Landmark Legislation 1774–2002: Major U.S. Acts and Treaties
Publication Year: 2003
A manual offering information on the most important laws and treaties approved by Congress in more than 200 years since the first session in 1789. Each Congress is covered in a separate chapter introduced by a historical essay setting the actions of the legislators in the context of their times.
- Front Matter
- Back Matter
- Subject Index
- Continental Congress and U.S. Congress Assembled 1774–1788
- First Congress 1789–1791
- Second Congress 1791–1793
- Third Congress 1793–1795
- Fourth Congress 1795–1797
- Fifth Congress 1797–1799
- Sixth Congress 1799–1801
- Seventh Congress 1801–1803
- Eighth Congress 1803–1805
- Ninth Congress 1805–1807
- Tenth Congress 1807–1809
- Eleventh Congress 1809–1811
- Twelfth Congress 1811–1813
- Thirteenth Congress 1813–1815
- Fourteenth Congress 1815–1817
- Fifteenth Congress 1817–1819
- Sixteenth Congress 1819–1821
- Seventeenth Congress 1821–1823
- Eighteenth Congress 1823–1825
- Nineteenth Congress 1825–1827
- Twentieth Congress 1827–1829
- Twenty-First Congress 1829–1831
- Twenty-Second Congress 1831–1833
- Twenty-Third Congress 1833–1835
- Twenty-Fourth Congress 1835–1837
- Twenty-Fifth Congress 1837–1839
- Twenty-Sixth Congress 1839–1841
- Twenty-Seventh Congress 1841–1843
- Twenty-Eighth Congress 1843–1845
- Twenty-Ninth Congress 1845–1847
- Thirtieth Congress 1847–1849
- Thirty-First Congress 1849–1851
- Thirty-Second Congress 1851–1853
- Thirty-Third Congress 1853–1855
- Thirty-Fourth Congress 1855–1857
- Thirty-Fifth Congress 1857–1859
- Thirty-Sixth Congress 1859–1861
- Thirty-Seventh Congress 1861–1863
- Thirty-Eighth Congress 1863–1865
- Thirty-Ninth Congress 1865–1867
- Fortieth Congress 1867–1869
- Forty-First Congress 1869–1871
- Forty-Second Congress 1871–1873
- Forty-Third Congress 1873–1875
- Forty-Fourth Congress 1875–1877
- Forty-Fifth Congress 1877–1879
- Forty-Sixth Congress 1879–1881
- Forty-Seventh Congress 1881–1883
- Forty-Eighth Congress 1883–1885
- Forty-Ninth Congress 1885–1887
- Fiftieth Congress 1887–1889
- Fifty-First Congress 1889–1891
- Fifty-Second Congress 1891–1893
- Fifty-Third Congress 1893–1895
- Fifty-Fourth Congress 1895–1897
- Fifty-Fifth Congress 1897–1899
- Fifty-Sixth Congress 1899–1901
- Fifty-Seventh Congress 1901–1903
- Fifty-Eighth Congress 1903–1905
- Fifty-Ninth Congress 1905–1907
- Sixtieth Congress 1907–1909
- Sixty-First Congress 1909–1911
- Sixty-Second Congress 1911–1913
- Sixty-Third Congress 1913–1915
- Sixty-Fourth Congress 1915–1917
- Sixty-Fifth Congress 1917–1919
- Sixty-Sixth Congress 1919–1921
- Sixty-Seventh Congress 1921–1923
- Sixty-Eighth Congress 1923–1925
- Sixty-Ninth Congress 1925–1927
- Seventieth Congress 1927–1929
- Seventy-First Congress 1929–1931
- Seventy-Second Congress 1931–1933
- Seventy-Third Congress 1933–1935
- Seventy-Fourth Congress 1935–1937
- Seventy-Fifth Congress 1937–1939
- Seventy-Sixth Congress 1939–1941
- Seventy-Seventh Congress 1941–1943
- Seventy-Eighth Congress 1943–1945
- Seventy-Ninth Congress 1945–1947
- Eightieth Congress 1947–1949
- Eighty-First Congress 1949–1951
- Eighty-Second Congress 1951–1953
- Eighty-Third Congress 1953–1955
- Eighty-Fourth Congress 1955–1957
- Eighty-Fifth Congress 1957–1959
- Eighty-Sixth Congress 1959–1961
- Eighty-Seventh Congress 1961–1963
- Eighty-Eighth Congress 1963–1965
- Eighty-Ninth Congress 1965–1967
- Ninetieth Congress 1967–1969
- Ninety-First Congress 1969–1971
- Ninety-Second Congress 1971–1973
- Ninety-Third Congress 1973–1975
- Ninety-Fourth Congress 1975–1977
- Ninety-Fifth Congress 1977–1979
- Ninety-Sixth Congress 1979–1981
- Ninety-Seventh Congress 1981–1983
- Ninety-Eighth Congress 1983–1985
- Ninety-Ninth Congress 1985–1987
- One Hundredth Congress 1987–1989
- One Hundred First Congress 1989–1991
- One Hundred Second Congress 1991–1993
- One Hundred Third Congress 1993–1995
- One Hundred Fourth Congress 1995–1997
- One Hundred Fifth Congress 1997–1999
- One Hundred Sixth Congress 1999–2001
- One Hundred Seventh Congress 2001–2003
Dedicated to my wife, Barbara, with love
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALO GING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Stathis, Stephen W.
Landmark legislation, 1774–2002: major U.S. acts and treaties/Stephen Stathis.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 1-56802-781-8 (hardcover: alk. paper)
1. Legislation—United States. I. Title.
Since its inception, the U.S. Congress has served as a barometer of the mood of the country, and its members have given voice to the various interests of the nation. Despite a history of being innovative, responsive, and increasingly open to the people, Congress also has been seen by some as remote, irrelevant, and difficult to understand, and it has been an easy target for criticism. Especially in recent decades, many have doubted and sometimes made light of the role of Congress in the determination of national policy and the operation of the federal government.
