voter Registration in Selected Southern States and Counties Following Passage of the Voting Rights Act, 1965

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    Appendix Table A25.7 Ratio Gains in Registered Voters to Eligible Voters by Race before and after the Voting Rights Act of 1965

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    Appendix Table A25.13 Number of Election Observers under the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 1966–1980

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    Appendix Table A25.15 Voting Age Population and Registered Voters by Race and County in Louisiana, North Carolina, and South Carolina, 1974

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    Appendix

    Cumulative Bibliography

    The following bibliography is by no means a complete listing of works in this subject area, but it does provide the reader with a list of the sources used in this study that will be most fruitful for further research. The interested reader may wish to consult the overall literature review in Chapter 2 as well as the review of Voting Rights Act literature in Chapter 25, and to look at the chapters on a particular era or topic of interest to see the discussion of key texts.

    We have separated a few sources from the general bibliography: key data sources, government documents and primary sources, and other periodicals and online resources. For sources written by historic figures, such as Martin Luther King, Jr., look first at the Government Documents and Primary Sources section.

    Key Data Sources

    Geospatial and Statistical Data Center. Historical Census Browser. Charlottesville: University of Virginia, retrieved April 13, 2008. http://fisher.lib.virginia.edu/collections/stats/histcensus/index.html.

    ICPSR Study No. 1, United States Historical Election Returns, 1824–1968, 2nd ICPSR ed. [Computer File]. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research, retrieved June 2002. http://dx.doi.org:10.3886/ICPSR00001.

    Clubb, Jerome M., William H. Flanigan, and Nancy H. Zingale. ICPSR Study No. 8611, Electoral Data for Counties in the United States: Presidential and Congressional Races, 1840–1972 [Computer File]. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research, retrieved June 2002. http://dx.doi.org:10.3886/ICPSR08611.

    Haines, Michael R. ICPSR Study No. 2896, Historical, Demographic, Economic, and Social Data: The United States, 1790–2000 [Computer File]. Hamilton, NY: Colgate University/Ann Arbor, Michigan: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research, downloaded June 14, 2009. http://dx.doi.org:10.3886/ICPSR02896.

    Bartley, Numan V. and Hugh D. Graham. ICPSR Study No. 72, Southern Primary and General Election Data, 1946–1972 [Computer File]. Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research, downloaded June 7, 2010. http://dx.doi.org:10.3886/ICPSR00072.

    The Sentencing Project Interactive Map. http://www.sentencingproject.org/map/map.cfm#map.

    Table Series Z 1–19: “Estimated Population of American Colonies: 1610 to 1780.” Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, Part 2, 1168. Washington, D.C: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1975.

    Table Series Z 24–132: “Population Censuses Taken in the Colonies and States During the Colonial and Pre–Federal Period: 1624–25 to 1786.” Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, Part 2, 1169–1171. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1975.

    Table Series Z 50–59: “Population Censuses Taken in the Colonies and States During the Colonial and Pre-Federal Period: 1624–25 to 1786.” Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, Part 2, 1169–1171. Washington, D.C.: Bureau of the Census, 1975.

    U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1909. A Century of Population Growth, from the First Census of the United States to the Twelfth, 1790–1900. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1909.

    U.S. Bureau of the Census, Negro Population in the United States, 1790–1915. New York: Arno Press and The New York Times, 1968.

    Government Documents and Primary Sources

    “1830—Philadelphia Constitution of the American Society of Free Persons of Colour and the Proceedings of the Convention.” In A Survey of the Negro Convention Movement, 1830–1861, edited by Howard Bell, iii–12. New York: Arno Press, 1969.

    “1855—Philadelphia Proceedings of the Colored National Convention.” In A Survey of the Negro Convention Movement, 1830–1861, edited by Howard Bell, 7.

    “1864—Syracuse Proceedings of the National Convention of Colored Men.” In A Survey of the Negro Convention Movement, 1830–1861, edited by Howard Bell, 7.

    The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Independent Events of the Year 1867. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1868.

    The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Independent Events of the Year 1868. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1869.

    The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Independent Events of the Year 1869. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1870.

    The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Independent Events of the Year 1870. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1871.

    “Appeal from Executive Board National Equal Rights League, 1864.” In A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, edited by Herbert Aptheker, 526. New York: Citadel Press, 1959.

