Lobbying and Policymaking: The Public Pursuit of Private Interests
Publication Year: 2013
Spurred by the disconnect between what was being taught in the classroom and actual practice, Godwin, Ainsworth, and Godwin set out to answer the question, ôWas political science missing some key aspects of the interactions between lobbyists and policy makers?ö Built on interviews with over 100 lobbyists, these authors show that much of the research on organized interests overlooks the lobbying of regulatory agencies even though it accounts for almost half of all lobbyingùeven though bureaucratic agencies have considerable leeway in the how they choose to implement law. This groundbreaking new book argues that lobbying activity is not mainly a struggle among competing interests over highly collective goods; rather, itÆs the public provision of private goods. And more to the point, this shift in understanding ...
- Front Matter
- Back Matter
- Subject Index
- Chapter 1: Key Concepts and Ideas
- What Do Lobbyists Do?
- Key Terms
- Types of Lobbyists
- Types of Policies
- Approach of This Book
- Theoretical Rigor and Practical Politics
- Chapter 2: Models of Influence
- Two Models and Two Metaphors
- The North American Free Trade Agreement
- Competing Models of Group Influence on Policy
- Pluralism and Elitism
- The Challenge of Exchange Models
- Issue Networks
- Can We Reject the Exchange or Pluralist Models?
- Neopluralism: It All Depends
- Interest Groups, Parties, and Political Representation
- Chapter 3: The Policy Process
- Making Sense of the Policy Process
- Policy Stages and the Study of Group Influence
- Energy Policy
- The American Jobs Creation Act
- The Data Quality Act and the Battle Over Atrazine
- The Impact of the Data Quality Act on Regulation
- The Battle Over Atrazine
- Placing Our Case Studies within the Policy Stages Framework
- The Role of Collective and Private Goods
- Chapter 4: Policymaking by Regulatory Agencies
- The Breadth of the Regulatory Process
- The Role of the Bureaucracy in the Creation of Law
- The Relationship Between Oversight Mechanisms and Lobbying
- Lobbying Strategies
- Case Studies of a Police Patrol and a Fire Alarm
- Implementing the Data Quality Act
- The Environmental Protection Agency and the Regulation of Perchlorate
- Chapter 5: Interest-Group Participation, Strategies, and Success in the Regulatory Process
- Incentives for Lobbying the Bureaucracy
- The Frequency and Perceived Importance of Regulatory Lobbying
- Perceived Lobbying Success
- Strategies for Influencing Regulatory Agencies
- Written Comments Concerning a Proposed Rule
- Participation in Federal Advisory Committees
- Lobbying Congress to Affect Regulatory Agencies
- Public Hearings
- Regulatory Waivers
- Chapter 6: Lobbying Alone or Cooperatively
- Drug Reimportation
- The Death Tax
- The Effectiveness of Cooperative Lobbying
- Building a Coalition
- Benefits of Joining a Coalition
- Building a Coalition to Block Policy Change
- Costs of Participation in Coalitions and Cooperative Lobbying Efforts
- Empirical Issues Concerning Cooperation and Lobbying Success
- Chapter 7: The Case for Neopluralism
- Limitations of Previous Studies of Lobbying
- Concentrating on Campaign Contributions and Roll Call Votes
- Examining Single Issues
- Studying Only High-Conflict and Highly Visible Issues
- Solutions to the Research Problems
- Testing Neopluralist Expectations
- Policymaking and Lobbying Are Lengthy Processes Involving Multiple Decisions
- Major Policy Changes Involve Competitive Lobbying
- Government Officials Are Effective Policy Advocates
- Political Parties, Ideology, and Elections Constrain Interest-Group Influence
- The Power of Inertia
- Overcoming the Free Rider Problem
- Institutions Matter
- What Resources Are Important to Lobbying Success?
- Why Do Resources Appear Not to Matter?
- Chapter 8: Evidence for the Exchange Model
- The Supply and Demand for Policy Support
- The Price Officials Charge
- The Price Groups Pay
- Enforcing Exchange Agreements
- The Resources Interest Organizations Provide Policymakers
- Exchanges with Unelected Policymakers
- Implications of Exchange Models for Political Representation
- Implications of Exchange Theory for Lobbying Strategies
- The Role of Private Goods in Lobbying
- A Test of the Exchange Model
- Chapter 9: Building a Model of Lobbying
- The Moose Hunt
- Building Coalitions
- Building a Model of Lobbying
- The Role of Political Institutions and Policymakers’ Costs
- Allowing Multiple Winners and Allowing No Winners
- Models of Lobbying for Collective Goods
- A Model That Includes Private and Collective Goods
- Nontechnical Summary of the Lobbying Models
- Resource Allocation Between Private and Collective Goods
- What Firms Want and the Value of Policy Decisions
- A Multivariate Analysis of Lobbying Decisions
- A More Formal Presentation
- Chapter 10: Conclusions and Implications
- What Do Interests Want, and What Strategies Do They Use?
- Interest Organizations Want Private as Well as Collective Goods
- Campaign Contributions
- The Decision to Lobby, Cheap Ride, or Free Ride
- Policymaking in the Bureaucracy
- What Factors Lead to Lobbying Success?
- Defend the Status Quo
- Seek Private Goods Rather Than Collective Goods
- Participate in Established Lobbying Relationships
- What Are the Implications of Our Findings for American Democracy?
- Questions You Must Answer
[Page ii]To Kenneth G. Ainsworth, Jennifer Godwin, Sen. Marshall Rauch, D-NC, and Neal Tate
Copyright © 2013 by CQ Press, an Imprint of SAGE Publications, Inc. CQ Press is a registered trademark of Congressional Quarterly Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.
An Imprint of SAGE Publications, Inc.
2455 Teller Road
Thousand Oaks, California 91320
SAGE Publications Ltd.
1 Oliver's Yard
55 City Road
London, EC1Y 1SP
SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd.
B 1/I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area
Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044
SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte. Ltd.
3 Church Street
#10-04 Samsung Hub
Printed in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Lobbying and policymaking : the public pursuit of private interests / Ken Godwin, Scott H. Ainsworth, Erik Godwin.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-60426-469-2 (pbk.)
Lobbying—United States. 2. Pressure groups—United States. 3. United States—Politics and government—20th century. I. Ainsworth, Scott H. II. Godwin, Erik. III. Title.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
12 13 14 15 16 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Acquisitions Editor: Charisse Kiino
Associate Editor: Nancy Loh
Production Editor: Laureen Gleason
Copy Editor: Megan Markanich
Typesetter: C&M Digitals (P) Ltd.
Proofreader: Barbara Johnson
Indexer: Karen Wiley
Cover Designer: Janet Kiesel
Marketing Manager: Jonathan Mason
Permissions Editor: Adele Hutchinson
Tables, Figures, and Boxes[Page ix]
- Table 3.1 The Policy Stages Model Applied to the North American Free Trade Agreement 50
- Table 5.1 Interest Organizations Reporting Participation in Regulatory Rulemaking 96
- Table 5.2 Lobbying Agencies at Various Stages of the Rulemaking Process 97
- Table 5.3 Lobbyists’ Rating of the Effectiveness of Lobbying Strategies 97
- Table 5.4 Lobbyists’ Perception of Their Success Rates in Affecting Rulemaking 99
- Table 5.5 Lobbying Strategies and Perceived Effectiveness 99
- Table 5.6 Number of Issues and Percentage of Wins 102
- Table 5.7 Issue Objectives and Issue Wins 102
- Table 6.1 The Determinants of Coalition Participation in All Types of Organizations 129
- Table 6.2 Overall Rates of Fortune 1000 Firms Lobbying Congress and Regulatory Agencies 130
- Table 6.3 The Relationship Between a Firm's Role in a Coalition and Its Lobbying Objective 131
- Table 6.4 Average Ranking of Goals When Joining Cooperative Lobbying Efforts 132
- Table 6.5 Determinants of Cooperative Lobbying by Firms 133
- Table 7.1 The Relationship Between Lobbying Resources and Policy Outcomes 151
- Table 9.1 Estimated Expected Value of Most Important Government Actions 189
- Table 9.2 The Allocation of Lobbying Resources to Benefits 189
- Table 9.3 A Multivariate Logistic Regression Analysis of the Decision to Lobby 191
- Figure 1.1 Provisions in the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004 10
- Figure 2.1 Tug-of-War With Three Sides 16 [Page x]
- Figure 3.1 John Kingdon's Policy Streams 51
- Figure 4.1 The Rulemaking Process 81
- Figure 6.1 Lobbying Efforts on a Side 127
- Figure 6.2 Two Possible Causal Relationships Between Coalition Participation and Policy Failure 130
- Figure A.1 The Career Paths of Three Pesticide Lobbyists 217
- Box 1.1 “Oh S——t” Moments: The Importance of Monitoring 4
- Box 1.2 Biographic Sketches for Internal and External Lobbyists for Amgen 7
- Box 2.1 Policy Issues 15
- Box 2.2 Corporate Versus Individual Lobbying 31
- Box 2.3 Legislators Can Peek Into Their Blind Trusts 38
- Box 3.1 Fast Track Procedure 55
- Box 3.2 Lawsuits to Force the White House to Release the Records of the Cheney Task Force 57
- Box 3.3 The Data Quality Act 64
- Box 5.1 SEC Is Avoiding Tough Sanctions for Large Banks 108
- Box 8.1 A Prisoners’ Dilemma 161
Ten years ago, two of the authors of this book were discussing lobbying. One of the participants was a lobbyist and the other participant taught a course on interest groups. The lobbyist observed that if he were to attend the professor's class he would be unlikely to recognize that it dealt with what lobbyists actually do. The dissimilarity between teaching and practice raised the following question: “Was political science missing some key aspects of the interactions between lobbyists and policymakers?” If so, what were the implications of these omissions? For the past decade, the authors of this book examined these questions.
Our research discovered that few scholars studied two of lobbyists’ most important activities. First, previous research often ignored the lobbying of regulatory of agencies. This oversight occurred despite evidence indicating that lobbying the rulemaking process constituted almost half of all lobbying.1 Second, scholars had concentrated on issues involving such highly collective goods as universal health care and the appropriate tax rates for individuals and corporations. Our interviews with more than 100 lobbyists discovered, however, that lobbyists for producer organizations generally concentrated their efforts on obtaining goods that benefitted only their employer or their employer and a small number of other organizations. Lobbying and Policymaking demonstrates that paying greater attention to rulemaking institutions and to the public provision of private goods significantly changes the standard picture of lobbying and the policymaking process. More important, attention to these aspects of policymaking changes our understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of American democracy.
This book differs from most other textbooks concerning lobbying and policymaking in several ways. First, we examine what interest organizations actually seek from policymakers. This emphasis corrects the picture of lobbying as primarily a struggle among competing interests over highly collective goods. Second, this book gives more emphasis to the regulatory process. This greater emphasis accurately reflects the importance of regulatory agencies in policymaking. Third, the book takes advantage of the practical lobbying experience of one of the authors. We believe this makes the book more enjoyable to students and increases the verisimilitude between theory and practice. Fourth, unlike most other books on lobbying or policymaking, we present a formal model reflecting key aspects of the policymaking process. Critics of formal models of lobbying have argued that such models treat policymaking as an event that occurs at a single point in time while policymaking actually is a process that continues through time and requires multiple lobbying strategies.2 One goal of our research project was to address this problem. The formal modeling in this book is kept within a single chapter, and we have summarized in prose all aspects of those models. The model, however, is essential to the theory of policymaking we present. Interested [Page xii]readers can see the more formal presentations of the model in our journal articles.