Landmark Legislation 1774–2002 seeks to improve understanding of the work of Congress by highlighting its most significant accomplishments. Congress is the crucible in which interests clash, ideas contend, and compromises are forged. Three recurring themes have dominated its work over the past two centuries: (1) Congress is an institution in which ideas can be initiated and allowed to incubate while its members try to reach consensus; (2) Congress responds to what the American people want from the federal government and what they think it should do; and (3) Congress stops legislation it sees as inappropriate, slows the legislative process to permit public support to build, and uses its oversight powers to ensure enforcement of its policies.
Since 1789, more than 11,600 individuals have served as legislators in the halls of Congress. Their contributions are deeply etched in the legislative proposals that have been annually introduced, without interruption, since the first session of the First Congress. Although many of those ideas, on their face, were clearly impractical, the observations, suggestions, and propositions provide a meaningful barometer of prevailing perspectives and pressures, a stimulus for positive action, and the substance of what may become law.
Nearly forty-four thousand public acts have been approved by Congress, submitted to the president for his approval, and signed into law since the First Congress convened. Many of these enactments represent momentary needs or fleeting passions, while others provide a glimpse of the continually changing texture of the national fabric. Only a relatively few, however, have withstood the test of history or so dramatically altered the perception of the role of government that they may be considered of enduring importance.
Landmark Legislation documents Congress's most momentous accomplishments in determining the national policies to be carried out by the executive branch, in approving appropriations to support those policies, and in fulfilling its responsibility to ensure that such actions are being implemented as intended. Also included are notable treaties. Although some laws characterized as landmark have declined in importance or been forgotten over time, when passed they represented a recognition of needed action and guidance to administrative entities, a significant departure from previous policy, a creative response to an emergency, or a solution to a long-standing national concern.
Evaluating the relative significance of an enactment with others in a given field and determining the precedents they set has proved an extraordinary exercise. The U.S. Congressional Serial Set, published by Congress, provides invaluable insight into the proceedings of the legislative branch. This largely forgotten collection of more than 14,500 volumes of congressional documents, reports, legislative journals, executive journals of the Senate, and reports made to Congress by the executive branch is a treasure trove that serves as the starting point for serious research on the institution. Equally valuable are the Annals of Congress, Register of Debates, Congressional Globe, Congressional[Page vi]Record, committee hearings transcripts, committee prints, Congressional Directory, and Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. These diverse published sources are supplemented by the vast holdings of congressional papers in the National Archives.
Complementing these primary sources are a broad range of biographies of congressional personalities and general and specialized works on American history and politics that proved to be extremely useful in drawing conclusions and making judgments. Also, I consulted specialists in each of the various areas of expertise within the Congressional Research Service (CRS) of the Library of Congress and scholars throughout the academic community. Their insights were invaluable in preparing Landmark Legislation.
Although some major laws and treaties no doubt have been inadvertently omitted, this volume seeks to illuminate the extremely important role Congress has assumed in shaping the political and historical characters of the American republic. It shows how and why Congress enlarged the responsibilities of the federal establishment and portrays the institutional development of a national government, the changing pattern of federal-state relations, and the continuing redefinition of constitutional rights. In doing so, it sheds light on how the actions of Congress affect each citizen of the United States and on how Congress does its job.
The accompanying bibliographic selections focus not only on the unique and important role of Congress in formulating major policy changes but also on the forces prompting consideration and adoption of laws. The range of available materials shows that many fields of congressional inquiry await efforts by the scholarly community to provide an intellectual framework for understanding the inner workings of the American legislative process. Much of America's congressional heritage remains unexamined and unexplored.
The numerous possibilities for scholarly inquiry offer rich opportunities for future generations of scholars. Although much of the work will necessitate extensive primary research in the vast collections of published and unpublished records of Congress, future scholars will be able to portray far more accurately and fully, and with greater insight, the deliberations and the decisions that demonstrate the framers' wisdom in creating the U.S. legislative framework. The basis of that framework is patience, with adequate allowance for every member and every viewpoint to be accorded its importance. The deliberate pace the framers ensured has allowed maximum opportunity for the people's voices to be heard.
This study was first proposed more than two decades ago by Frederick H. Pauls, then chief of the Government Division of CRS. Under his guiding hand, and with the assistance of Christopher Dell, I produced an abbreviated version of this work as a CRS report in 1982. The current volume was originally suggested by Roger H. Davidson and has benefited from his continuing enthusiasm and insightful suggestions. I also wish to acknowledge with appreciation the steady encouragement, support, and sound advice of Daniel P. Mulhollan, director of CRS, W. Ralph Eubanks, director of the Library of Congress publishing office, and David Tarr, executive editor of CQ Press, without whom this study could not have been brought to completion.
Landmark Legislation benefited enormously from the exceptional editorial skills and gift for the English language, as well as the sophisticated historical perspective, of longtime colleague and friend Thomas H. Neale. The time and attention he generously gave to the text, both editorially and as a contributor, were especially appreciated, as were his continuous expressions of encouragement.
This book is dedicated with loving appreciation to my wife, Barbara, who endured all the frustrations inevitably accompanying such a project. For more than three decades she has steadfastly supported my career as a historian and expanded my horizons far beyond what I had ever dreamed possible.
During the eleven years between the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776 and the convening of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, the Continental Congress and its successor under the Articles of Confederation tried to hold together the loose association of the thirteen states that had broken from Great Britain. Ratification of the Articles of Confederation, the first effort by Americans to provide a written constitution for the “United States of America,” was completed early in 1781, more than three years after their adoption by the Continental Congress.
Under the articles, the states retained control over the most essential governmental functions, and Congress—in which each state had an equal vote—was the sole instrument of national government. In their attempt to avoid anything like the system under which Great Britain had ruled her colonies, the colonists arguably left their own government too weak to perform its functions and duties. Almost from the outset, the confederation was beset with serious problems. These, for the most part, resulted from basic defects in the articles themselves, which failed to give Congress control over taxation and trade, made no provision for a federal executive or judiciary, and failed to provide the confederation any sanctions through which it might enforce its decisions.