    “The Appeal of Forty Thousand Disfranchised Citizens of Pennsylvania.” In A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States: From Colonial Times Through the Civil War, Vol. 1, edited by Herbert Aptheker, 176–178. New York: Citadel Press, 1967.

    “Complaint Against the Georgia Photo ID Amendment, September 19, 2005.” In The Voting Rights Act: Securing the Ballot, edited by Richard M. Valelly, 345–351. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2006.

    “Reauthorization of the 1965 Voting Rights Act: What Expires and What Does Not.” In The Voting Rights Act: Securing the Ballot, edited by Richard M. Valelly, 353–354. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2006.

    “Senator Barack Obama Supports Renewal of the VRA.” In Defining Moments: The Voting Rights Act of 1965, edited by Laurie Collier Hillstrom, 212–215. Detroit: Omnigraphics, 2009.

    “South Carolina v. Katzenbach, Decided March 7, 1966.” In The Voting Rights Act: Securing the Ballot, edited by Richard M. Valelly, 271 and 272. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2006.

    “Voting Rights Act Extension, June 29, 1982.” In The Voting Rights Act: Securing the Ballot, edited by Richard M. Valelly, 307. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2006.

    Bureau of the Census. A Century of Population Growth. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1909.

    ———. Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970 Part 2. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1975.

    Chatham County, Georgia. Oath of Voters: 1915–1916: Colored. 1 vol. Chatham County, GA: Chatham County, 1915–1916.

    ———. Oath of Voters: 1920–1921: Colored. 5 vol. Chatham County, GA: Chatham County, 1920–1921.

    ———. Oath of Voters: 1924–1926: Colored. 1 vol. Chatham County, GA: Chatham County, 1924–1926.

    Clinton, Hillary. “Clinton's Selma Speech; Text as Delivered.” Chicago Sun-Times, reported by Lynn Sweet. March 6, 2007. http://blogs.suntimes.com/sweet/2007/03/Clintons_selma_speech_text.html, pp. 2–3.

    Commission on Federal Election Reform. Building Confidence in U.S. Elections: Report of the Commission on Federal Election Reforms. Washington, D.C.: Center for Democracy and Election Management—American University, September 2005.

    Illinois General Assembly. “Illinois State Representatives, 97th General Assembly,” http://www.ilga.gov/house/default.asp, accessed December 14, 2011.

    ———. “Illinois State Senators, 97th General Assembly,” http://www.ilga.gov/senate, accessed December 14, 2011.

    Illinois House Democrats. “Illinois House Legislative Black Caucus Homepage.” http://www.housedem.state.il.us/constituents/blackcaucus.htm, accessed December 14, 2011.

    Illinois Secretary of State. Illinois Blue Book, 1876–1944. Springfield: Illinois Secretary of State, 1876–1944.

    Johnson, Andrew. “Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction, May 29, 1865.” In A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789–1897, vol. 6., edited by James D. Richardson, 310–312. 1920. Available online at TeachingAmericanHistory.org.

    Joint Committee on Printing. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, 1774–1989. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1988.

    King, Martin Luther, Jr. “Introduction.” In The Negro Politician: His Success and Failure, edited by Edward Clayton, vii–viii. Chicago: Johnson Publishing Company, 1964.

    King, Martin Luther, Jr., and James Melvin Washington. A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr. San Francisco: Harper San Francisco, 1991.

    Langston, John M. Freedom and Citizenship: Selected Lectures and Addresses. Washington, D.C.: Mnemosyne Publishing, 1883.

    ———. From the Virginia Plantation to the National Capitol. New York: Arno Press, 1894.

    Lincoln, Abraham. “The Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction,” December 8, 1863, in United States, Statutes at Large, Treaties, and Proclamations of the United States of America, Vol. 13. Boston, 1866.

    Louisiana Department of State. Democratic Primary Election Returns, Elections Held January 15, 1952 and February 19, 1952. Baton Rouge, 1952.

    ———. Democratic Primary Election Returns, Election Held January 17, 1956. Baton Rouge, 1956.

    McKelvy, David, Margaret McKelvy Bird, and Daniel W. Crofts. “Notes and Documents: Soldier Voting in 1864: The David McKelvy Diary,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 115, No. 3 (July 1991): 371–413.

    National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Disfranchisement of Colored Americans in the Presidential Election of 1920. New York: NAACP Pamphlet, n.d.

