Congress and the Nation, 1969-1972, Vol. III: The 91st and 92nd Congresses


Edited by: CQ Press

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    Congresses and Leaders - 80th to 92nd

    80th Congress 1947-1948
    • House: 188 Democrats245 Republicans1 Other1 Vacancy
    • Speaker: Joseph W. Martin Jr. (R Mass.)
    • Majority Leader: Charles A. Halleck (R Ind.)
    • Minority Leader: Sam Rayburn (D Texas)
    • Senate: 45 Democrats51 Republicans
    • Vice President: Vacant
    • President Pro Tempore: Arthur Vandenberg (R Mich.)
    • Majority Leader: Wallace H. White (R Maine)
    • Minority Leader: Alben W. Barkley (D Ky.)
    81st Congress 1949-1950
    • House: 262 Democrats171 Republicans1 Other1 Vacancy
    • Speaker: Sam Rayburn (D Texas)
    • Majority Leader: John W. McCormack (D Mass.)
    • Minority Leader: Joseph W. Martin Jr. (R Mass.)
    • Senate: 54 Democrats42 Republicans
    • Vice President: Alben W. Barkley (D Ky.)
    • President Pro Tempore: Kenneth McKellar (D Tenn.)
    • Majority Leader: Scott W. Lucas (D Ill.)
    • Minority Leader: Kenneth S. Wherry (R Neb.)
    82nd Congress 1951-1952
    • House: 235 Democrats199 Republicans1 Other
    • Speaker: Sam Rayburn (D Texas)
    • Majority Leader: John W. McCormack (D Mass.)
    • Minority Leader: Joseph W. Martin Jr. (R Mass.)
    • Senate: 49 Democrats47 Republicans
    • Vice President: Alben W. Barkley (D Ky.)
    • President Pro Tempore: Kenneth McKellar (D Tenn.)
    • Majority Leader: Ernest W. McFarland (D Ariz.)
    • Minority Leader: Kenneth S. Wherry (R Neb.) (1st session-died Nov. 29, 1951) Styles Bridges (R N.H.) (2nd session)
    83rd Congress 1953-1954
    • House: 211 Democrats221 Republicans1 Other2 Vacancies
    • Speaker: Joseph W. Martin Jr. (R Mass.)
    • Majority Leader: Charles A. Halleck (R Ind.)
    • Minority Leader: Sam Rayburn (D Texas)
    • Senate: 47 Democrats48 Republicans1 Other
    • Vice President: Richard M. Nixon (R Calif.)
    • President Pro Tempore: Styles Bridges (R N.H.)
    • Majority Leader: Robert A. Taft (R Ohio) (died July 31, 1953) William F. Knowland (R Calif.)
    • Minority Leader: Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas)
    84th Congress 1955-1956
    • House: 232 Democrats203 Republicans
    • Speaker: Sam Rayburn (D Texas)
    • Majority Leader: John W. McCormack (D Mass.)
    • Minority Leader: Joseph W. Martin Jr. (R Mass.)
    • Senate: 48 Democrats47 Republicans1 Other
    • Vice President: Richard M. Nixon (R Calif.)
    • President Pro Tempore: Walter F. George (D Ga.)
    • Majority Leader: Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas)
    • Minority Leader: William F. Knowland (R Calif.)
    85th Congress 1957-1958
    • House: 233 Democrats200 Republicans2 Vacancies
    • Speaker: Sam Rayburn (D Texas)
    • Majority Leader: John W. McCormack (D Mass.)
    • Minority Leader: Joseph W. Martin Jr. (R Mass.)
    • Senate: 49 Democrats47 Republicans
    • Vice President: Richard M. Nixon (R Calif.)
    • President Pro Tempore: Carl Hayden (D Ariz.)
    • Majority Leader: Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas)
    • Minority Leader: William F. Knowland (R Calif.)

    All figures apply to the day the Congress convened.

    86th Congress 1959-1960
    • House: 283 Democrats153 Republicans
    • Speaker: Sam Rayburn (D Texas)
    • Majority Leader: John W. McCormack (D Mass.)
    • Minority Leader: Charles A. Halleck (R Ind.)
    • Senate: 66 Democrats34 Republicans
    • Vice President: Richard M. Nixon (R Calif.)
    • President Pro Tempore: Carl Hayden (D Ariz.)
    • Majority Leader: Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas)
    • Minority Leader: Everett McKinley Dirksen (R Ill.)
    87th Congress 1961-1962
    • House: 262 Democrats174 Republicans1 Vacancv
    • Speaker: Sam Rayburn (D Texas) (until his death Nov. 16, 1961) John W. McCormack (D Mass.)
    • Majority Leader: John W. McCormack (D Mass.) Carl Albert (D Okla.)
    • Minority Leader: Charles A. Halleck (R Ind.)
    • Senate: 65 Democrats35 Republicans
    • Vice President: Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas)
    • President Pro Tempore: Carl Hayden (D Ariz.)
    • Majority Leader: Mike Mansfield (D Mont.)
    • Minority Leader: Everett McKinley Dirksen (R Ill.)
    88th Congress 1963-1964
    • House: 258 Democrats176 Republicans1 Vacancy
    • Speaker: John W. McCormack (D Mass.)
    • Majority Leader: Carl Albert (D Okla.)
    • Minority Leader: Charles A. Halleck (R Ind.)
    • Senate: 67 Democrats33 Republicans
    • Vice President: Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas) (until Nov. 22, 1963)
    • President Pro Tempore: Carl Hayden (D Ariz.)
    • Majority Leader: Mike Mansfield (D Mont.)
    • Minority Leader: Everett McKinley Dirksen (R Ill.)