Even as the inadequacies of the Articles became apparent, the unanimous consent required for amendments proved impossible to obtain. As a consequence, the states had to take responsibility for settling many of their common problems. In March 1785, delegates from Virginia and Maryland met first at Alexandria, Virginia, and then at Mount Vernon, hoping to settle disputes relating to the navigation of the Chesapeake Bay and the Potomac River. The success of the latter meeting led Virginia to issue an invitation to all the states to meet at Annapolis, Maryland, the following year to consider commercial reforms.
The achievement of the twelve delegates from Delaware, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia who met in Annapolis on September 11–14, 1786, was not readily apparent. The only resolution adopted called for a general meeting of delegates from all thirteen states in Philadelphia the following May to consider what steps were “necessary to render the constitution of the Federal Government adequate to the exigencies of the Union.” James Madison and Alexander Hamilton persuaded their fellow delegates to adopt a report that described the state of the Union as “delicate and critical.”1 In February 1787, Congress endorsed the need for a convention in Philadelphia that could revise the Articles of Confederation and “render the federal Constitution adequate to the exigencies of Government and preservation of the Union.”2 By early May 1787, only Rhode Island had failed to respond to the calls from Annapolis and Philadelphia, and most of the fifty-five men who would become the framers of the U.S. Constitution were on their way to Philadelphia to establish a new form of government.
The framers' historic effort was designed to “form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.”3 It represented a second, and more successful, attempt of Americans to develop a constitution that would be flexible, yet strong enough to meet the long-term legislative, administrative, and judicial needs of the new nation.[Page viii]Intent of the Framers and the Powers of Congress
The Constitution and the Declaration of Independence were to become fundamental testaments of free government in the United States. Throughout American history, the interplay of the system crafted in Philadelphia has often prompted the question, “What was the intent of the framers?” Ironically, even the framers frequently did not agree and often had different conceptions about the new government they were creating. A reading of the proceedings in Philadelphia, however, shows a clear intent on the part of the framers to make Congress the major source of policy initiatives and proposals.
In designing Congress, the framers were influenced by both the successes and the failures of the Continental and Confederation Congresses. In particular, the Constitutional Convention of 1787 favored the principle of separation of powers, which reflected the concern of the founders with the relative powerlessness of Congress under the Articles of Confederation. Although the articles had not separated the legislative, executive, and judicial functions, most state governments at the time consisted of three branches. Most of the delegates to the Constitutional Convention had experience as members of the ineffective Continental Congress or their state legislatures, which were generally more powerful. The legislative branch, with which most delegates most closely identified, was the first branch discussed in depth during the constitutional debates and the first to be established by the Constitution. The framers devoted more than twice as much attention to the responsibilities of Congress as to the other two branches combined. Much is left unstated in the Constitution regarding the executive and judicial branches, but few details are spared when Congress is discussed.
The framers intended Congress to be a representative body, responsive to the demands of voters and constituents, reflecting local interests, yet responsible for making laws for the American people collectively. James Madison and the other statesmen who framed the Constitution acknowledged that, in a “republican government” such as the one they had created, the “legislative authority necessarily predominates.”4 Congress, in Madison's mind, had the obligation “to refine and enlarge the public views” and needed “wisdom” to “discern the true interest of their country.” The members' “patriotism and love of justice” should be such that they will be “least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations.”5 “Nearly all legislation,” Supreme Court justice Louis Brandeis observed in 1921, “involves a weighing of public needs as against private desires; and likewise a weighing of relative social values.”6 In creating a representative assembly as the structure within which the government considered its decisions, formulated policy, and enacted laws, the framers ensured that institutional restraints would operate not only to promote the primacy of the deliberative processes but also to allow the constraints of political reality to flourish.
Seeking to correct the deficiencies of the Articles of Confederation, as well as to enlarge the authority of Congress in dealing with both foreign and domestic matters, the framers invested Congress with tremendous power. The Constitution mandated that Congress make all laws, specifically those “necessary and proper” for exercising the powers granted to it, and execute the powers granted to the other branches. Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution enumerates eighteen powers entrusted to Congress.7 Congress also was given almost unlimited power to control the expenditures of the executive branch through the appropriations process. In addition, Congress was given the responsibility of supervising the administration of the executive and judicial branches and the implicit responsibility of representing and informing the people. The legislative primacy of Congress also appears in the provisions for amending the Constitution (Article V), which call for approval by two-thirds of each house of Congress and ratification by three-fourths of the states.8 The role of the president and the Supreme Court in this latter process was limited to whatever informal influence they might exert.Constraining the Powers of Congress
The framers were fearful that Congress might abuse its power, as many of the state legislatures had done during the Confederation period, and, as a consequence, attempted by several means to constrain that power. One remedy was “to divide the legislature into different branches; and to render them, by different [Page ix]modes of election and different principles of action, as little connected with each other as the nature of their common functions and their common dependence on society will admit.”9 A bicameral legislature provided a vital check, each house being able to counteract the other.
Each chamber was granted certain exclusive powers. The House of Representatives was delegated the responsibility of choosing a president when no clear electoral winner emerged. The Constitution also provided that tax legislation must originate in the House, as must impeachment proceedings against a president or other federal officials. The Senate was given authority to ratify treaties; approve presidential nominations to the Supreme Court, cabinet positions, and ambassadorships; and conduct impeachment trials.
The House of Representatives was intended to be the most immediately responsive element of the government. By virtue of their biannual election, representatives would be mindful of public opinion. The House, as James Madison explained in Federalist No. 52, was to have “an immediate dependence on, and an intimate sympathy with, the people.”10 Conversely, senators, who were selected by the state legislatures until 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment provided for popular election, historically enjoyed greater independence because of their six-year terms. The Senate was envisioned by Madison as a safeguard against impulsive action “until reason, justice, and truth can regain their authority over the public mind.”11
The chief constraint the framers placed on congressional power was the tripartite governmental system, each element having the means to check and balance the other. Under this system of separated powers, Congress was not to have absolute control over the legislative process. Article I, Section 7 stipulated that the president must sign legislation, thus approving it, for it to become law, and that a presidential veto could be overridden only by a two-thirds vote of each house of Congress. If, however, the president takes no action on a bill that has been presented, it can become law without his signature after ten days, provided Congress has not adjourned during the period. The failure of the president to sign a bill under these circumstances, with the intention that it not become law, is known as the “pocket veto.” Other legislative responsibilities imposed on the president by Article II, Section 3 required him to provide Congress “information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient;” to convene either or both houses of Congress into session “on extraordinary occasions;” and to adjourn them to a time of his choosing if they could not reach agreement on adjournment.Performance of Congress in Expectation and Practice
Many observers, especially during the twentieth century, asserted, or even presumed, the president's primacy in the policy-making process in general and in the legislative process in particular. An examination of legislative accomplishments throughout the decades, however, clearly indicates that Congress has maintained a much more persistent and crucial role in achieving these accomplishments than conventional wisdom often allows. A more careful consideration of the activity involved in national lawmaking reveals a much more complex process in which Congress has always played, and continues to play, a part not only central, but also vital, in the initiation, development, and establishment of policy.