We have attempted to write a book that is accessible to undergraduate students and is useful to scholars. The pedagogical approaches we employ reflect our belief that metaphors, case studies, models, and quantitative data are important to understanding the policy process. We use metaphors to assist readers in gaining intuitive insights into lobbying and policymaking. We use eight case studies to analyze, test, and illustrate concepts and hypotheses. We use two large datasets to compare competing explanations of lobbying influence and to test the formal model we develop.
The reader will discover that this book often is in a dialog with Lobbying and Policy Change: Who Wins, Who Loses, and Why by Frank Baumgartner, Jeffrey Berry, Marie Hojnacki, David Kimball, and Beth Leech. That work is a decade-long study that examines what interest groups want and how successful they are in achieving their goals.3 We believe that Lobbying and Policy Change constitutes the most comprehensive account of lobbying available to scholars of interest groups and public policy. We show, however, that their research design led them to ignore important lobbying activities and goals. We demonstrate how this problem affected their conclusions about interest-group influence on policy outcomes. We believe that our book provides a more balanced view of the influence process and outcomes. We hasten to add that it is not necessary to read Lobbying and Policy Change to appreciate the arguments we make in this book.
Lobbying and Policymaking is a product of ten years of research and writing. To have the time to devote to such a project required the support of external funding as well as our universities. The National Science Foundation (NSF) provided the external funding. UNC Charlotte received NSF grant SES-0752212, and the University of Georgia received the grant SES-0752245. Our thanks go to Brian Humes and NSF reviewers for their support of the project. Ken Godwin also received financial assistance from the Department of Political Science at the University of North Texas and the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of North Carolina Charlotte (UNCC). Scott Ainsworth and Erik Godwin received support from their departments at the University of Georgia and Texas A&M University.
We are grateful to our interviewees who provided us with numerous insights into the policy process and made us better political scientists. Their contributions made the book possible. We are grateful to Karen Godwin, who achieved an amazing 80-percent success rate in obtaining interviews with lobbyists and congressional staffers. On several occasions, interviewees commented that her determination and tact were the reasons that they ultimately granted an interview.
Our colleagues Austin Clemens, John Green, Ed Lopez, and Barry Seldon are not listed as coauthors, but they coauthored research that was essential to this book. We also are appreciative of the assistance of the late Robert Salisbury, who helped us conceptualize and measure lobbying for private goods. We are [Page xiii]grateful to the authors of Lobbying and Policy Change for generously making available much of the data from their project. Frank Baumgartner provided useful suggestions throughout the research process. Eric Heberlig of UNC Charlotte provided numerous useful comments and suggestions. Erik Godwin thanks Virginia Gray and David Lowery, his mentors at UNC-Chapel Hill. Although they and he are unlikely to agree on the degree of rationality in the lobbying and policymaking, their instruction greatly informed his contributions to this book.
Several students were intimately involved in the research and writing process. At UNC Charlotte, Lawson Seropian played an important editorial role. His most difficult task was to ensure that the authors wrote in a manner accessible to undergraduate students. Lawson also was a valuable research assistant in tracking bills and participants in the policies included in our analyses. Other students working on the project included Kathryn Clifford, Perry Joiner, Ruoxi Li, and Hongu Zhang at the University of Georgia and Amanda Rutherford and Jamie Smart at Texas A&M.
We appreciate the comments of Don C. Baumer, Smith College; Julio Borquez, University of Michigan-Dearborn; Andrienne Fulco, Trinity College; Paul Lewis, Arizona State University; Jason MacDonald, Kent State University; Jennifer Miller, UNC-Chapel Hill; Laura Olson, Clemson University; Donald Stenta, The Ohio State University; and Stephen Weatherford, University of California, Santa Barbara, the reviewers of our proposal or an earlier draft of the manuscript. Our editor Charisse Kiino was helpful throughout the writing process and remained supportive even when we missed deadlines. We are grateful to Megan Markanich, Laureen Gleason, and Nancy Loh, the editorial and production team at CQ Press. As much as we would like to blame any errors on the people who were previously mentioned, those errors remain our own.Endnotes
1. Scott R. Furlong and Cornelius M. Kerwin, “Interest Group Participation in Rule Making: A Decade of Change,” Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 15, no. 3 (2004): 353–370.
2. David Lowery and Virginia Gray, “A Neopluralist Perspective on Research on Organized Interests,” Political Research Quarterly 57, no.1 (2004): 164–175.
3. Frank R. Baumgartner, Jeffrey M. Berry, Marie Hojnacki, David C. Kimball, and Beth L. Leech. Lobbying and Policy Change: Who Wins, Who Loses, and Why (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).[Page xiv]
About the Authors
Appendix: So You Want to Become a Lobbyist?[Page 215]
Students frequently ask the question, “What kind of training do I need to become a lobbyist?” This is an important question because the answer reveals a great deal about the relationship between lobbying and the policy process. There are several good articles available to students concerning congressional and local government lobbyists’ career patterns and work habits.1 Here, however, we examine how lobbying firms that target the White House and bureaucratic agencies recruit and train their personnel. The information included in this appendix comes from interviews with the heads of four lobbying firms plus the personal experience of coauthor Erik Godwin.2 We do not claim that the information presented here is representative of all types of executive branch lobbying. In particular, it is not as representative of procurement lobbying.3 The information does, however, shed light on the types of career paths that executive branch lobbyists follow and the techniques that they rely upon when influencing federal policy.A General Blueprint of Lobbying
Whether lobbying the legislature, the president, or the bureaucracy, lobbyists must understand and account for three streams of information about the policy they seek to influence: they must know the substance of the issue, the process that governs the policy, and the people who will make key decisions along the way. Every successful lobbying effort requires correctly moving the substance, process, and people at the right time. Substantive knowledge refers to an understanding of the technical aspects of a policy and the political environment surrounding the issue. Lobbyists who lack substantive expertise are unable to provide quality information, generate accurate analyses, or request realistic policy adjustments for their clients. Lobbyists must also know the process by which the policy decision will be made. This includes when the process is vulnerable to outside influence, where in the process the critical decisions will be made (and by whom), what types of information will be most persuasive at those times, and how to structure the policy outcome so that its impact will be long lasting. Finally, a lobbyist must know the people who will decide the policy. Better yet, she should know these policymakers personally. The decision makers must trust that the lobbyist will protect their interests, is telling the truth, and can deliver what she promises. For example, if a lobbyist is attempting to convince a policymaker at the Nuclear Regulatory Commission that changing a proposed regulatory rule will not jeopardize safety, the policymakers must have confidence in the lobbyist's expertise and information. Most importantly, the policymakers must have confidence in the integrity and truthfulness of the lobbyist herself.
Failing to account for any of the three streams of information leaves a lobbying strategy vulnerable to unexpected obstacles at inopportune times. Every lobbyist interviewed by the authors explicitly stated the importance of addressing each [Page 216]of the three categories, although different lobbyists and/or firms weight the three aspects differently. In other words, some lobbyists and firms specialize in substantive expertise, others concentrate on influencing a specific subset of policy processes, and still others rely upon key contacts within government to move policy. Regardless of specialization, however, a firm must possess or purchase a sufficient degree of control over all three categories to have sustained policy influence. We now examine how the search for the three skill sets drives the hiring and training of executive branch lobbyists.Substantive Expertise
There was a consensus among the heads of lobbying firms that individuals who lobby the executive branch should have sufficient expertise in a substantive area to present a client's case to knowledgeable decision makers. Executive branch lobbyists tend to have advanced degrees in law, business, economics, public policy, or in a substantive area such as agriculture, water resources, or engineering. After completing his or her formal education, a future lobbyist gains further substantive expertise by working in government, in a consulting firm, or for industry. The preparation of Erik Godwin, the coauthor who worked for the executive lobbying firm the EOP Group, is typical of executive branch lobbyists. He did graduate work in environmental science at Oxford University in England, earned a master's degree in public policy at the University of Michigan, worked for the environmental consulting firm Industrial Economics Inc., and then worked on environment and energy issues in the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) in the Office of Management and Budget (OMB). Only after all of that training and job experience did he join the EOP Group, where he lobbied on environmental issues.
The heads of contract lobbying firms saw substantive knowledge as the easiest type of expertise for the firm to acquire. Firms can have their existing lobbyists learn the substance of an issue, they can partner with other interest groups, or they can simply hire someone who already has the necessary expertise. A recent example of how corporations and trade associations hire substantive expertise is the eruption of hiring that followed the passage of the 2010 Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act.4 Hailed as the most important financial regulation since the Great Depression, the law is 851 pages long and contains 1,601 provisions, almost all of which will result in new rules and regulations from the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, and other federal agencies. The act immediately became the “Financial Lobbyist Full Employment Act” as banks and other financial institutions rushed to hire the legal and financial expertise necessary to lobby the regulatory agencies working on the new rules.5
Lobbying firms can also obtain substantive expertise by taking advantage of the work conducted by the numerous think tanks that specialize in particular fields. For example, Resources for the Future (RFF) is a think tank located in Washington, D.C., that focuses on environmental economics. RFF produces [Page 217]excellent issue-specific analyses that are designed to resonate with federal decision makers. Some think tanks are clearly partisan and ideological. For instance, the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) is a conservative think tank that favors the Republican Party, the Brookings Institution is more liberal and favors the Democratic Party, and the Cato Institute supports the libertarian ideology. The partisan affiliations of think tanks often serve as useful cues that help decision makers evaluate the political implications of the work products. For example, our estate tax case study showed how Patricia Soldano used an economic report prepared by AEI to convince Republican lawmakers that the estate tax reduced jobs and economic growth. Because of AEI's conservative stance, the Republican audience had greater confidence that the information was consistent with the preferences of the conservative agenda.
Substantive expertise is often the fastest route into lobbying for newly minted college graduates. Lobbying firms often hire within such defined areas of policy knowledge as renewable energy, biotechnology, labor economics, or aerospace engineering. Students spend their collegiate careers acquiring significant technical skills that make them attractive to firms that need to increase technical knowledge. Note, however, that new substantive specialists generally have a very limited initial role in the lobbying process. They are technical resources and are good for answering technical questions. Joining a lobbying firm or interest organization as a substantive specialist is one of the fastest and easiest ways into lobbying, but you must still develop expertise in process and people.
In summary, there are lobbying firms that specialize in every major substantive area in which the federal government is active. These firms supply expertise to corporations, trade associations, citizen action groups, and to other lobbying firms. If you are thinking of becoming such a lobbyist, look at Figure A.1. It provides a short synopsis of the education and career paths of Dan Barolo, James Aidala, and Linda Fisher, three lobbyists who specialized in pesticides.[Page 218]FIGURE A.1 The Career Paths of Three Pesticide Lobbyists[Page 219]Process Expertise: Institutions Matter
There is a consensus among the heads of the contract lobbying firms that a lobbyist who thoroughly understands the political structures and the policy processes surrounding a given issue is a vital part of a successful firm. We have seen throughout this book that policy change is dynamic, with key decisions occurring at different times in the policy process. Successful lobbyists know when these decisions will occur, which procedural stages are vulnerable to influence, and what types of lobbying are most persuasive at each stage. One head of a lobbying firm stated that more than 50 percent of his firm's business involved using bureaucratic processes to speed up, slow down, or stop a given policy change. Political scientists have long recognized the importance of process mastery to lobbyists. Stanford political scientist Terry Moe, perhaps the preeminent bureaucracy scholar over the past 25 years, wrote the following:
The most fundamental task for political actors is to find and institute a governance structure that can protect their political organizations from control by opponents.6
Structural choices have all sorts of important consequences for the content and direction of policy, and, because this is so, choices about structure are implicitly choices about policy. They are part and parcel of the same thing.7
[Voters do not care about structure.] Organized interests, on the other hand do care. They are active and informed in their own policy domains, and they understand the advantages they seek from government depend crucially on precisely those fine details of structure that cause voters’ eyes to glaze over. Structure is valuable to them, and they have every incentive to mobilize their political resources to get what they want. They are very likely, as a result, to be the only source of political demands and pressures when structural issues are at stake. Structural politics is interest group politics.8
Who is most likely to understand the political structures and policy processes? The answer is those individuals who have worked in the government. A major reason that there is a constant movement of government officials to lobbying organizations is that ex-bureaucrats understand where in the policy process structural decisions are made, where in the decision process to devote lobbying resources, and how a policy should be written to ensure that its implementation is effective (or ineffective). For instance, environmental organizations want the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) not the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) to be in charge of pesticide registration and review. Interest organizations that oppose a regulation, conversely, will want its implementation assigned to an agency whose mission opposes the regulation's goals. For example, imagine how different safety in the workplace might be if the U.S. Department of Commerce and Industry rather than the [Page 220]Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) were in charge of regulating worker safety.