    National Convention of the Colored Men of America. Proceedings of the National Convention of the Colored Men of American Held in Washington, D.C., on January 13, 14, 15, and 16. Washington, D.C.: Great Republic Book and Job Printing Establishment, 1869.

    National Equal Rights League. Proceedings of the First Annual Meeting of the National Equal Rights League Held in Cleveland, Ohio, October 19, 20, and 21, 1865. Philadelphia: E. C. Markley and Sons, 1865.

    Obama, Barack. “Selma Voting Rights March Commemoration at Brown Chapel.” American Rhetoric Online Speech Bank. Delivered in Selma, Alabama, March 4, 2007. http://americanrhetoric.com/barackobamaspeeches.htm.

    Obama, Barack. “Senate Floor Speech on Renewing Expired Provisions of Voting Rights Act.” American Rhetoric Online Speech Bank. Delivered in Washington, D.C., July 20, 2006. http://americanrhetoric.com/barackobamaspeeches.htm.

    State of Georgia, Department of Archives and History. The Georgia Official and Statistical Register 1967–1968. Atlanta: Georgia Secretary of State, 1969. http://statregister.galileo.usg.edu/statregister/view?docId=statregister/stat1967/stat1967-0005.xml.

    Texas Secretary of State. “Register of Elected and Appointed State and County Officials 1962–1966.” In Election Register: 1838–1972. Austin: Texas State Archives Microfilmed Copy, 1838–1972.

    U.S. Bureau of the Census. U.S. Department of Commerce. Voting and Registration in the Election of November 1966. Current Population Reports, Population Characteristics. Series P–20, No. 174. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, August 8, 1968.

    U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. 1961 Commission on Civil Rights Report Book I: Voting. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1961. http://www.law.umaryland.edu/marshall/usccr/documents/cr11961bk1.pdf.

    ———. Civil Rights ’63: 1963 Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1963. http://www.crmvet.org/docs/ccr_63_civil_rights.pdf.

    ———. Department of Justice Voting Rights Enforcement for the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election: A Briefing Before the United States Commission on Civil Rights Held in Washington, D.C. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, July 2009. http://www.usccr.gov/pubs/DOJVotingRights2008PresidentialElection.pdf.

    ———. Hearings Before the United States Commission on Civil Rights: Voting. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1959.

    ———. Hearings Before the United States Commission on Civil Rights: Hearings Held in New Orleans, Louisiana, September 27 and 28, 1960, and May 5 and 6, 1961. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1961. http://www.swarthmore.edu/SocSci/rvalell1/docs/hearingneworleanslouisiana.pdf.

    ———. Political Participation: A Study of the Participation by Negroes in the Electoral and Political Processes in Ten Southern States Since Passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1968.

    ———. Reauthorization of The Temporary Provisions of the Voting Rights Act: An Examination of the Act's Section 5 Preclearance Provision: A Briefing Before the United States Commission on Civil Rights, October 7, 2005. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, April 2006. http://www.usccr.gov/pubs/Re_VRA_09-02-11.pdf.

    ———. Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights 1959. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1959. http://www.law.umaryland.edu/marshall/usccr/documents/cr11959.pdf.

    ———. Voting: Hearings Held in Montgomery, Alabama. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1959.

    ———. Voting in Mississippi: A Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights 1965. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1965. http://www.crmvet.org/docs/ccr_65_voting_ms.pdf.

    ———. Voting Irregularities in Florida During the 2000 Presidential Election. Washington, D.C.: Governmental Printing Office, June 2001. http://www.usccr.gov/pubs/vote2000/report/main.htm.

    ———. The Voting Rights Act: The First Months. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1965

    ———. The Voting Rights Act: Ten Years After. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1975.

    ———. The Voting Rights Act: Unfulfilled Goals. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1981.

    ———. Voting Rights Enforcement and Reauthorization: The Department of Justice's Record of Enforcing the Temporary Voting Rights Act Provisions. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, May 2006. http://www.usccr.gov/pubs/051006VRAStatReport.pdf.

    U.S. Congress. House. Committee on the Census. Apportionment of Representatives: Hearings before the Committee on the Census on H.R. 14498, H.R. 15021, H.R. 15158, and H.R. 15217. 66th Cong., 3d sess. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1921.