One reason that the continuing centrality of Congress to the legislative policy-making process has been overlooked or minimized is the deliberative and representative nature of America's constitutional system. Legislation involves Congress as well as a wide variety of other actors, especially the president. The saliency of presidential involvement in the constitutional system is reinforced by the tendency of Congress, observable throughout U.S. history, to find occasion and means to delegate its functions. In assessing the operation of the system, however, these circumstances have arguably been overemphasized.Delegation of Power and Its Control
Nearly two centuries ago, Chief Justice John Marshall wrote that “the legislature makes, the executive executes, and the judiciary construes the law.” Congress, Marshall declared, must keep to itself “powers which are strictly [Page x]and exclusively legislative.”12 Congress cannot relinquish its responsibility for creating executive departments and agencies, authorizing and regulating their activities, overseeing their work, reviewing their performance, and holding them accountable. Despite Marshall's admonition, Congress has, over time, delegated a significant portion of its legislative power to the president, executive agencies, and independent regulatory commissions.
Congress, however, also exercises a variety of means to check these delegations of authority. Operational guidelines are often established during the development of laws, and customs and traditions have evolved to confine executive discretion. Also, Congress, through the appropriations process and its oversight function, is continually able to review the operations and policies of the various agencies and influence their future direction. Through its oversight activities, Congress seeks to ensure that legislation is faithfully, effectively, and economically administered; internal management controls are adequate and effective; abuses of administrative discretion or improper conduct are discovered and corrected; and executive branch officials are held accountable for the use of public funds and for administrative shortcomings.
Also, when the courts have found that Congress has gone too far in delegating power, they have voided such actions. For example, the Line Item Veto Act, a majority of the U.S. Supreme Court held in 1998, was unconstitutional because it allowed the president effectively to rewrite bills he had already signed into law.13 Although the power of the courts to review the constitutionality of federal and state legislative enactments is nowhere expressly conveyed, the concept was utilized in colonial times and assumed by the framers in the Constitutional Convention and by the members of the state ratifying conventions. The Supreme Court, however, did not until 1803 in Marbury v. Madison expressly assert and exercise its power to strike down an act of Congress it considered inconsistent with the Constitution.14Presidential and Congressional Legislation
Especially in the course of the twentieth century, many scholars, as well as the press and electronic media, have viewed the president, not Congress, as the prime mover of the legislative process. The limitations of this presidential role have received less emphasis. The Constitution is silent on the extent of participation by the president and his subordinates in the legislative process once a measure is proposed. Although the president's recommendations carry great weight, he may not introduce legislation or compel Congress to act on his proposals. To win votes for a proposal, the president must make clear what the likely effects of the bill will be and provide a rationale that will secure support.
As Lawrence H. Chamberlain observed in The President, Congress, and Legislation, the “concept of presidential domination in legislation comes in part from the tendency of the press to magnify his every action.” While the president's deeds are broadcast to the nation through a multitude of media sources, the accomplishments of Congress receive relatively little coverage. “It is easier,” Chamberlain reasoned, “to follow the moves of one man than it is to trace the day-to-day developments of multitudinous committees, not to mention individual congressmen.”15
Even when Congress has worked on a bill for months, and an administration has had only a limited role in its development, the president may receive much of the credit for its enactment. If a president decides to support a piece of legislation through a special message to Congress, a public statement, a White House conference, a radio or television appeal, or the efforts of his representatives, the proposal quickly becomes identified with the president regardless of its origin. Even if the president waits to comment on the merits of a bill until after it is signed into law, his limited association with the legislation often captures the spotlight. The same is the case when Congress overrides a presidential veto. This tendency to magnify the importance of the president, while frequently overlooking the role of Congress, distorts the history of the American legislative process.
In the final analysis, it is often difficult to weigh the relative influence of Congress and the president in the legislative process and accurately gauge the continual and influential activities of outside interests. The assumption, however, should not be made that, during those periods when a president becomes “unusually active” in the process, Congress has relinquished its constitutional responsibility. “Despite the well-organized rise of the president as chief legislator, empirical [Page xi]research” by scholars has “consistently found that Congress is responsible for most proposed legislation, and a large share of enacted programs, either on its own or working in conjunction with the president.”16
Although presidents since Franklin D. Roosevelt have established much of the legislative agenda for Congress, the issues and ideas endorsed by the White House often have been germinating in Congress for a considerable period of time. Changing conditions within the nation or abroad may thrust to the forefront a legislative idea that has lain dormant for years or decades, or a presidential administration may breathe new life into a proposal whose time had supposedly passed. Also, Congress is one of the most “fertile” springs for presidential initiatives. “Difficult as it may be to determine the origin of a policy initiative, to identify the parent of an idea,” presidential scholar Mark A. Peterson writes, “it is evident that a large bulk of what becomes ‘presidential’ first met the legislative light of day as ‘congressional.’”17 Often, by the time a proposal appears in a presidential message or speech, the president's position has been significantly modified to take into consideration difficulties particular provisions face on Capitol Hill. As a consequence, proposals sent to the Congress frequently represent modifications in the president's preferences. Furthermore, much of the legislation considered by Congress is of little concern to the president or his administration.Genesis of Legislation
Often, neither Congress nor the president would push a particular piece of legislation if it were not for the external influences of society at large. The ideas and pressure for much of the legislation approved by Congress and signed into law by the president originate at neither end of Pennsylvania Avenue. Individuals from virtually every walk of life have originated, and assisted in, the formulation of legislative initiatives that have dramatically begun, altered, or displaced a governmental policy. Ideas for legislative initiatives are brought to the attention of members of Congress by
- the president in his annual State of the Union message, where he sets out his agenda for the coming year, in other speeches, messages, interviews, and press conferences, and through the White House congressional liaison office;
- members of the president's cabinet and other executive branch officials and personnel responsible for the administration of governmental policies;
- state and local officials;
- lobbyists for interest groups such as the business community, trade organizations, labor unions, and professional associations;
- academics, independent policy specialists, and members of think tanks and consulting groups;
- technical advisers representing universities and other private and government research organizations;
- the media;
- congressional staff; and
- private citizens.