Our case studies demonstrate the value of using process knowledge to either facilitate or undermine policy changes. In the case of the Data Quality Act (DQA), lobbyist Jim Tozzi wanted the DQA to serve industry's preference for stringent evaluation of information. He made sure that OIRA would oversee the implementation of the new law. OIRA's statutory mandate calls for the office to maximize the societal benefits of new regulations. The result of the agency's mandate was a bureaucracy in which economic efficiency was the dominant value. Efficient outcomes are extremely difficult to generate when policy decisions are made using poor quality data, and OIRA had a long history of turning back agencies’ attempts to collect and/or generate substandard information. By placing the implementation of the DQA within OIRA, Tozzi ensured that an agency committed to information quality and economic efficiency would oversee agencies’ compliance with the new law.
Skilled lobbyists can also use their knowledge of the policy process to prevent new policies from being successfully implemented. When the pharmaceutical company lobbyist wrote the Cochran Amendment to the Prescription Drug Reimportation Act, she knew that the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) was unlikely to certify that all imported drugs were safe. The FDA's mission to protect consumer safety made it functionally impossible for the agency to certify the safety of all reimported drugs. The lobbyist also knew that legislators would be wary of voting against an amendment that ostensibly was designed to increase consumer safety.
The need for process expertise creates endless opportunities for individuals to enter into the lobbying profession. Because government structures and policy processes are so complex, numerous lobbying agencies specialize in particular parts. So, for example, some firms can specialize in the regulatory process of a specific agency such as the EPA, the SEC, or the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. As a lobbying firm increases the number of issue areas on which it is active, the firm must hire individuals who understand the institutional structure and policy process of each substantive issue area. To be hired as a process specialist, however, a prospective lobbyist will ideally have worked within the policy processes that she seeks to influence. In the case of the DQA, for example, Jim Tozzi had directed OIRA earlier in his career. He therefore not only had exhaustive knowledge of the processes but he also understood how the economic preferences of OIRA as an institution shaped its discretionary application of those processes.
That level of process expertise is extremely expensive for firms to develop in-house, and all of the firms interviewed stated a preference for hiring lobbyists who were already procedural experts. Hiring out of the agencies has another key advantage in terms of process knowledge—accuracy. Government processes inevitably evolve over time as they respond to changes in the policy environment. By hiring recent government practitioners, lobbying firms can stay current on the procedural stages and exploit new procedural opportunities. [Page 221]In fact, bureaucrats often have substantial discretion to change federal decision-making processes. This makes them the world's experts on the new processes that they designed.
Finally, one lobbying firm founder stated that the principal reason he liked to hire process specialists out of the bureaucratic ranks is that they typically make far fewer mistakes than those who had not spent time in government. When asked why, he said, “Lobbyists can't afford to ask for the impossible. Some things simply cannot be done at certain times in an agency's process. Ex-bureaucrats are sensitive to this, and ask the right person, for the right thing, at the right time, in the right way.” Notably, a comprehensive knowledge of the process depends upon identifying who is making the key decisions and what the policy preferences of those individuals look like. We turn now to how people expertise factors into the hiring decisions of lobbying organizations.People Expertise
During an interview with the head of a lobbying firm, one of the authors of this book was permitted to observe a job interview between the firm partner and a candidate seeking to join the firm as a lobbyist. At one point, the partner slid a legal pad across the desk to the applicant and said, “Write down the name and position of everyone at the EPA who will take your call without pushing it to voice mail.” When the author asked about the question later, the partner replied, “I need to know who this guy can reach out and touch. Substance and process are vital, but people are where we make our money.” All of our interviews confirmed that the worth of lobbyists is strongly related to their access to decision makers. In this age where every bureaucrat has caller ID, the ability of agency personnel to systematically ignore an interest organization makes access increasingly difficult.
Interest-group scholars and journalists tend to discuss this type of expertise when writing about the legislative branch. It is quite common, for example, for lobbying firms to hire ex-congresspersons and senators, a legislator's key staff member, or a staff member from an important legislative committee. For example, the lobbying firm Greenberg Traurig gives the following biography for Nancy Taylor, one of their partners:
Nancy Taylor has over 20 years of legislative and regulatory experience in advising clients on health care related matters, having served 10 years in her capacity as Health Policy Director for the Senate Committee on Labor and Human Resources [this committee considers health issues in the Senate]. She has also served as CEO of a start up medical device company where she was successful in obtaining eight product clearances and reimbursement coverage for the products.9
Taylor, an attorney, was listed in 2007 by the Washingtonian as the thirty-third most influential lobbyist in Washington with revenues of well over $1 [Page 222]million per year. The Washingtonian reports that Taylor's close relationship with Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-UT, a member of the Senate Labor and Human Resources Committee, accounts for much of her success in lobbying on health care.10 Out of the fifty top lobbyists listed by the Washingtonian, thirteen are previous members of Congress, twenty-one are ex-congressional or ex-agency staffers, and three are family members of serving members of Congress.11 The lobbyists listed at the very top of the list were Hale Boggs and Bob Dole. Boggs's mother and father were members of Congress, and his sister is an important journalist in the Washington community. His lifelong connections with key personnel throughout the Democratic Party provide him with unmatched access to Democrats in Congress. Similarly, Bob Dole was the Senate majority leader and a Republican nominee for president. Until 2008, his wife was a senator from North Carolina.
In an important paper, Jordi Vidal, Mirko Draca, and Christian Fons-Rosen examined the income of lobbyists who joined a contract lobbying firm after serving as congressional staffers. The authors found that lobbyists connected to U.S. senators have an annual income that averages more than $300,000. These lobbyists suffer an initial loss of $160,000 in their annual revenue when their previous employer leaves the Senate. Although these lobbyists regain about half of this annual income after a five-year period, they are unable to reach their previous income level. Many ex-staffers leave lobbying shortly after their senator leaves.12 Vidal et al. interpreted this finding as evidence that a key determinant of the revenue that a congressional lobbyist can generate is her close relationship with a congressperson. In other words, lobbyists “cash in on their connections.”13 Although no one has collected similar data on lobbyists who specialize in lobbying the executive departments and regulatory agencies, a quick examination of Figure A.1 and the websites of powerful executive-branch lobbying firms shows that government connections are a key attribute of the lobbyists. You will find a similar pattern if you go to the web pages of major trade associations and examine the personal pages of their government relations staff.
Why are these relationships so important? The answer is partly structural and partly reputational. Structurally, the most obvious answer is that a person who has worked closely with other members within a policy system is more likely than an unknown outsider to have her phone call accepted, to meet the policymakers for lunch, and to receive time to discuss an issue. This effect is particularly powerful if the lobbyist used to work within the agency and hired, trained, or promoted the people she now seeks to influence. Several of our case studies also showed the importance of forming coalitions with other lobbying organizations. This is much easier to do if you know the lobbyists in those organizations and you have developed a high level of interpersonal trust. These individuals often have political information that will be extremely useful to your lobbying efforts. They also can assist you in developing lobbying strategies and monitoring what an agency is doing.
[Page 223]The importance of personal contacts, however, goes far beyond a lobbyist simply knowing the players on an issue. A lobbyist who is personally familiar with the individuals involved also has knowledge of their policy preferences. The decision processes used by each individual tend to follow predictable patterns—patterns that lobbyists must account for when crafting a strategy. For example, if a lobbyist knows that a key decision maker believes strongly in market incentives then the lobbyist will approach the bureaucrat with economic arguments. Conversely, a lobbyist would take a different approach with a bureaucrat who is more concerned with equity issues.
Finally, no conversation of lobbying would be complete without recognizing the importance of reputation when dealing with the people making decisions. Lobbyists are more successful when they know decision makers, but lobbyists are also much more successful when decision makers know and trust lobbyists. Building this trust often takes repeated interactions in multiple venues. Trust is difficult to gain but easy to lose. The reputation of a lobbyist is one of her most precious possessions because lobbyists rely upon access so heavily. Executive branch personnel rarely grant access to lobbyists who have proven themselves untrustworthy in the past. As the head of one lobbying firm stated, “If you have to choose between sinning against God or the bureaucracy, choose God. He forgives.”
In summary, having good relationships with policymakers and with other lobbyists is critical in lobbying agencies. As we saw in our case studies, important issue areas such as corporate taxation, agriculture, energy, pesticides, transportation, and health care have issue networks made up of government officials, lobbyists, and others who have sufficient substantive knowledge to participate. The success of a lobbyist in representing her client's interest may depend on her personal relationships with other participants in an issue network, both government officials and other lobbyists.Summary
In every contract lobbying firm and in every effective lobbying organization, there must be all three types of expertise: (1) substance, (2) process, and (3) people. Obviously, these three sets of skills are related. Persons who have process expertise on an issue also will know a great deal about the substance of that issue, and they will know many of the policymakers. This helps to explain why ex-government officials are sought after by lobbying firms. Say, for instance, the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) or Dow Chemical Company wants expertise concerning the renewal of a particular pesticide. It can hire specialists from such lobbying firms as Jellinek, Schwartz & Connolly or Bergeson & Campbell. These firms hire ex-bureaucrats who dealt with pesticides while working at the EPA. For example, Jellinek, Schwartz & Connolly hired Daniel Barolo, the ex-director for the EPA's Office of Pesticide Programs, and James V. Aidala, the ex-assistant administrator for EPA's Office of [Page 224]Prevention, Pesticides, and Toxic Substances. Barolo had done graduate work in environmental engineering at Vanderbilt, and Aidala had done graduate work in chemistry at Harvard.14 These individuals understand the scientific information about pesticides, know what types of information are most important to the EPA officials who will make the policy decisions, and Barolo and Aidala probably recruited many of the policymakers in the EPA whom they later lobbied.
Lobbyists who command the highest salaries and lobbying fees are those who can bring all three types of expertise to bear on issue quickly and cleanly. Dr. Jim Tozzi provided the clearest example of how having all three types of knowledge increases a lobbyist's value. First, the bureaucratic process that he was seeking to change was not specific to any one department or agency. To change it, therefore, required more than simply convincing a single agency to amend its process for evaluating the quality of data; all of the agencies would have to accept the new system. Since some agencies were quite happy with the existing process, Tozzi needed to use Congress to force widespread change. Tozzi's relationships with the right people were critical to DQA's success. Specifically, he successfully convinced two policymakers to help him: Rep. Jo Ann Emerson, R-MO, in the House and Sen. Richard Shelby, D-AL, in the Senate. Emerson attached two short paragraphs to an appropriations bill. Tozzi understood the substance of the issue perfectly, and he knew precisely how to word the two seemingly innocuous paragraphs. The two paragraphs caused a dramatic shift in the types of information that the executive departments and regulatory agencies could use in licensing and renewing products. This changed the tug-of-war between industry and citizen groups by tilting the playing field in favor of industry. Senator Shelby then ensured that the amendment remained part of the appropriations bill in the Senate. Tozzi had the information necessary to convince these two key legislators that the regulatory process was rigged against industry and that this imbalance created economic harm to the nation. Most important, because he had served as the director of OIRA, Tozzi understood how to restructure the process of federal information gathering in a way that favored producers. He made use of OIRA's existing infrastructure, personnel, and preferences to ensure that the implementation stage was successful.