    U.S. Congress. House. Committee on House Administration. “Black Americans in Congress - Jefferson Franklin Long, Representative from Georgia.” Retrieved November 11, 2011. http://baic.house .gov/member-profiles/profile.html?intID=7

    ———. Committee on House Administration. Black Americans in Congress, 1870–2007. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 2008.

    ———. Committee on the Judiciary. Preserving Democracy: What Went Wrong in Ohio: Status Report of the House Judiciary Committee Democratic Staff. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 2005.

    ———. Office of the Clerk. “Party Divisions in the House of Representatives: (1789 to Present).” http://clerk.house.gov/art_history/house_history/partyDiv.html, accessed January 11, 2010.

    ———. “General Orders—Reconstruction: Letter from the Secretary of War in answer to a Resolution of the House of February 3, 1868, communicating, copies of all General and Special Orders promulgated by the several commanders of the military districts of the south for the execution of the reconstruction laws.” 40th Cong, 2d sess, Ex. Doc. 342. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1868.

    U.S. Congress. Senate. “Letter of the General of the Army of the United States Communicating, In Compliance with a resolution of the Senate of December 5, 1867, a statement of the number of white and colored voters registered in each of the States subject to the reconstruction acts of Congress, with other statistics relative to the same subject,” 40th Cong., 2d sess., S. Ex. Doc. 53, May 13, 1868. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1868.

    ———. Report and Testimony of the Select Committee of the United States Senate to Investigate the Causes of the Removal of Negroes from the Southern States to the Northern States. 46th Cong., 2d sess., S. Rep 693. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1880.

    U.S. Department of Justice, “About Federal Observers and Election Monitoring,” http://www.justice.gov/crt/about/votexamine/activ_exam.php.

    U.S. Government Accountability Office. Information on Employment Litigation, Housing and Civil Enforcement, Voting, and Special Litigation Sections’ Enforcement Efforts from Fiscal Years 2001 Through 2007. Washington, DC: Government Accountability Office, 2009.

    U.S. Government Accountability Office. GAO-10-75: U.S. Department of Justice: Information on Employment Litigation, Housing and Civil Enforcement, Voting, and Special Litigation Sections’ Enforcement Efforts from Fiscal Years 2001 through 2007. Washington, D.C.: Government Accountability Office, October 2009. http://www.gao .gov/new.items/d1075.pdf

    Virginia Office of the Attorney General Robert Y. Button. The Constitutionality of the Voting Rights Act of 1965: A Response to the Attorney General of the United States. Richmond: Virginia Commission on Constitutional Government, 1965.

    West Virginia Bureau of Negro Welfare and Statistics. “The Negro in West Virginia.” Report of the Bureau of Negro Welfare and Statistics of the State of West Virginia to Governor Ephraim F. Morgan. Charleston: Bureau of Negro Welfare and Statistics, 1921–1922.

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    West Virginia Secretary of State. State of West Virginia Official Returns of the General Election, November, 1952. Charleston: Secretary of State Office, 1952.

    Other Periodicals and Online Resources

    “2 Negroes on State Ballot: Smith, Lindsey are First to Make Race.” Mississippi Free Press, April 21, 1962: 1.

    “200,000 Negroes to Vote: Seek Four Times Total of Gov. Barnett in 1959.” Mississippi Free Press, September 21, 1963: 1.

    “733 Vote for Freedom: Patterson Threatens $100 Fines, Jail Terms, but Greenwood Negroes Turn in 400 Ballots.” Mississippi Free Press, August 10, 1963: 1, 4.

    “90,000 Vote for Henry: Johnson Refused Consent of Governed.” Mississippi Free Press, November 9, 1963, pp. 1, 4, 8.

    “COFO Maps Future.” Mississippi Free Press, November 16, 1963: 8.

    “COFO Team: Henry and King—‘We Will Be Free.’” Mississippi Free Press, October 19, 1963: 1.

    “Freedom Democratic Party Given Boost: Crowds Turn Out for King.” Mississippi Free Press, July 25, 1964: 2.

    “Governor Candidate Henry: ‘We Shall Vote for Freedom.’” Mississippi Free Press, October 12, 1963, pp. 1–2.

    “June 5th Was Historic Day for Negroes: Two Candidates Try for U.S. Congress: Vote Showed Negro ‘Block’ Vote Just Does Not Exist.” Mississippi Free Press, June 30, 1962: 4

    “La. Negro Lawyer Seeks Dem. Governor's Nomination” Jet Magazine (April 11, 1963): 7.