Much of the credit for legislation must be given to the individuals or groups most directly interested in the specific results of the proposal. Nevertheless, only Congress can transform an idea into a piece of legislation that may become law.
Congress continues, as it has since 1789, to be an incubator for legislative proposals. A continuous exposure to legislative ideas has allowed Congress to remain a vigorous institution and an integral partner in the constitutional system. On Capitol Hill, proposals are procedurally introduced, subjected to hearings, debated on the House and Senate floor, and approved, before being sent to the White House for the president's signature. During the process of developing original or amendatory legislation, which often spans a number of years and several Congresses, the merits of a proposal may become the topic of national debate, and the proposal may be modified or significantly altered.Accomplishment of Legislation
While the framers devoted great detail to Congress's legislative responsibilities, they said little about how Congress should organize itself, except that the Speaker, the presiding officer of the House of Representatives, should be elected and that the vice president, or the president pro tempore in his absence, should preside [Page xii]over the Senate. The Constitution's brevity in this regard has allowed Congress the freedom to “change over time” and transform itself “from an informal, non-specialised representative and legislative assembly, attempting to fulfill the republican aspirations of post-revolutionary Americans, into a complex, highly specialised, rather bureaucratic institution which acts … like a complete government intervening in all policy areas and at every stage of the policy-making process.” Congress's ability to change its internal structure and procedures has enabled it to respond for more than two centuries to “political, economic, and social changes which transformed the nature of problems facing constituents, and thus the public policies they were willing to support.”18 This transformation is most dramatically demonstrated in Congress's legislative accomplishments.
Congress, Lawrence H. Chamberlain argued, is better suited to deal with the “long germinative period detectable in the genesis of most laws” than is any other agency in America's democracy. Its composition, organization, and accessibility, “coupled with its ever-changing personnel, tends to guarantee a maximum responsiveness to varied but always moving currents of thought.” A close examination of the official records of Congress reveals that individual senators and representatives frequently make a “substantial contribution” in “locating the weaknesses and gaps in our legislative fabric and initiating action to fill the breach.” Were it not for “their persistent efforts and their unwillingness to give up in the face of administration indifference or hostility it is probable” that the enactment of many important laws would have been delayed much longer and “their content would have been much less definite.”19
Although the legislative initiative has “shifted many times between the legislative and executive branches, the U.S. Congress remains virtually the only national assembly in the world that drafts in detail the laws it passes rather than simply ratifying measures prepared by the government in power.”20 “In the United States,” Chamberlain observed, “legislation is characteristically a collegial process in which the role of the Congress is no less important than that of the President.”21 Chamberlain's observations, penned nearly sixty years ago, remain applicable today. In examining the origin of federal legislation over more than two centuries, landmark enactments have been approved during periods of comparative calm as well as during the stress of a national emergency. They have also gained acceptance when nonactivist presidents have occupied the Oval Office as well as strong ones.
A 2000 study of the most important laws enacted in the last half of the twentieth century credits Congress with “calling upon the federal government to tackle a bold agenda worthy of the world's greatest democracy, and providing the statutory authority to act.” Survey responses from 450 history and political science professors, who were asked to select the government's greatest achievements of the past half century, “reflect a stunning level of bipartisan commitment.” “Great endeavors appear to require equally great consensus.”22 The lessons of achievement, the study concluded, are that
[n]o one party, Congress, or president can be credited with any single achievement. Even Medicare, which was a signature accomplishment of the Great Society, and the Marshall Plan, which centered in a burst of legislation during the Truman administration, had antecedents in earlier Congresses and administrations. Rather, achievement appears to be the direct product of endurance, consensus, and patience.23
The report “suggests that the federal government did more than aim high.” It “often succeeded in changing the nation and the world.” Three important themes underlie the government's greatest achievements: (1) a “coherent policy strategy,” (2) a conscious effort to take the “moral high ground despite significant resistance,” and (3) a “readiness to intervene where the private and nonprofit sectors simply would not.”24Notes
1. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, ed. Worthington Chauncey Ford and Roscoe R. Hill (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1904–1937), 31:680.
2. Journals of the Continental Congress 32 (1787): 74.
3. U.S. Constitution, preamble.[Page xiii]
4. Benjamin Fletcher Wright, ed., The Federalist (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1966), No. 51, 356.
5. Wright, The Federalist, No. 10, 134.
6. Truax v. Corrigan, 257 U.S. 312, 357 (1921).
7. These include the authority to tax, spend, and borrow; to regulate foreign and interstate commerce; to admit new states; to establish uniform naturalization and bankruptcy standards; to coin money, regulate its value, and fix the standard of weights and measures; to establish post offices and post roads; to develop copyright protections; to create federal courts of lesser authority than the U.S. Supreme Court, which was specifically provided for; to maintain a defense establishment; and to declare war.
8. Article V of the Constitution also provides that “the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States” may “call a convention for proposing amendments.”
9. Wright, The Federalist, No. 51, 357.
10. Wright, The Federalist, No. 52, 361.
11. Wright, The Federalist, No. 63, 415.
12. Wayman v. Southard, 23 U.S. (10 Wheaton), 41, 44 (1825).
13. Clinton v. City of New York, 524 U.S. 417 (1998).
14. Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803).
15. Lawrence H. Chamberlain, The President, Congress, and Legislation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1946), 15.