Similarly, Mexican president Carlos Salinas knew that the best approach for getting the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on the political agenda was not to approach President George H. W. Bush directly but to convince the American business community that a free trade agreement was in its interests. Salinas also knew that the most influential business lobby was the Business Roundtable, and he had close personal relationships with several members of that organization. Patricia Soldano was able to lobby successfully for a temporary end to the estate tax because she knew how to create a coalition, frame the issue in a way that would appeal to the public, and generate the information necessary to justify the legislation. Finally, the chief lobbyist for a major pharmaceutical company convinced Sen. Thad Cochran, R-MS, to add an [Page 225]amendment she wrote to the drug reimportation legislation. The amendment required the secretary of Health and Human Services (HHS) who represented the FDA, to certify that all pharmaceutical drugs imported to the United States would be completely safe. The lobbyist understood that this would be impossible for the FDA to guarantee, and the Cochran Amendment totally eviscerated the drug reimportation legislation. In each of these cases, the lobbyists had all three types of knowledge. They knew the policymakers who could make the decisions, understood what political and substantive information would convince them, and understood how to write the proposed policy so that it would have the desired effect. Often, however, the interest group wanting to make a policy change must hire several lobbyists to achieve all three types of expertise.
As Figure A.1 indicates, becoming a super-lobbyist of the bureaucracy is difficult. It requires graduate training, often requiring multiple graduate degrees. It requires working in a firm or in a government agency to gain further substantive knowledge of a policy area. It also requires service in government at a sufficiently high level to develop personal relationships with policymakers and to gain the knowledge of government structure and process necessary to be effective. So, do you really want to become a lobbyist? It is a long road from graduating with a degree in political science to becoming an effective lobbyist.Endnotes
1. See, for example, Bertram J. Levine, The Art of Lobbying: Building Trust and Selling Policy (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2009); Ed Ingle, “Government Relations,” in Reputation Management, ed. John Doonley and Helio Fred Garcia (New York: Routledge, 2007), 159–182; Anthony J. Nownes, Total Lobbying: What Lobbyists Want (and How They Try to Get It) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); and Jordi Blanes i Vidal, Mirko Draca, and Christian Fons-Rosen, “Revolving Door Lobbyists,” CEP Discussion Paper No. 993 (London: Centre for Economic Performance, August 2010).
2. None of the four interest organizations is the EOP Group, the firm that employed Erik Godwin.
3. For a discussion of the differences between procurement lobbying and policy lobbying, see Nownes, Total Lobbying, chapter 6.
4. Public Law No. 111–203, 2010, http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/PLAW-111publ203/pdf/PLAW-111publ203.pdf
5. To keep track of these hires, go to the DealBook website of the New York Times, and see http://www.opensecrets.org/lobby/lookup.php?type=i&q=Dodd-Frank to see the number of lobbying disclosure reports related to the Dodd–Frank Act.
6. Terry M. Moe, “The Politics of Structural Choice: Toward a Theory of Public Bureaucracy,” in Organization Theory: From Chester Barnard to the Present and Beyond, ed. Oliver E. Williamson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 119.
7. Ibid., 127.
8. Ibid., 129, emphasis added.
9. Greenberg Traurig, http://www.gtlaw.com/People/NancyETaylor
10. [Page 226]Kim Eisler, “Hired Guns: The City's 50 Top Lobbyists,” Washingtonian, June 1, 2007. http://www.washingtonian.com/articles/mediapolitics/4264.html
12. Blanes i Vidal et al., “Revolving Door Lobbyists,” 4–6. These losses are the median loss. The average loss is much larger as numerous lobbyists have incomes well over $1 million.
13. Ibid., 5.
14. Later Barolo and Aidala left Jellinek, Schwartz & Connolly and moved to Bergeson & Campbell. http://www.spoke.com/info/p6KGomB/DanielBarolo
Glossary of Terms[Page 227]
- AARP (formerly called the American Association of Retired Persons): The AARP is a nonpartisan organization for members over the age of fifty. AARP is one of Washington's most powerful lobbying organizations.
- Advisory Committee on Trade Policy and Negotiations (ACTPN): The ACTPN coordinated the activities of thirty advisory committees focused on U.S. trade policy. The ACTPN was cochaired by CEOs Jim Robinson and Kay Whitmore during the NAFTA policy process.
- Agenda setting: Agenda setting is one of the five stages of public policymaking. Agenda setting considers how an issue comes to the attention of public officials and how public officials decide whether or not to address the issue.
- Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR): ANWR is the largest wildlife refuge in the United States. It is located in Alaska. The opening of ANWR to oil and gas exploration was a major component of the Energy Policy Act of 2003 that failed to pass Congress.
- Backward induction: This is a type of reasoning in which strategic actors choose an action based on what they envision will follow that action. The process is used to determine the optimal course of action.
- By-product: To reduce free riding, Mancur Olson argued that interest groups used selective incentives to entice contributions to collective efforts. As private goods, selective incentives are not vulnerable to free riding. Therefore, groups can use the profits from the sale of the selective incentives to finance the provision of the collective good. The collective good is provided as a by-product of the sale of private goods.
- Cheap ride: Contrast a cheap ride with a free ride. When corporations or individuals in a coalition limit their participation to small acts, such as allowing the use of their name on the coalition's letterhead, this is a cheap ride. They limit their participation to these activities because they see the issue as relatively unimportant to them or because they believe that their participation is unlikely to affect the coalition's successes or failures.
- Coalition: Coalitions are formal lobbying institutions that interest organizations join and to which they pledge resources. Coalitions often have paid staff and an office, and the coalition members have specified obligations such as allocating personnel to the coalition effort or paying a participation fee to the coalition. Coalitions typically seek highly collective goods. (See cooperative lobbying and sides [or lobbying sides] as well.)
- Collective action problem: Also called the “free rider problem,” collective action problems occur when rational, self-interested people free ride and cheap ride rather than help provide the collective good. [Page 228]
- Collective goods: These are goods with nonrivalrous consumption and non-excludability.
- Comment letters: When individuals and organizations comment on proposed bureaucratic rules, their communications are typically referred to as comment letters. Also see comments.
- Comment period: A mandated period of time during which the full text of a proposed regulation is open to public view and comment is a comment period. Proposed regulations must be published in the Federal Registrar for easy public access. A comment period formalizes bureaucratic oversight. It is designed to reduce the information asymmetries hampering Congress, the president, and interest groups as they seek to control or influence bureaucratic actions.
- Comments: During the rulemaking process, affected individuals and organizations are allowed to offer comments in letters to the agency officials who will write the final rule. Also see comment letters.
- Cooperative lobbying: Cooperative lobbying occurs when interest organizations coordinate their lobbying efforts on a policy issue but do not form a formal coalition. (See coalition and sides [or lobbying sides].)
- Core member: Core members of lobbying coalitions are active in organizing and directing a coalition's lobbying efforts. Contrast core members with players, tagalongs, and free riders.
- Covered officials: Covered officials are policymakers as recognized by the Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995. Covered officials include members of Congress, congressional staff members, and executive branch officials.
- Crowding effects: Crowding effects occur when a collective good has some rivalrous consumption. Roads are collective goods, but they are vulnerable to crowding effects.
- Data Quality Act (DQA): The DQA directed the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to write general data quality guidelines for data used by the federal government.
- Decision making: See policy legitimation.
- Department of Defense (DoD): The DoD is a cabinet level department in the executive branch.
- Economic rents: Economic rents are any payment for goods or services beyond the actual costs of those goods and services. (Also see political rents.)
- Energy Policy Act of 2003 (108th Congress, H.R. 6): This was a comprehensive energy proposal supported by President George W. Bush to increase energy production in the United States. It contained several controversial features including the opening of the Yucca Mountain Nuclear Repository and the opening of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) to oil exploration and [Page 229]
- extraction. The bill died in the Senate, but portions of the bill later were included in the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004, which became law.
- Equilibrium: When a system reaches a steady state it is in equilibrium. In policy, an equilibrium position occurs when no entity can pull the policy away from its current position.
- European Union (EU): The EU is a confederation of over twenty European nations. The EU maintains a single economic market and a shared currency.
- Exchange model: This is a political process in which organized interests buy or bid on policies by providing resources to policymakers in exchange for favorable policy decisions.
- Excludable: A good is excludable if the owner of the good can prevent others from benefitting from it. Private goods are excludable. Collective goods are nonexcludable.
- External (or contract) lobbyists: External lobbyists (also called contract lobbyists) work for firms whose primary business is lobbying. External lobbyists work for hire for other firms but are not direct employees of the organizations for whom they are lobbying. (Also see internal lobbyists.)
- Family Business Estate Tax Coalition (FBETC): The FBETC included the National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB), the National Association of Manufacturers, the American Farm Bureau, the Newspaper Association of America, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and trade associations representing cattlemen, liquor and beer wholesalers and distributors, and a host of other small business and farm groups. The goal of this coalition was to end federal estate taxes.
- Fast track: One of several means of unorthodox lawmaking, fast track procedures require the House and Senate to follow preset rules governing debate and amending procedures. Fast track procedures circumvent the House Committee on Rules and unanimous consent agreements in the Senate.
- Feedback: Feedback is the final stage of the policymaking process. Continuous evaluation of a policy by those affected provides feedback to decision makers who might then choose to revise the policy.
- Fire alarm: Fire alarm is a metaphor to describe after the fact means of bureaucratic oversight. When organized interests feel they are being treated unfairly by bureaucratic decisions, a “fire alarm” can be pulled, thereby alerting congressional policymakers to the problem. Rather than addressing problems in the bureaucracies proactively, members of Congress respond when fire alarms are pulled.
- Foreign Sales Corporation and extraterritorial income (FSC/ETI): These are provisions in the U.S. tax code that gave tax benefits to U.S. corporations. These benefits violated provisions of the World Trade Organization (WTO). [Page 230]
- The laws creating the benefits were repealed as part of the American Jobs Creation Act of 2004.
- Free rider: This is a person who enjoys a collective good but does not help provide the collective good.
- Free rider problem: Also called the “collective action problem,” a free rider problem occurs when rational, self-interested people free ride rather than help provide the collective good.
- General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT): GATT was a multilateral trade agreement that reduced tariffs and other barriers to international trade. GATT was replaced with the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995.
- Grassroots campaign: Grassroots efforts are thought to be from the ground up rather than the top down. Genuine grassroots campaigns are citizen based and have little support from elite policymakers.
- High politics: High politics are politics involving nonincremental policy changes and modifications in who participates in an issue network. (Also see routine politics.)
- Hold: A hold is an informal communication from a senator to the Senate majority leader. By placing a hold, a Senator can keep a motion from reaching a vote.
- Implementation: Legislative statutes are not self-implementing. Bureaucrats in executive branch agencies and departments develop rules to put a legislative policy into practice.
- Individual rationality: When considering interactions between individuals, game theorists consider whether the individuals involved would have a rational basis for maintaining their interactions. Outcomes or events that depend on individuals violating rationality principles are less stable than those outcomes that maintain individual rationality conditions.
- Information asymmetry: In most interactions between people, there is an information asymmetry in which some people are better informed and others are less well-informed. Whenever one hires an expert, there is an information asymmetry. For instance, a dentist knows more about a patient's teeth and the cost of fixing a problem than the patient.