    “Lindsey for Congress: Rally Set for Sunday.” Mississippi Free Press, April 26, 1962: 1, 4.

    “Make-Believe Vote.” Newsweek 62 (October 28, 1963): 23.

    “Name New Orleans Negro Assistant District Attorney.” Jet Magazine (May 29, 1958): 11.

    “Negro Attorney to Run for New Orleans Council.” Jet Magazine (December 17, 1953): 7.

    “Negro Loses Council Race in New Orleans.” Jet Magazine (February 20, 1958): 7.

    “Negroes Pick Candidate: Convention to Set Off Mighty Freedom Vote.” Mississippi Free Press, October 5, 1963: 1, 4.

    “Negro Republicans in Three States.” New York Times, April 29, 1920: 2.

    “Negro Runs for Louisiana Governor.” Jet Magazine (January 17, 1952): 10.

    “Negroes to File Freedom Votes.” Mississippi Free Press, August 24, 1963: 1.

    “New Voters Find ‘Way to Freedom.’” Mississippi Free Press, August 31, 1963: 1, 8.

    “Rev. King—Lt. Gov. Candidate: A Pulpit for Freedom.” Mississippi Free Press, October 26, 1963: 1

    “Rev. Merrill Winston Lindsey, Announces Candidacy for U.S. Congress.” Mississippi Free Press, April 7, 1962: 1, 4.

    “Smith Announces for Congress: R. L. T. Smith Will be First Negro to Run in 20th Century.” Mississippi Free Press, December 16, 1961.

    “Smith's Campaign Committee Sponsors Dinners.” Mississippi Free Press, April 28, 1962: 1.

    “State Law Provides Way for Unregistered to Vote.” Mississippi Free Press, August 3, 1963

    “The First Colored Convention.” The Anglo-American Magazine 1 (October 1859): 3, in Minutes of the Proceedings of the National Negro Conventions, 1830–1864, edited by Howard Bell, New York: Arno Press, 1969.

    “‘Underground Ballot’ Necessary as Henry Nears Election.” Mississippi Free Press, November 2, 1963

    “Unregistered Negroes to Cast Protest Votes.” Mississippi Free Press, August 3, 1963: 1.

    “With Political Organization: Negroes Wield Ballot Power.” Mississippi Free Press, October 26, 1963: 1

    Alvarez, Lizette “Republican Legislators Push to Tighten Voting Rules.” New York Times, May 29, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/05/29/us/politics/29vote.html?_r=1&emc=eta1.

    Fikes, Robert. “Roberts, Frederick M. (1879–1952),” BlackPast.org. http://www.blackpast.org/?q=aaw/roberts-frederick-m-1879-1952, accessed November 25, 2011.

    Gordy, Cynthia. “Donna Brazile: Voter Photo ID Not the Answer.” The Root, May 4, 2011. http://www.theroot.com/views/donna-brazile-voter-photo-id-not-answer.

    Herron, Jeannine. “Underground Election.” Nation 197 (December 7, 1963): 387–389.

    Holt, Len. “The Freedom Vote Triumphs Over Terror.” National Guardian, November 21, 1963): 7.

    Kestenbaum, Lawrence. “The Political Graveyard,” http://politicalgraveyard.com.

    Lawrence, Sarah and Jeremy Travis. “The New Landscape of Imprisonment: Mapping America's Prison Expansion.” 2004. http://www.urban.org/urlprint.cfm?ID=8848.

    Levitt, Justin. “The Truth About Voter Fraud.” http://www.truthaboutfraud.org/pdf/TruthAboutVoterFraud.pdf, accessed June 14, 2011.

    McCormack, Kathy. “Dying Communities See Salvation in New Prisons.” Associated Press, October 9, 2010.

    Minnite, Lorraine C. “The Politics of Voter Fraud.” http://www.bradblog.com/Docs/PoliticsofVoterFraudFinal.pdf, accessed June 14, 2011.

    Rosenmerkel, Sean P., Matthew R. Durose, and Donald J. Farole, Jr. “Felony Sentences in State Courts, 2006 – Statistical Tables.” Table 3.7. Bureau of Justice Statistics, December 30, 2009. http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=2152.

    Seelye, Katharine. “Senators Hear Bitter Words on Florida Vote.” New York Times, June 28, 2001: 1.

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    Appendix

    Copyright Acknowledgments

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