16. Mark A. Peterson, “Legislative Initiative,” in The Encyclopedia of the United States Congress, ed. Donald C. Bacon, Roger H. Davidson, and Morton Keller (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995), 3:1275.
17. Mark A. Peterson, Legislating Together: The White House and Capitol Hill from Eisenhower to Reagan (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), 33, 35.
18. Michael Foley and John E. Owens, Congress and the Presidency: Institutional Politics in a Separated System (Manchester, England: Manchester University Press, 1996), 13.
19. Chamberlain, The President, Congress, and Legislation, 463.
20. Roger H. Davidson and Walter J. Oleszek, Congress and Its Members, 8th ed. (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2002), 6.
21. Chamberlain, The President, Congress, and Legislation, 15.
22. Paul C. Light, “Government's Greatest Achievements of the Past Half Century,” Reform Watch, No. 2 (November 2000): 1, 4.
23. Ibid., 11.
24. Ibid., 1, 12.[Page xiv]
Finders Guide[Page FG-1]
The Finder's Guide will help readers track legislation and treaties by major policy areas and national issues. Beginning with the First Congress, CQ Press editors assigned each summary entry in the book to at least one of forty-one categories and in many cases to several where the law or treaty had multiple purposes. Within each category, the entries are arranged chronologically by Congress. The Finder's Guide is intended to supplement the more detailed subject index found at the back of the volume by helping a reader track, for example, national security or continental development laws and treaties over the one-hundred seven Congresses surveyed. Because legislation often overlaps many areas, the categories are not neatly compartmentalized but will provide a roadmap in major areas on which Congress has legislated. An alphabetical list of categories follows. In the Guide pages categories are grouped together in related areas such as law and justice issues or federal state relationships.
[Page FG-2]Government Finance and Institutions, Coinage and Currency, Taxes and ExpendituresRevenue: Taxes and Tariffs[Page FG-3]Financial Regulation and Banking[Page FG-4]Economic Competition and Controls; AntitrustEconomic DevelopmentTrade[Page FG-5]Foreign Affairs[Page FG-6][Page FG-7]National Security[Page FG-8]Transportation[Page FG-9]General Commerce, Bankruptcy[Page FG-10]Communication, Information TechnologyScience and SpacePostal SystemEnvironment and Conservation[Page FG-11]Energy, Power, Nuclear DevelopmentNatural Resources and Public Works[Page FG-12]Parks and RecreationAgricultureHealth, Consumer Safety[Page FG-13]Human Services, WelfareVeterans Affairs[Page FG-14]EducationHousingUrban Assistance[Page FG-15]LaborPension, Social Security, Disability, Health Care InsuranceSlavery, Civil Rights, Voting Rights[Page FG-16]Immigration, Naturalization, Citizenship[Page FG-17]Civil LibertiesJudiciaryCriminal Justice, Law Enforcement[Page FG-18]Government Organization, OperationsFederal Employees[Page FG-19]Elections, Campaign FinanceCongress[Page FG-20]PresidencyContinental Development, Union Expansion[Page FG-21]FederalismIndian AffairsDistrict of Columbia[Page FG-22]Territories
- Agriculture FG-12
- Civil Liberties FG-17
- Communication, Information Technology FG-10
- Congress FG-19
- Continental Development, Union Expansion FG-20
- Criminal Justice, Law Enforcement FG-17
- District of Columbia FG-21
- Economic Competition and Controls; Antitrust FG-4
- Economic Development FG-4
- Education FG-14
- Elections, Campaign Finance FG-19
- Energy, Power, Nuclear Development FG-11
- Environment and Conservation FG-10
- Federal Employees FG-18
- Federalism FG-21
- Financial Regulation and Banking FG-3
- Foreign Affairs FG-5
- General Commerce, Bankruptcy FG-9
- Government Finance and Institutions, Coinage and Currency, Taxes and Expenditures FG-2
- Government Organization, Operations FG-18
- Health, Consumer Safety FG-12
- Housing FG-14
- Human Services, Welfare FG-13
- Immigration, Naturalization, Citizenship FG-16
- Indian Affairs FG-21
- Judiciary FG-17
- Labor FG-15
- National Security FG-7
- Natural Resources and Public Works FG-11
- Parks and Recreation FG-12
- Pension, Social Security, Disability, Health Care Insurance FG-15
- Postal System FG-10
- Presidency FG-20
- Revenue: Taxes and Tariffs FG-2
- Science and Space FG-10
- Slavery, Civil Rights, Voting Rights FG-15
- Territories FG-22
- Trade FG-4
- Transportation FG-8
- Urban Assistance FG-14
- Veterans Affairs FG-13
Sources for Further Study[Page 377]General ReferencesBacon, Donald C., Roger H.Davidson, and MortonKeller, eds. The Encyclopedia of the United States Congress. 4 vols. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995.The Story of Congress, 1789–1935. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1936..Guide to the U.S. Supreme Court,, and .3d ed.2 vols. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1997.The Encyclopedia of American Facts and Dates,.10th ed.New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1997.The Yeas and the Nays: Key Congressional Decisions, 1774–1945. Kalamazoo, Mich.: Western Michigan University, Institute of Public Affairs, New Issues Press, 1975., and .The President, Congress, and Legislation. New York: AMS Press, 1967.Chambers, John Whiteclay, II, ed. The Oxford Companion to American Military History. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.Facts about the Congress. New York: H. W. Wilson Company, 1996.Congress and the Nation, 1945–2001. 10 vols. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1965–2002.Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 1945–2001. 57 vols. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1948–2002.Congressional Quarterly's Guide to Congress,5th ed.2 vols. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2000.The Complete Book of U.S. Presidents,6th ed.Ft. Lee, N.J.: Barricade Books, 2001.Dictionary of American History.Rev. ed.8 vols. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1976, 1978.Dictionary of American History. 2 vol. supplement. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons Reference Books, 1996.Graham, Otis L., Jr., and MeghanRobinson Wander, eds. Franklin D. Roosevelt: His Life and Times: An Encyclopedic View. Boston: G. K. Hall, 1985.Hall, Kermit L., ed. The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.On the Hill: A History of the American Congress. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979.Kane, Joseph Nathan, StevenAnzovin, and JanetPodell, eds. Facts about the Presidents,7th ed.New York: H. W. Wilson, 2001.The Dictionary of Dates. 2 vols. New York: Macmillan, 1934..Kirkendall, Richard S., ed. The Harry S. Truman Encyclopedia. Boston: G. K. Hall, 1989.Kurian, George Thomas, ed. A Historic Guide to the U.S. Government. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.Encyclopedia of the Clinton Presidency. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2002.Encyclopedia of the Reagan-Bush Years. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1996.Encyclopedia of the American Constitution,, and .2d ed.6 vols. New York: Macmillan, 2000.Levy, Leonard W., and LouisFisher, eds. Encyclopedia of the American Presidency. 4 vols. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994.Linton, Calvin D., ed. American Headlines: Year by Year. Nashville, Tenn.: Thomas Nelson Inc., Publishers, 1975.Magill, Frank N., ed. Great Events from History: American Series. 3 vols. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Salem Press, 1985.Moore, John L., Jon P.Preimesberger, and DavidTarr, eds. Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections,4th ed.Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2001.The Growth of the American Republic,, , and .7th ed.2 vols. New York: Oxford University Press, 1980.Morris, Richard B., and Morris, Jeffrey B., eds. Encyclopedia of American History,7th ed.New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1996.Nelson, Michael, ed. Guide to the Presidency,3d ed.2 vols. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2002.The Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987.Roller, David C., and Robert W.Twyman, eds. The Encyclopedia of Southern History. Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press, 1979.A History of Presidential Elections: From George Washington to Jimmy Carter,, and [Page 378]4th ed.New York: Macmillan, 1979.Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr., ed. The Almanac of American History. New York: Putnman Publishing Company, 1986.Federal Agency Profiles for Students. Detroit, Mich.: Gale Group, 1999.Sloan, Irving J., comp. and ed. American Landmark Legislation: Primary Materials. Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.: Oceana Publications, 1976–1977.Sloan, Irving J., comp. and ed American Landmark Legislation: Primary Materials. Second series. Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.: Oceana Publications, 1984.West's Encyclopedia of American Law. 12 vols. Minneapolis/Saint Paul, Minn.: West Publishing Company, 1998.Whitnah, Donald R., ed. Government Agencies. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983.Congressional Politics in the Second World War. New York: Columbia University Press, 1956..AgricultureFarm Policies of the United States, 1790–1950: A Study of Their Origins and Development. New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1953.History of Agricultural Price-Support and Adjustment Programs, 1933–84. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research, 1984., , and .The Development of American Agriculture: A Historical Analysis,2nd ed.Minneapolis, Minn.: University of Minnesota Press, 1993.Harding, T. Swann, ed. Some Landmarks in the History of the Department of Agriculture. Agricultural History Series no. 2. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, rev. July 1948.Rasmussen, Wayne D., ed. Agriculture in the United States. A Documentary History. 4 vols. New York: Random House, 1975.The Department of Agriculture. New York: Praeger, 1972., and .Encyclopedia of American Agricultural History. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1975., and .Smith, Maryann S., and DennisRoth, comp. Chronological Landmarks in American Agriculture. Agriculture Information Bulletin 425. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, rev. November 1990.U.S. House Committee on Agriculture. United States House of Representatives Committee on Agriculture 150th Anniversary, 16th Congress, 1820 to 91st Congress, 1970. 91st Cong., 2d sess. H. Doc. 91–350. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government. Printing Office, 1970.U.S. Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry. A Brief History of the Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry: United States Senate and Landmark Agricultural Legislation 1825–1986. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1986.U.S. Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry. The United States Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry 1825–1998: Members, Jurisdiction, and History. 105th Cong., lst sess. S. Doc. 105–24. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1998.Arms ControlBarnhart, Michael, ed. Congress and United States Foreign Policy: Controlling the Use of Force in the Nuclear Age. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1987.Blacker, Coit D., and GloriaDuffy, eds. International Arms Control: Issues and Agreements,2d ed.Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1984.Politics of Arms Control: The Role and Effectiveness of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. New York: Free Press, 1979.Dupuy, Trevor N., and Gay M.Hammerman, eds. A Documentary History of Arms Control and Disarmament. New York: R. R. Bowker Company, 1973.Scraps of Paper: The Disarmament Treaties between the World Wars. Lincoln, Neb.: Media Publishing, 1988.Arms Control during the Pre-Nuclear Era: The United States and Naval Limitation between the Two World Wars. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990..Krepon, Michael, and DanCaldwell, eds. The Politics of Arms Control Treaty Ratification. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991.Platt, Alan, and Lawrence D.Weiler, eds. Congress and Arms Control. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1978.U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Arms Control, International Security, and Science. Fundamentals of Nuclear Arms Control. 99th Cong., 2d sess. Committee Print. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, December 1986.Arts and CultureBenedict, Stephen, ed. Public Money and the Muse: Essays on Government Funding for the Arts. New York: W. W. Norton, 1991.Cummings, Milton C., Jr., and Richard S.Katz, eds. The Patron State: Government and the Arts in Europe, North America, and Japan. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987.Bureaucratizing the Muse: Public Funds and the Cultural Worker. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987.The Reluctant Patron: The United States Government and the Arts, 1943–1965. Philadelphia, Pa.: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1983.Government and the Arts: Debates Over Federal Support of the Arts in America from George Washington to Jesse Helms. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1997.. [Page 379]Congress and Culture: Legislative Reauthorization and the Arts Endowment.”Journal of Arts Management and Law17 (winter 1988): 39–56., and . “Mulcahy, Kevin V., and MargaretJane Wyszomirski, eds. America's Commitment to Culture: Government and the Arts. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1995.Congress, Presidents, and the Arts: Collaboration and Struggle.”The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science499 (September 1988): 124–135.http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716288499001010. “Wyszomirski, Margaret Jane, ed. Congress and the Arts: A Precarious Alliance?New York: ACA Books, 1988.Banking and FinanceFinancial History of the United States,.12th ed.New York: Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, 1968.The Credit Union Movement: Origins and Development, 1850–1970. Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press, 1971., and .Encyclopedia of Banking and Finance,, , and .9th ed.3 vols. Pasadena, Calif.: Salem Press, 1993.A Financial History of the United States. New York: Columbia University Press, 1970.Schweikart, Larry, ed. Banking and Finance, 1913–1989. New York: Facts on File, 1990.Banking and Finance to 1913. New York: Facts on File, 1990.Financial History of the United States. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1952., and .U.S. House Committee on Banking, Finance, and Urban Affairs. A Reference Guide to Banking and Finance, Second, Revised Edition. 98th Cong., 1st sess. Committee Print 98-1. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1983.U.S. House Committee on Banking and Financial Services. Compilation of Basic Banking Laws: Revised through May 1, 1995. 104th Cong., 1st sess. Committee Print 104-1. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1995.U.S. House Committee on Commerce. Compilation of Securities Laws within the Jurisdiction of the Committee on Commerce. 106th Cong., 1st sess. Committee Print 106-B. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, March 1999.BankruptcyKing, Lawrence P., ed. Collier Bankruptcy Manual,3d ed.Vol. 1. New York: Matthew Bender and Company, 1999.Norton, William L., Jr., ed. Norton Bankruptcy Law and Practice,2d ed.Vol. 1. Deerfield, Ill.: Clark Boardman Callaghan, 1997.As We Forgive Our Debtors: Bankruptcy and Consumer Credit in America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989., , and .The History of the Bankruptcy Laws in the United States.”American Bankruptcy Institute Law Review3 (spring 1995): 5–51.. “Bankruptcy in United States History. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1935..Budget ProcessThe Authorization-Appropriation Process in Congress: Formal Rules and Informal Practices.”Catholic University Law Review29 (fall 1979): 51–105.. “Presidential Spending Power. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975.Deficit Budgeting: The Federal Budget Process and Budget Reform.”Harvard Journal on Legislation29 (summer 1992): 429–453., and . “Broken Purse Strings: Congressional Budgeting 1974 to 1988. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Gerald R. Ford Foundation; Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute, 1988., and .The Capacity to Budget. Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute Press, 1990..Congress and Money: Budgeting, Spending, and Taxing. Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute, 1980.The Budgetary Process in the United States. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1955..The Deficit and the Public Interest: The Search for Responsible Budgeting in the 1980s. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1989., and .The New Politics of the Budgetary Process,, and .4th ed.New York: Addison Wesley/Longman, 2001.Campaign Finance ReformMoney in Politics. Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1972.Money and Politics: A History of Federal Campaign Finance.” In Campaign Finance Reform: A Sourcebook, edited by AnthonyCorrado, Thomas E.Mann, Daniel R.Ortiz, TrevorPotter, and Frank J.Sorauf, 27–60Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 1997.. “Campaigns, Congress, and Courts: The Making of Federal Campaign Finance Law. New York: Praeger, 1988.Money in Elections. New York: Macmillan, 1932., and .Party Campaign Funds. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1926.[Page 380]CitizenshipA Nationality of Her Own: Women, Marriage, and the Law of Citizenship. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1998..The Legislative History of Naturalization in the United States: From the Revolutionary War to 1861. New York: A. M. Kelley, 1971.Belonging to America: Equal Citizenship and the Constitution. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1989.The Development of American Citizenship, 1608–1870. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1978.Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997.Civil LibertiesHall, Kermit L., ed. Civil Liberties in American History: Major Historical Interpretations. 2 vols. New York: Garland Publishing, 1987.National Security and Individual Freedom. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1950..The Constitution in Crisis Times, 1918–1969. New York: Harper and Row, 1971.World War I and the Origin of Civil Liberties in the United States. 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New York: Greenwood Press, 1992., and .Congressional Power: Congress and Social Change. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1975..Civil Rights in America: 1500 to the Present. Detroit, Mich.: Gale, 1998.Civil ServiceBiography of an Ideal: A History of the Federal Civil Service. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Civil Service Commission, Office of Public Affairs, December 1974.The Civil Service and Patronage. New York: Russell and Russell, 1963..Ingraham, Patricia W., and David H.Rosenbloom, eds. The Promise and Paradox of Civil Service Reform. Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992.The Tides of Reform: Making Government Work, 1945–1995. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997.Personnel Management in Government: Politics and Process,, , , and .5th ed.New York: M. Dekker, 2001.Public Personnel Administration,.8th ed.New York: Harper and Row, 1983.U.S. House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service. Legislative History of Civil Service Reform Act of 1978. 2 vols. 96th Cong., 1st sess. Committee Print 96-2. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1979.U.S. House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service. Subcommittee on Manpower and Civil Service. History of Civil Service Merit Systems of the United States and Selected Foreign Countries, Together with Executive Reorganization Studies and Personnel Recommendations. 94th Cong., 2d sess. Committee Print 94-29. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1976.History of the United States Civil Service. Evanston, Ill.: Row, Peterson and Company, 1958.Communications and TelecommunicationsCommunications Policy and the Public Interest: The Telecommunications Act of 1996. New York: Guilford Press, 1999..Broadcasting and Telecommunication: An Introduction,3d ed.Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1991.Telecommunication Policy for the Information Age: From Monopoly to Competition. 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Detroit, Mich.: Gale Group, 2000.Encyclopedia of Constitutional Amendments, Proposed Amendments, and Amending Issues, 1789–1995. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 1996.[Page 382]Rewriting the United States Constitution: An Examination of Proposals from Reconstruction to the Present. New York: Praeger, 1991.Consumer ProtectionConsumer Safety Regulation: Putting a Price on Life and Limb. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988..Brobeck, Stephen, Robert N.Mayer, and Robert O.Herrmann, eds. Encyclopedia of the Consumer Movement. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 1997.An Overview of Federal Consumer Law. Chicago: American Bar Association, Solo and Small Firm Section, General Practice, 1998.Consumers, Commissions, and Congress: Law, Theory, and the Federal Trade Commission, 1968–1985. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1987..Consumer Protection and the Law: A Dictionary. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 1995..Consumer Politics: Protecting Public Interests on Capitol Hill. 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