- Intense (high) demanders: Individuals or organizations that secure very large relative benefits from a good are typically intense demanders of that good. In the case of collective goods, intense demanders might fund the entire good or coordinate a collective effort to secure the good. Intense demanders in political parties are interest groups that demand a role in the selection of the party's nominees for office. [Page 231]
- Interest-group liberalism: This is Theodore Lowi's term to describe the government's distribution of benefits to numerous unrelated organized interests while it imposes the costs on an unaware public.
- Internal (or in-house) lobbyists: These are lobbyists who work full-time for one client. That client also is their employer. The employer is not itself in the lobbying business. For example, an internal lobbyist for GE would be an employee of GE. (Contrast this with external lobbyist.)
- Iron triangles: The policymaking relationships among Congress, government agencies, and interest groups are sometimes referred to as iron triangles because participation from those beyond the triangles is limited. Participants in iron triangles share similar policy goals.
- Issue arena: An issue arena is a broad substantive policy category such as urban policy, tax policy, defense policy, environmental policy, or trade policy.
- Issue networks: Issue networks are more expansive policy subsystems than iron triangles, with many more participants. Issue networks are likely to include interest groups, representatives from federal agencies, congressional committee staff, and policy experts in universities and think tanks. Whereas all participants in iron triangles share similar policy objectives, participants in issue networks often have divergent policy objectives.
- Lobbying: Any attempt to influence the decisions and policies of government officials is considered lobbying.
- Lobbying enterprises: An informal group of lobbyists and legislators who have repeated interactions and share common goals is a lobbying enterprise. The repeated interactions reduce a legislator's uncertainty when dealing with lobbyists.
- Lobbyist: A lobbyist is someone who lobbies as part of her job. There are internal (in-house) and external (contract) lobbyists.
- Maquiladora: These are firms in one country that use tariff-free inputs from another country for their manufacturing. The term refers largely to United States firms located on Mexico's side of the U.S.–Mexico border. These firms can produce goods using tariff-free inputs from both countries and then export the manufactured goods to United States without paying export duties to Mexico or import duties to the United States.
- Marginal benefits: Marginal benefits are the benefits yielded from the last dollar or the last unit of effort invested.
- Marginal costs: Marginal costs are the costs associated with the last unit of effort invested.
- Methyl tertiary-butyl ether (MBTE): MBTE is a gasoline additive.
- Mobilization on Development, Trade, Labor, and the Environment (MODTLE): MODTLE was a coalition of environmentalist, human rights, [Page 232]
- family farm, food safety, worker rights, and civil rights organizations that joined labor unions to oppose any trade agreement with Mexico.
- National Coalition for Women and Girls in Education (NCWGE): The NCWGE is a nonprofit coalition of more than fifty groups. Its mission is to advocate for the development of national education policies that benefit women and girls.
- National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB): The NFIB is a powerful small-business lobby that played an instrumental role in developing a coalition of business and farm organizations that pushed for repealing the estate tax.
- Neopluralism: One of the approaches to understanding interest-group influence, it is a view of politics that sees multiple groups competing for political influence.
- Nonrivalrous: See rivalrous consumption.
- North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA): NAFTA created a trading bloc between the United States, Mexico, and Canada.
- Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA): OIRA's main job is to review proposed federal regulations and to determine whether a regulation's benefits outweigh its costs. OIRA also oversees the quality of data collected or used by federal agencies.
- Office of Management and Budget (OMB): The OMB assists the Executive Office with preparing the federal budget and with reviewing rules and regulations.
- Omnibus bills: Omnibus bills are single bills that address a wide range of issues and programs. Omnibus bills are frequently used to address budget issues.
- Parts per billion (ppb): This is a unit of measurement used by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in determining water standards.
- Peak association: A peak (or umbrella) association is comprised of related firms or other organizations. Peak associations work to coordinate their affiliated organizations’ political activities. Examples of peak associations are the National Association of Manufacturers, which represents manufacturing interests in the United States, and the AFL–CIO, which is a federation of labor unions.
- Perchlorate Study Group (PSG): The PSG was the primary lobbying coalition opposing stricter standards for perchlorate in water. The organization had four core members from the private sector: (1) Aerojet, (2) American Pacific Corporation, (3) Kerr-McGee Chemical, and (4) Lockheed Martin.
- Personal contacts: Personal contacts include individuals in positions of power who one knows well enough to contact for favors, including information sharing. [Page 233]
- Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers Association (PhRMA): PhRMA is a trade association of companies that manufacture prescription drugs. PhRMA is among the most powerful lobbying organizations in Washington.
- Player: A player is a member of a lobbying coalition who places little value in the collective good the coalition is seeking. Players seek private goods. They are apt to move in and out of coalitions as their interests change.
- Police patrols: Police patrols is a metaphor used to describe a preemptive form of bureaucratic oversight. Oversight triggered by fire alarms occurs after a problem is uncovered. Police patrol oversight is meant to prevent problems from occurring in the first place.
- Policy formulation: Policy formulation is the second stage of the policymaking process. After a problem reaches the agenda, policymakers must develop ways to address the problem.
- Policy legitimation: Policy legitimation is the policymaking stage when decision makers choose one among various policy proposals.
- Policy subsystems: See iron triangle and issue networks.
- Policy window: A policy window is a metaphor to illustrate the fact that opportunities to address policy problems vary considerably. A policy window is open when public opinion and elites see an issue as important to solve, when a viable policy alternative is available, and when political conditions favor the adoption of that alternative.
- Political rents: Political rents are the additional profits that firms receive when they improve their economic position through favorable government actions.
- Principal–agent dilemma: In a principal–agent model, the principal hires an agent to work on the principal's behalf. The principal secures the agent's expertise but loses some authority. Typically, information asymmetries characterize principal–agent models. That is, the agent has expertise and information that the principal does not. Recognizing that the agent has an informational disadvantage, the principal strives to write contractual agreements to bring the agent's preferences as close to his or her own as possible.
- Private goods: Two features characterize private goods. They have rivalrous consumption, and they are excludable.
- Problem definition: Problems can be defined or framed in various ways. How a problem is defined affects how government officials address the issue.
- Procedural knowledge: Knowledge of the arcana associated with congressional lawmaking and bureaucratic rulemaking is considered procedural knowledge.
- Progressive tax: Any tax that burdens wealthier individuals more than poorer individuals is a progressive tax. A tax on yachts—or any other luxury tax—is progressive because poor people seldom buy yachts. [Page 234]
- Public policy: Any course of action taken by a government to address economic, social, or political problems is a public policy.
- Reference dose (RfD): The RfD of toxic chemicals is an estimate of the daily exposure to the human population that is likely to be experienced without an appreciable risk of harmful effects during a lifetime.
- Regressive tax: A tax that falls more heavily on lower income earners is regressive. For instance, taxes on grocery store items are regressive. Poor people spend a greater portion of their income on grocery store items than do rich people.
- Rent seeking: Rent seeking is lobbying the government to improve an interest's economic position by securing political rents.
- Rivalrous consumption: If a good's value is diminished by consumption, then that good has rivalrous consumption. Rivalrous consumption is a feature of private goods. Collective goods such as national defense are nonrivalrous.
- Routine politics: Routine politics occur when policymakers follow standard operating procedures and make incremental changes in policies. Contrast routine politics with high politics.
- Rules: Executive branch departments charged with implementing congressional statutes develop rules to flesh out congressional intent. In contrast to vaguely written congressional statutes, rules tend to be finely detailed. Most federal law stems from rules.
- Safe Drinking Water Act (SDWA): The SDWA requires the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to determine the safe level of exposure to toxic chemicals in tap water.
- Selective incentives: Selective incentives are benefits provided only to members of an interest group. Unlike a group's collective goods, selective incentives are private goods, so they are not vulnerable to free riding.
- Sides (or Lobbying Sides): A lobbying side consists of all organizations lobbying for a given policy outcome. The organizations may be members of a formal coalition, may coordinate their lobbying efforts, or may lobby independently. (See coalition and cooperative lobbying.)
- Substantive expertise: Substantive expertise includes and depends upon substantive knowledge of a policy issue. For example, substantive knowledge of pesticide policy would include knowledge of how various chemicals affect living organisms. See procedural knowledge.
- Sunset provisions: Sunset provisions establish a date at which a policy or program will conclude unless Congress chooses to make an extension. Absent an extension, sunset provisions end programs and policies. [Page 235]
- Tagalongs: Tagalongs are members of lobbying coalitions who are happy to cheap ride. They might lend their names to the coalition effort, but they seldom contribute very much.
- Transaction costs: Any costs associated with individuals making a deal or coming to an agreement are transaction costs. Using an old cell phone with an old carrier because everyone knows the number makes sense if the transaction costs of switching to a new carrier, plan, and number are too great.
- Unified Agenda of Federal Regulatory and Deregulatory Actions, or Unified Agenda: Each agency must publish all upcoming regulatory activities in the Unified Agenda.
- Universalism: Universalism is the term used to describe a means of allocating legislative benefits in which every legislator secures rewards for some of his or her constituents.
- USA*NAFTA: USA*NAFTA was a lobbying coalition with the purpose of organizing business lobbying for NAFTA.
- U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA): The USDA is a cabinet-level department of the executive branch responsible for policy on food, farming, and agriculture.
- U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS): HHS is a cabinet-level department in the executive branch. HHS is the principal federal agency for protecting the health of all Americans.
- U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA): The FDA is an agency within the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). The FDA is primarily charged with ensuring food and drug safety.
- U.S. Trade Representative (USTR): The USTR is responsible for developing trade policy for the U.S. government and works to resolve trade disputes between the United States and other countries. The USTR also meets with governments, business groups, members of Congress, and public interest groups to gather input on trade issues and to discuss the president's trade policy positions.
- World Trade Organization (WTO): The WTO supervises international trade. It provides a forum for governments to negotiate trade agreements and operates the system of trade agreements among the member nations.
- World Wildlife Fund (WWF): WWF is an interest group working for the protection and restoration of the environment. [Page 236]
Bibliography[Page 237]“Papers Detail Industry's Role in Cheney's Energy Report.”Washington Post, July 18, 2007. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/07/17/AR2007071701987.html, and .“Demand-Side Theory and Congressional Committee Composition: A Constituency Characteristics Approach.”American Journal of Political Science41, no. 3 (1997): 895–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111679, and .Analyzing Interest Groups. New York: Norton, 2002..“Regulating Lobbyists and Interest Group Influence.”Journal of Politics55 (1993): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2132227.“The Role of Legislators in the Determination of Interest Group Influence.”Legislative Studies Quarterly22 (1997): 517–533. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440341.“Measuring Interest Group Influence in Bureaucracies: The Impact of Simpson's Paradox.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, 2010., , and .“Rulemaking and Interest Group Dominance.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Toronto, Canada, 2009., , and .Abortion Politics in Congress: Strategic Incrementalism and Policy Change. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011., and .“The Role of Lobbyists: Entrepreneurs with Two Audiences.”American Journal of Political Science37 (1993): 834–866. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111576, and .Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis. Boston: Little, Brown, 1971..“Thoughts on Mancur Olson's Contribution to Political Science 1932–1998.”Public Choice98 (1999): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1018668604397.“The number of rent-seekers and aggregate rent-seeking expenditures: An unpleasant result.”Public Choice99, no. 1/2 (1999): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1018388915533.“American Public Says Government Leaders Should Pay Attention to Polls.” World Public http://Opinion.org. March 21, 2008. http://www.worldpublicopinion.org/pipa/articles/governance_bt/461.php?lb=btgov&pnt=461&nid=&id=Public Policymaking,.7th ed. Boston: Wadsworth, 2010.Congress and the Bureaucracy: A Theory of Influence. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1980..“FSC/ETI Transition Relief in the New JOBS Act: Does the U.S. Have to Quit Cold Turkey?”Tax Foundation Special Report, no. 133 (2005): 1–8..“Competitive Lobbying for a Legislator's Vote.”Social Choice and Welfare9, no. 3 (1992): 229–257. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00192880, and .“Lobbyists and the Legislative Process: The Impact of Environmental Constraints.”American Political Science Review71 (1977): 252–263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956966.“The Two Faces of Power.”American Political Science Review56, no. 4 (1962): 947–952. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1952796, and .“Strategic Groups and Rent Dissipation.”Economic Inquiry39, no. 4 (2001): 672–664. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ei/39.4.672, and .“Is Trade Policy for Sale? Congressional Voting on Recent Trade Bills.”Public Choice105 (2000): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1005121716315, and .“Interest Groups, Advisory Committees, and Congressional Control of the Bureaucracy.”American Journal of Political Science45, no. 4 (2001): 799–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2669325, and .American Business & Public Policy: The Politics of Foreign Trade. Chicago: Aldine Atherton, 1972., , and .Advocacy and Public Policymaking. http://lobby.la.psu.edu/.Lobbying and Policy Change: Who Wins, Who Loses, and Why. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226039466.001.0001, , , , and . [Page 238]Basic Interests: The Importance of Groups in Politics and in Political Science. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998., and .“Interest Niches and Policy Bandwagons: Patterns of Interest Group Involvement in National Politics.”Journal of Politics63, no. 4 (2001): 1191–1213., and .“Studying Interest Groups Using the Lobbying Disclosure Reports.”VOX POP: Newsletter of the Political Organizations and Parties Section of the American Political Science Association17, no. 3 (1999): 1–3., and .“The Determinants and Effects of Interest Group Coalitions.” Paper prepared for the annual meetings of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, August 31–September 4, 2004., and .“Gaining Government Allies, Groups, Officials, and Alliance Behavior.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, April 25–28, 2002., and .“The All-Pay Auction with Complete Information.”Economic Theory8, no. 2 (1996): 291–305., , and .“The Case for Repealing the Estate Tax.”The Heritage Foundation. August 21, 1996. http://www.heritage.org/Research/Reports/1996/08/BG1091nbsp-The-Case-for-Repealing-the-Estate-Tax.“Four Simple Tests of Campaign Contributions and Trade Policy Preferences.”Economics and Politics16, no. 2 (2004): 163–187. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0343.2004.00136.x, and .“Federal Lobbying Expenditures Plateau After Years of Rapid Growth.” http://OpenSecrets.org: Center for Responsive Politics. February 4, 2011. http://www.opensecrets.org/news/2011/02/federal-lobbying-expenditures-plateau.html.“A Theory of Competition Among Pressure Groups for Political Influence.”The Quarterly Journal of Economics98 (1983): 371–400..“Evaluating Dispute Resolution as an Approach to Public Participation.” Discussion Paper, Resources for the Future, Washington DC, 2001., and .“Informational Lobbying and Political Contributions.”Journal of Political Economics90, no. 4/5 (2006): 631–656., and .“Lobbying Bureaucrats.”The Scandinavian Journal of Economics108, no. 4 (2006): 643–668. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9442.2006.00473.x, and .The Process of Government: A Study of Social Pressures. Bloomington, IN: Principia Press, 1949..The Interest Group Society. New York: Longman, 1997..Lobbying for the People: The Political Behavior of Public Interest Groups. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977..The New Liberalism: The Rising Power of Citizen Groups. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1999..Mary Beth Bablitch, and Richard Mahoney. “Public Involvement in Administration: The Structural Determinants of Effective Citizen Participation.”Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly13 (1984): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089976408401300203, ,“Secretaries of Pork? A New Theory of Distributive Public Policy.”Journal of Politics71, no. 3 (2009): 926–945. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S002238160909080X, and .Trust: Representatives and Constituents. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994..“Revolving Door Lobbyists.” CEP Discussion Paper No. 993. London: Centre for Economic Performance, August 2010., , and .“The Strategic Timing of Position Taking in Congress: A Study of the North American Free Trade Agreement.”American Political Science Review91, no. 2 (1997): 324–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952359, , and .Cultivating Congress: Constituents, Issues, and Interests in Agricultural Policymaking. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1995.“Organized Interests and Their Issue Niches: A Search for Pluralism in a Policy Domain.”Journal of Politics52 (1990): 477–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131903[Page 239]Private Interests, Public Policy, and American Agriculture. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1988.“Remarks Made to the Conservative Political Action Conference.” Paper presented at the Conservative Political Action Conference, Omni Shoreham Hotel, Washington, DC, 1992.“Adaptive Signal Processing, Hierarchy, and Budgetary Control in Federal Regulation.”American Political Science Review90 (1996): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082885“Corporate Lobbying and Financial Performance.”Social Science Research Network Working Paper, 2010., , and .Interest Groups and the Bureaucracy: The Politics of Energy. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983.Chubb, John. E., and PaulPeterson, eds. Can the Government Govern?Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1998.Interest Group Politics.and .6th ed. Washington DC: CQ Press, 2002.“BP Oil Spill: MMS Shortcomings Include ‘Dearth of Regulations.’”Christian Science Monitor, June 17, 2010. http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Politics/2010/0617/BP-oil-spill-MMS-shortcomings-include-dearth-of-regulations.The Party Decides: Presidential Nominations Before and After Reform. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226112381.001.0001, , , and .“Agency Interpretations.”Temple Law Review82, no. 3 (2009): 657–702.“Presidential Power and Republican Government: The Theory and Practice of OMB Review of Agency Rules.”Journal of Politics50, no. 4 (1988): 864–895. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131383, and .“Federal Rulemaking: The Role of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs.”CRS Report for Congress. June 9, 2009. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RL32397.pdf“The Unified Agenda: Implications for Rulemaking Transparency and Participation.”CRS Report for Congress. July 20, 2009. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/secrecy/R40713.pdf“The Information Quality Act: OMB's Guidance and Initial Implementation.”CRS Report for Congress. September 17, 2004. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/RL32532.pdf, and .“How a Clean Water Advocate and Senator Became a Chemical Industry Lobbyist.”Mother Jones. February 23, 2009. http://www.alternet.org/water/128471/how_a_clean_water_advocate_and_senator_became_a_chemical_industry_lobbyist/?page=1.Cornell University Law School, Legal Information Institute. “CITIZENS UNITED v. FEDERAL ELECTION COMM'N (No. 08-205).”http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/08-205.ZS.html“How Much Is Majority Status in the U.S. Congress Worth?”American Political Science Review93, no. 2 (1999): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585397, and .Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American City. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1961..“Prescription Drug Reimportation: Panacea or Problem?”Managed Care. December 2000. http://www.managedcaremag.com/archives/0012/0012.reimport.html“Too Big to Fail, or Too Trifling for Oversight?”New York Times, June 11, 2011., and .Congress and Its Members., and .8th ed. Washington DC: CQ Press, 2002.“Public Participation in Environmental Decision-Making and the Federal Advisory Committee Act.” Testimony before the U.S. House of Representatives Government Reform and Oversight Committee, July 14, 1998. http://www.rff.org/Publications/Pages/PublicationDetails.aspx?PublicationID=17059.“Endogenous Cost Lobbying: Theory and Evidence.” Paper presented at the CELS 2009 4th Annual Conference on Empirical Legal Studies Paper, Princeton, NJ, August 3, 2009. http://ssrn.com/abstract=1443559, and . [Page 240]“The Structure and Conduct of Corporate Lobbying: How Firms Lobby the Federal Communications Commission.”Journal of Economics and Management Strategy10, no. 1 (2001): 91–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105864001300122566, and .“Legislators and Interest Groups: How Unorganized Interests Get Represented.”American Political Science Review80 (1986): 86–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957085, and .An Economic Theory of Democracy. New York: Harper, 1957..Inside Bureaucracy. Boston: Little, Brown, 1967..“The Class Embeddedness of Corporate Political Action: Leadership in Defense of NAFTA.”Social Problems47 (2000): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097150.“Environmental Movement Organizations and Political Strategy: Tactical Conflicts over NAFTA.”Organization and Environment12 (2001): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1086026601141002, and .DuPont. “Linda J. Fisher.”http://www.2.dupont.com/Government/en_US/gsa_contracts/our_team/fisher.html“NAFTA Debate Reopens Wounds in the Battle of the Democratic Party: Arguments Pit Traditional Coalition, Centrists in Battle for Soul.”Washington Post, October 23, 1993, 4A.“Strategic Choices and the Early Bush Legislative Agenda.”Political Science and Politics35, no. 1 (2002): 41–45.“The Influence Industry: Buchanan Dogged by Allegations in FEC Contributions Case.”Washington Post: Post Politics, 2011..“Hired Guns: The City's 50 Top Lobbyists,”Washingtonian, June 1, 2007. http://www.washingtonian.com/articles/mediapolitics/4264.html.“Wielding the Stick Instead of the Carrot: Labor PAC Punishment of Pro-NAFTA Democrats.”Political Research Quarterly51, no. 3 (1998): 813–828, and .Environmental Working Group. “Tobacco Subsidies in the United States Totaled $1.1 billion From 1995–2010.”http://farm.ewg.org/progdetail.php?fips=00000&progcode=tobaccoDelegating Powers: A Transaction Cost Politics Approach to Policy Making Under Separate Powers. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511609312, and .“Divided Government and the Design of Administrative Procedures: A Formal Model and Empirical Test.”Journal of Politics58 (1996): 373–397. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2960231, and .“The Nondelegation Doctrine and the Separation of Powers: A Political Science Approach.”Cardozo Law Review20 (1999)., and .Land Use Control: Evaluating Economic and Political Effects. Cambridge, MA: Lexington Books, 1974., , , , and .“Super-Statutes.”Duke Law Journal50 (2001): 1215–1276. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1373022, and .“Conflict and Distribution.”Journal of Economic Theory87, no. 2 (1999): 379–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jeth.1999.2549, and .“Buying Expertise: Campaign Contributions and Attention to Policy Analysis in Congressional Committees.”American Political Science Review101, no. 1 (2007): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055407070116The Political Economy of Expertise: Information and Efficiency in American National Politics. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2004.“The Role of the Representative: Some Empirical Observations on the Theory of Edmund Burke.”American Political Science Review53, no. 3 (1959): 742–756. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1951941, , , and .Greasing the Wheels: Using Pork Barrel Projects to Build Majority Coalitions in Congress. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511617140.Executive Order 12291, Paperwork Reduction Act (February 17, 1981, 46 FR 13193).Executive Order 12866, Regulatory Planning and Review (September 30, 1994, 58 FR 51735).Executive Order 13132, Federalism (August 4, 1999, 64 FR 43255).Executive Order 13563. “Improving Regulation and Regulatory Review.”Federal Register76, no. 14 (2011).Federal Register, Vol. 76, No. 14, p. 3821, http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/FR-2011-01-21/pdf/2011-1385.pdf[Page 241]The Federal Reserve Board. “Testimony of Chairman Alan Greenspan: The Regulation of OTC Derivatives Before the Committee on Banking and Financial Services, U.S. House of Representatives.” July 24, 1998.Congressmen in Committees. Boston: Little, Brown, 1973..Home Style: House Members in their Districts. Boston: Little, Brown, 1978..“Promises, Promises: Campaign Contributions and the Reputation for Services.” Working Papers in Political Science No. P-85-1, Hoover Institution, Stanford, CA, 1985., and .“Congressional Influence on Bureaucracy.” Special issue, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization6 (1990): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jleo/6.special_issue.1, and .Representatives, Roll Calls, and Constituencies. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1974Friedman, Jeffrey, ed. The Rational Choice Controversy: Economic Models of Politics Reconsidered. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995.Smoking and Politics. New York: Appleton-Century Crofts, 1969.“Political Influence in the Bureaucracy: The Bureaucracy Speaks.”Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory8, no. 1 (1998): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.jpart.a024373“Interest Group Participation in Rule Making: A Decade of Change.”Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory15, no. 3 (2004): 353–370. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jopart/mui022, and .“Thinking Globally or Acting Locally? Determinants of the GATT Vote in Congress.”Legislative Studies Quarterly23, no. 1 (1998): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440213, and .“Products and Services.”http://www.ge.com/products_services/index.html.One Billion Dollars of Influence: The Direct Marketing of Politics. Chatham, NJ: Chatham House, 1988..“Home Cooking: The Things Interest Groups Want and How They Get Them.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southwest Social Science Association, New Orleans, 2006., , and .“Allocating Lobbying Resources between Collective and Private Rents.”Political Research Quarterly61, no. 2 (2008): 345–361. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912907307290, and .“Incorporating Policymaker Costs and Political Competition into Rent-Seeking Games.”Southern Economic Journal73, no. 1 (2006): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20111873, and .“Goldberg: Wal-Mart Heiress's Museum a Moral Blight.” Bloomberg View. December 12, 2011. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-12-13/wal-mart-heiress-s-museum-a-moral-blight-commentary-by-jeffrey-goldberg.html..“Interest Groups in the Rule-Making Process: Who Participates? Whose Voices Get Heard?”Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory8, no. 2 (1998): 245–270. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.jpart.a024380“Reminder: Medicare, Medicaid Are Gobbling up the Budget.”Wall Street Journal: Health Blog, February 2, 2010. http://blogs.wsj.com/health/2010/02/02/reminder-medicare-medicaid-are-gobbling-up-the-budget/.“Defense Contractors Lobby to Block Perchlorate Advisory.”Greenwire, June 22, 2009..“What Makes PACs Tick? An Analysis of the Allocation Patterns of Economic Interest Groups.”American Journal of Political Science28, no. 2 (1984): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2110873.“Flexing Muscle: Corporate Political Expenditures as Signals to the Bureaucracy.”American Political Science Review99, no. 2 (2005): 245–261. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055405051634, and .Death by a Thousand Cuts: The Fight Over Taxing Inherited Wealth. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005., and .“The Population Ecology of Gucci Gulch, or the Natural Regulation of Interest Group Numbers in the American States.”American Journal of Political Science39, no. 1 (1995)., and . [Page 242]The Population Ecology of Interest Representation: Lobbying Communities in the American States. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996., and .“Reconceptualizing PAC Contributions: It's Not a Collective Action Problem and It May Be an Arms Race.”American Politics Quarterly25 (1997): 319–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673X9702500304, and .Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory: A Critique of Applications in Political Science. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994., and .“PACs and the Congressional Supermarket: The Currency Is Complex.”American Journal of Political Science33 (1989): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111251“The Determinants of Industry Political Activity, 1978–1986.”American Political Science Review88, no. 4 (1994). http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082716, , and .“Billionaire Adelson Gives Millions to Gingrich Super PAC.”Washington Post, January 7, 2012, A-1. http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/billionaire-adelson-gives-millions-to-gingrich-super-pac/2012/01/07/gIQAXI6rhP_story.html“Buying Supermajorities.”American Political Science Review90, no. 2 (1996): 303–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082886, andInterest Groups and Trade Policy. Princeton and Oxford, UK: Princeton University Press, 2002., and .Special Interest Politics. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2002., and .“Lobbying as Legislative Subsidy.”American Political Science Review100 (2006): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055406062010, and .“Buying Time: Moneyed Interests and the Mobilization of Bias in Congressional Committees,”American Political Science Review84 (1990): 797–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962767, and .“The Logic of Private and Collective Action.”American Journal of Political Science49, no. 1 (2005): 150–167. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00116.x, , and .Collective Action. Baltimore: Resources for the Future by the Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982..Lobbyists and Legislators: A Theory of Political Markets. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1981..“The Semi-Sovereign Pressure Groups: A Critique of Current Theory and an Alternative Typology.”Journal of Politics40, no. 1 (1978): 134–161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2129979.From Bureaucrats to Fat Cats: EPA Pesticide Program Is a “Farm Team for the Pesticide Lobby. Washington, DC: Environmental Working Group, n.d. http://www.ewg.org/files/fatcats.pdf.“Congressional Parties, Fundraising, and Committee Ambition.”Political Research Quarterly56 (2003): 151–161..“The Price of Leadership: Campaign Money and the Polarization of Congressional Parties.”Journal of Politics68 (2006): 992–1005., , and .“Issue Networks and the Executive Establishment.” In The New American Political System, edited by AnthonyKing, 87–124. Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1978..The Hollow Core: Private Interests in National Policymaking. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993., , , and .“Interest Groups’ Decisions to Join Alliances or Work Alone.”American Journal of Political Science41 (1997): 61–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111709.“Organized Interests’ Advocacy Behavior in Alliances.”Political Research Quarterly51, no. 2 (1998): 437–459..“Goals, Salience, and the Nature of Advocacy.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, August 31–September 3, 2006., , , , and .“Interest Group Competition and Coalition Formation.”American Journal of Political Science53, no. 2 (2009): 360–375. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00375.x.Lobbying Together: Interest Group Coalitions in Legislative Politics. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2000.. [Page 243]“Buying Supermajorities in a Stochastic Environment.”Public Choice141, no. 3/4 (2009): 351–369. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-009-9456-5.“Government Relations.” In Reputation Management, edited by JohnDoonley and Helio FredGarcia, 159–182. New York: Routledge, 2007..Ingram, Helen M., and R.Kenneth Godwin, eds. Public Policy and the Natural Environment. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1985.“Buying Negative Agenda Control in the U.S. House.” Paper prepared for the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Toronto, Canada, September 2009., and .“The Apparent Ideological Behavior of Legislators: Testing for Principal-Agent Slack in Political Institutions.”Journal of Law and Economics33, no. 1 (1990): 103–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/467201, and .“Corporate Lobbyists as Political Actors: A View from the Field.” In Interest Group Politics,.6th ed., edited by BurdettLoomis and AllanCigler, 225–248. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2002.Kerwin, Cornelius M., ed. Rulemaking: How Government Agencies Write Law and Make Policy.3rd ed. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2003.“The Free Trade Accord: Little Voices Roar in the Chorus of Trade-Pact Foes.”New York Times, November 12, 1993, 10..Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies..2nd ed. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1995.Congressmen's Voting Decisions..3rd ed. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1989.“Inviting Friends to Lobby: Interest Groups, Ideological Bias, and Congressional Committees.”American Political Science Review41 (1997): 519–544. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111775.Public Policy: Politics, Analysis, and Alternatives. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2004., and .“Interest-Group Competition and the Organization of Congress: Theory and Evidence from Financial Services’ Political Action Committees.”American Economic Review88 (1998): 1163–1187., and .“Issues and Institutions: ‘Winnowing’ in the U.S. Congress.”American Journal of Political Science49, no. 2 (2005): 313–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00125.x.“Policy Substance and Performance in American Lawmaking, 1877–1994. ” American Journal of Political Science52, no. 2 (2008): 235–251. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00310.x.Who Gets What, When, and How. New York: P. Smith, 1950..The Group Basis of Politics: A Study in Basing-Point Legislation. New York: Octagon Books, 1965..“Estate Tax Repeal: A Windfall for the Wealthiest Americans.” Report for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, June 21, 2000., and .“Limitations on the Use of Appropriations Riders by Congress to Effectuate Substantive Policy Changes.”Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly19 (1992): 457–493..“Second Thoughts on a Chemical: In Water, How Much Is Too Much?”New York Times, March 2, 2004, 1F..“Drawing Lobbyists to Washington: Government Activity and Interest Group Mobilization.”Political Research Quarterly58, no. 1 (2005): 19–30., , , and .“More Efficient Rent-Seeking—A Munchhausen Solution.”Public Choice75, no. 1 (1993): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF01053880.“Distribution of the 2001–2006 Tax Cuts: Updated Projections.”Washington, DC: Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center, 2008., and .The Art of Lobbying: Building Trust and Selling Policy. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2009..“The General Theory of Second Best.”Review of Economic Studies24, no. 1 (1956): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2296233, and . [Page 244]“Information, Access, and Contributions: A Signaling Model of Lobbying.”Public Choice85 (1995): 267–284. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF01048199.“The Federal Advisory Committee Act and Public Participation in Environmental Policy.” Discussion Paper 99–17, Resources for the Future, Washington, DC, 1999., and .“Coalitions of Interests: Building Bridges in the Balkanized State.” In Interest Group Politics,.2nd ed., edited by Allan J.Cigler and Burdett A.Loomis. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2002.“Some Expressions of ‘Interest.’”Political Research Quarterly39, no. 4 (1986): 736. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298603900414.U.S. Trade Policy: History, Theory, and the WTO., , and .2nd ed. Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 2001.“Why Do Organized Interests Lobby? A Multi-Goal, Multi-Context Theory of Lobbying,”Polity39 (2007): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.polity.2300077.Organized Interests and American Government. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2004., and .“A Neopluralist Perspective on Research on Organized Interests.”Political Research Quarterly57, no. 1 (2004): 164–175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290405700114, and .“To Lobby Alone or in a Flock: Foraging Behavior among Organized Interests.”American Politics Quarterly26, no. 1 (1998): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673X9802600102, and .“American Business, Public Policy, Case-Studies, and Political Theory.”World Politics16, no. 4 (1964): 677–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2009452.The End of Liberalism: Ideology, Policy and the Crisis of Public Authority. New York: Norton, 1969..“How Farmers Get What They Want.”Reporter, May 21, 1964, 35..Magazine Publishers of America. “Top 100 Magazines.”The New York Job Source. http://nyjobsource.com/magazines.html“Converging Perspectives on Interest Group Research in Europe and America.”West European Politics31 (2008): 1253–1273. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380802372688, and .“Environmental Protection Agency.” In The Politics of Regulation, edited by James Q.Wilson. New York: Basic Books, 1980..Interpreting NAFTA: The Science and Art of Political Analysis. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998..Congress: The Electoral Connection. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974..“Structure and Process, Politics and Policy: Administrative Arrangements and the Political Control of Agencies.”Virginia Law Review75, no. 2 (1989): 431–482. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1073179, , and ,“Congressional Oversight Overlooked: Police Patrols Versus Fire Alarms.”American Journal of Political Science28, no. 1 (1984): 165–179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2110792, and .“Interest Groups and Political Time: Cycles in America.”British Journal of Political Science21, no. 3 (1991): 257–284. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400006165.Neopluralism: The Evolution of Political Process Theory. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004..“Buying Policy? The Effect of Lobbyists’ Resources on Their Policy Success.”Political Research Quarterly (forthcoming 2012)..“The Decision to Lobby Bureaucrats.”Public Choice147, no. 1–2 (2011): 123–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-010-9607-8.“Interest Group Competition on Federal Agency Rules.”American Politics Research35, no. 3 (2007): 336–357. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673X06296571, and .“President Obama Writes a New Health Reform Prescription.”Washington Post, December 16, 2009, 2A..“Energy Bill: A Special-Interests Triumph.”Boston Globe, October 4, 2004, 1A..“Business Lobbying for Trade Pact Appears to Sway Few in Congress.”Washington Post, November 12, 1993, 1A..“Policy Entrepreneurship and Policy Change.”Policy Studies Journal37 (2009): 649–666. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2009.00329.x, and . [Page 245]“Economic Models of Interest Groups: An Introductory Survey.”American Journal of Political Science35, no. 2 (1991): 512–546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111373, and .“Control and Feedback in Economic Regulation: The Case of the NLRB.”American Political Science Review79 (1985): 1094–1116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956250.“The Politics of Structural Choice: Toward a Theory of Public Bureaucracy.” In Organization Theory: From Chester Barnard to the Present and Beyond, edited by Oliver E.Williamson. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995..“Federal Government Moves Towards Potential Atrazine Phase-Out.”Natural Resources Defense Council, October 7, 2009. http://www.nrdc.org/media/2009/091007.asp.“Interrogations.”Boston Globe, August 28, 2005. http://www.boston.com/news/globe/ideas/articles/2005/08/28/interrogations.“Pressure on NLRB Turns Into a Doubled Budget Cut.”Washington Post, July 20, 1995, A8..Reversals of Fortune: Public Policy and Private Interests. Washington DC: Brookings Institution, 1994..National Research Council. Health Implications of Perchlorate Ingestion. Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 2005.Natural Resources Defense Council. “The Cheney Energy Task Force.” March 27, 2002. http://www.nrdc.org/air/energy/taskforce/tfinx.aspNatural Resources Defense Council. “Federal Government Moves Towards Potential Atrazine Phase-Out.” October 7, 2009. http://www.nrdc.org/media/2009/091007.aspNatural Resources Defense Council. “How NRDC Brought the Records to Light.”http://www.nrdc.org/air/energy/taskforce/bkgrd.aspBureaucracy and Representative Government. Chicago: Aldine, 1967..“Bureaucrats and Politicians.”Journal of Law and Economics18, no. 3 (1975): 617–643. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466829.Total Lobbying: What Lobbyists Want (and How They Try to Get It). New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511840395.Why People Don't Trust Government. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997., , and .Office of Information and Regulatory Assessment, Office of Management and Budget. Report to Congress on the Benefits and Costs of Federal Regulations. http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/inforeg_regpol_reports_congressOffice of Management and Budget. “Guidelines for Ensuring and Maximizing the Quality, Objectivity, Utility, and Integrity of Information Disseminated by Federal Agencies; Notice; Republication.”Federal Register67, no. 36 (2002). http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/fedreg_final_information_quality_guidelines/OMB Watch. “The Reality of Data Quality Act's First Year: A Correction of OMB's Report to Congress.” July 2004. http://www.ombwatch.org/files/info/dataqualityreport.pdf“Ancestral War and the Evolutionary Origins of “Heroism.”Journal of Politics69, no. 4 (2007): 927–940. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00599.x, , , and .“Participation and the Provision of Discrete Public Goods: A Strategic Analysis.”Journal of Public Economics24, no. 2 (1984): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0047-2727%2884%2990023-9, and .“Private Incentives in Social Dilemmas: The Effects of Incomplete Information and Altruism.”Journal of Public Economics35, no. 3 (1988): 309–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0047-2727%2888%2990035-7, and .“Repeated play, cooperation and coordination: An experimental study.”Review of Economic Studies61, no. 208 (1994): 545. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2297903, and .“A Strategic Calculus of Voting.”Public Choice41, no. 1 (1983): 7–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00124048, and .“Bill Frist, Blind Trusts and Conflicts of Interest.”National Public Radio. Oct. 25, 2005. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4973742&ft=1&f=17.“Federal Advisory Committees, Interest Groups, and the Administrative State.”Congress and the Presidency13, no. 1 (1986): 83–114..“Labor PACs and NAFTA Legislators: An Examination of Reward, Punishment, and the NAFTA Vote.” Unpublished manuscript. Durham: Duke University, 2000.. [Page 246]“Interest Groups and the Executive: Presidential Intervention.” In Interest Group Politics, edited by AllanCigler and BurdettLoomis. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1983..Political Innovation in America: The Politics of Policy Initiation. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1984..“Interest Groups: A Survey of Empirical Models That Try to Assess Their Influence.”European Journal of Political Economy12 (1996): 403–442. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0176-2680%2896%2900008-0, and .“Lobbying and Asymmetric Information.”Public Choice74, no. 3 (1992): 269–292. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00149180, and .“The Food and Drug Administration.” In The Politics of Regulation, edited by James Q.Wilson. New York: Basic Books, 1980..On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation. London: John Murray, 1817..“Lobbying and Taxes.”American Journal of Political Science53, no. 4 (2009): 893–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00407.x, , and .“A Meta-Analysis of Campaign Contributions’ Impact on Roll Call Voting.”Social Science Quarterly86, no. 1 (2005): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0038-4941.2005.00290.x, and .“Making Policy through the Waiver of Regulations at the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission.”Administrative Law Review47 (1995): 255–301..“The Advocacy Coalition Framework: An Assessment.” In Theories of the Policy Process, edited by Paul A.Sabatier. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1999., and .Policy Change and Learning: An Advocacy Coalition Approach. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993., and .“Interest Groups: Toward a New Understanding.” In Interest Group Politics, edited by Allan J.Cigler and Burdett A.Loomis. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1983..“Interest Representation: The Dominance of Institutions.”American Political Science Review78, no. 1 (1984): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961249.“A Theory of Policy Analysis and Some Preliminary Applications.” In Policy Analysis in Political Science, edited by IraSharkansky. Chicago: Markham, 1970., and .“U.S. Congressman as Enterprise.”Legislative Studies Quarterly6 (1981): 559–576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/439385, and .“After Admitting Faults at Hearing, New EPA Head Starts Work.”Pro Publica. January 23, 2009. http://www.propublica.org/article/after-admitting-faults-at-hearing-new-epa-head-starts-work-090123.Party Government: American Government in Action. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1977..Politics, Pressures and the Tariff: A Study of Free Enterprise in Pressure Politics as Shown in the 1929–1930 Revision of the Tariff. New York: Prentice Hall, 1935..The Semi-Sovereign People. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1960..Organized Interests and American Democracy. New York: Harper & Row, 1986., and .Policy Design for Democracy. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1997., and .From the Corn Laws to Free Trade: Interests, Ideas, and Institutions in Historical Perspective. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006..“Firm Level Performance Implications of Nonmarket Actions.”Business & Society39, no. 2 (2000): 126–143. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000765030003900202, , and .“The Information Quality Act and Environmental Protection: The Perils of Reform by Appropriations Rider.”William and Mary Environmental Law Review28, no. 2 (2004): 339–374..Policy Analysis in Political Science. Chicago: Markham Publishing, 1970..“The Dynamics of Issue Expansion: Cases from Disability Rights and Fetal Research Controversy.”Journal of Politics56, no. 4 (1994): 919–939. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2132067.“Political Preferences for the Pork Barrel.”American Journal of Political Science25 (1981): 96–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2110914, and . [Page 247]Unorthodox Lawmaking: New Legislative Processes in the U.S. Congress..3rd ed. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2007.American Business and Political Power: Public Opinion, Elections, and Democracy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226764658.001.0001.“Advocacy, Interpretation, and Influence in the U.S. Congress.”American Political Science Review78 (1984): 44–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961248.“Agenda Defection and Interest.” In Agenda Formation, edited by William H.Riker. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993..“Long-Term Investing in Politicians; or, Give Early, Give Often.”Journal of Law and Economics35, no. 1 (1992): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/467243.SourceWatch. “John D. Graham.” November 11, 2008. http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=John_D._GrahamSpoke. “Daniel Barolo.” n.d. http://www.spoke.com/info/p6KGOMB/DanielBaroloSpoke. “James Aidala.”http://www.spoke.com/info/p6msk8Y/JamesAidalaPerpetuating the Pork Barrel: Policy Subsystems and American Democracy. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139174459, and .“The Theory of Economic Regulation.”Bell Journal of Economics and Management Science2, no. 1 (1971): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3003160.Policy Paradox: The Art of Political Decisionmaking. Rev. ed. New York: W. W. Norton, 2001..Affirmative Advocacy: Race, Class, and Gender in Interest Group Politics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226777450.001.0001.“Do Interest Groups Represent the Disadvantaged? Advocacy at the Intersections of Race, Class and Gender.”Journal of Politics68, no. 4 (2006): 894–910..Does Business Learn? Tax Breaks, Uncertainty, and Political Strategies. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000..“Estate Tax Will Return Next Year, but Few Will Pay It.”New York Times. December 17, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/18/your-money/taxes/18wealth.html.“How Special Tax Provisions Get Enacted.” In Public Policies and Their Politics: Techniques of Government Control, edited by RandallRipley, 51–60. New York: Norton, 1966..The Governmental Process: Political Interests and Public Opinion. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1951..“Loss Aversion in Riskless Choice: A Reference-Dependent Model.”Quarterly Journal of Economics106 (1991): 1039–1061. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2937956, and .U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. “Atrazine Updates.” September 2011. http://www.epa.gov/opp00001/reregistration/atrazine/atrazine_update.htmU.S. Environmental Protection Agency: Integrated Risk Information System (IRIS). “Perchlorate (Cl04) and Perchlorate Salts Quickview (CASRN 7790-98-9).” April 20, 2012. http://cfpub.epa.gov/ncea/iris/index.cfm?fuseaction=iris.showQuickView&substance_nmbr=1007“Let the Chits Fall Where They May? Executive and Constituency Influences on Congressional Voting on NAFTA.”Legislative Studies Quarterly23, no. 3 (1998): 347–371. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440358.“Policy Demands and System Support: The Role of the Represented.”British Journal of Political Science1, no. 3 (1971): 271–290. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400009121.“The Origins and Maintenance of Interest Groups in America.”American Political Science Review77 (1983): 390–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958924.“Pressure Politics: A Game-Theoretical Investigation of Lobbying and the Measurement of Power.”Journal of Theoretical Politics16 (2004): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629804038901.Automatic Government: The Politics of Indexation. Washington DC: Brookings Institution, 1988..“A Rational Choice Perspective on Congressional Norms.”American Journal of Political Science23, no. 2 (1979): 245–262. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111001.“Bureaucratic Discretion or Congressional Control? Regulatory Policymaking by the Federal Trade Commission.”Journal of Political Economy91, no. 5 (1983): 765–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/261181, and . [Page 248]“The Political Economy of Benefits and Costs: A Neoclassical Approach to Distributive Politics.”Journal of Political Economy89 (1981): 642–664. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/260997, , and .“Linking Tax to Death May Have Brought Its Doom.”USA Today, May 21, 2001..“‘Data Quality’ Law Is Nemesis of Regulation.”Washington Post, August 16, 2004, 1A..“Corporate Political Strategies.”British Journal of Political Science20 (1990): 281–288..Bureaucracy: What Government Agencies Do and Why They Do It. New York: Basic Books, 1989..Wilson, James Q, ed. The Politics of Regulation. New York: Basic Books, 1980.“Delegation and Positive-Sum Bureaucracies.”Journal of Politics17, no. 3 (2009): 998–1014..Lobbying Congress: How the System Works,, and .2nd ed. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1996.“Tobacco Quota Buyout.” CRS Report for Congress RS22046, December 31, 2005. http://www.nationalaglawcenter.org/assets/crs/RS22046.pdf.“Does Politics Make a Difference at the EEOC?”American Journal of Political Science24 (1990): 503–530. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111459.“S.E.C. Is Avoiding Tough Sanctions for Large Banks,”New York Times, February 3, 2012. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/02/03/business/sec-is-avoiding-tough-sanctions-for-large-banks.html?_r=1&pagewanted=print.“A Bias Towards Business? Assessing Interest Group Influence on the U.S. Bureaucracy.”Journal of Politics68, no. 1 (2006): 128–139., and .“Sweet-Talking the Fourth Branch: Assessing the Influence of Interest Group Comments on Federal Agency Rulemaking.”Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory26, no. 1 (2006): 103–124..“Abnormal Returns from the Common Stock Investments of the U.S. Senate.”Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis39, no. 4 (2004): 661–676. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022109000003161, , , and .ZoomInfo. “The ACTA Group, L.L.C.”http://www.zoominfo.com/company/The+Acta+Group+%2C+L.L.C.-806583