    Rep. Clem Miller was killed Oct. 7, 1962, but elected posthumously. His seat was filled Jan. 22, 1963, by Don H. Clausen (R Calif.).

    89th Congress 1965-1966
    • House: 295 Democrats140 Republicans
    • Speaker: John W. McCormack (D Mass.)
    • Majority Leader: Carl Albert (D Okla.)
    • Minority Leader: Gerald R. Ford (R Mich.)
    • Senate: 68 Democrats32 Republicans
    • Vice President: Hubert H. Humphrey (D Minn.)
    • President Pro Tempore: Carl Hayden (D Ariz.)
    • Majority Leader: Mike Mansfield (D Mont.)
    • Minority Leader: Everett McKinley Dirksen (R Ill.)
    90th Congress 1967-1968
    • House: 246 Democrats187 Republicans2 Vacancies
    • Speaker: John W. McCormack (D Mass.)
    • Majority Leader: Carl Albert (D Okla.)
    • Minority Leader: Gerald R. Ford (R Mich.)
    • Senate: 64 Democrats36 Republicans
    • Vice President: Hubert H. Humphrey (D Minn.)
    • President Pro Tempore: Carl Hayden (D Ariz.)
    • Majority Leader: Mike Mansfield (D Mont.)
    • Minority Leader: Everett McKinley Dirksen (R Ill.)
    91st Congress 1969-1970
    • House: 243 Democrats192 Republicans
    • Speaker: John W. McCormack (D Mass.)
    • Majority Leader: Carl Albert (D Okla.)
    • Minority Leader: Gerald R. Ford (R Mich.)
    • Senate: 57 Democrats43 Republicans
    • Vice President: Spiro T. Agnew (R Md.)
    • President Pro Tempore: Richard B. Russell (D Ga.)
    • Majority Leader: Mike Mansfield (D Mont.)
    • Minority Leader: Everett McKinley Dirksen (R Ill.)
    92nd Congress 1971-1972
    • House: 254 Democrats179 Republicans2 Vacancies
    • Speaker: Carl Albert (D Okla.)
    • Majority Leader: Hale Boggs (D La.)
    • Minority Leader: Gerald R. Ford (R Mich.)
    • Senate: 54 Democrats44 Republicans1 Conservative Republican1 Independent
    • Vice President: Spiro T. Agnew (R Md.)
    • President Pro Tempore: Allen J. Ellender (D La.) (until his death July 27, 1972) James O. Eastland (D Miss.)
    • Majority Leader: Mike Mansfield (D Mont.)
    • Minority Leader: Hugh Scott (R Pa.)


    Following are the names and dates of terms of chairmen of standing committees of Congress from 1947 to 1972. Certain subcommittees and special committees are included because of their past importance or interest. The evolution of some committees also is indicated, such as the first one listed, the Senate Aeronautical and Space Sciences Committee, which originally was the Special Committee on Space and Astronautics.


    Special Committee on Space and Astronautics

    • Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas-1957-1958)

    Aeronautical and Space Sciences (renamed)

    • Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas-1958-1961)
    • Robert S. Kerr (D Okla.-1961-1963)
    • Clinton P. Anderson (D N.M.-1963- )

    Agriculture and Forestry

    • Arthur Capper (R Kan.-1947-1949)
    • Elmer Thomas (D Okla.-1949-1951)
    • Allen J. Ellender (D La.-1951-1953)
    • George D. Aiken (R Vt.-1953-1955)
    • Allen J. Ellender (D La.-1955-1971)
    • Herman E. Talmadge (D Ga.-1971- )


    • Styles Bridges (R N.H.-1947-1949)
    • Kenneth McKellar (D Tenn.-1949-1953)
    • Styles Bridges (R N.H.-1953-1955)
    • Carl Hayden (D Ariz.-1955-1969)
    • Richard B. Russell (D Ga.-1969-1971)
    • Allen J. Ellender (D Ga.-1971-1972)
    • John L. McClellan (D Ark.-1972- )

    Armed Services

    • Chan Gurney (R S.D.-1947-1949)
    • Millard E. Tydings (D Md.-1949-1951)
    • Richard B. Russell (D Ga.-1951-1953)
    • Leverett Saltonstall (R Mass.-1953-1955)
    • Richard B. Russell (D Ga.-1955-1969)
    • John C. Stennis (D Miss.-1969- )

    Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee

    • Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas-1950-1953)
    • (Seven special subcommittees were appointed by committee chairman Leverett Saltonstall (R Mass.) to investigate specific problems, 1953-1955.)
    • Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas-1955-1961)
    • John Stennis (D Miss.-1961- )

    Banking and Currency

    • Charles W. Tobey (R N.H.-1947-1949)
    • Burnet R. Maybank (D S.C.-1949-1953)
    • Homer E. Capehart (R Ind.-1953-1955)
    • J. W. Fulbright (D Ark.-1955-1959)
    • A. Willis Robertson (D Va.-1959-1967)
    • John J. Sparkman (D Ala.-1967- )

    Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs (renamed)

    • John J. Sparkman (D Ala.-1967- )

    Interstate and Foreign Commerce

    • Wallace H. White (R Maine-1947-1949)
    • Edwin C. Johnson (D Colo.-1949-1953)
    • Charles W. Tobey (R N.H.-1953)
    • John W. Bricker (R Ohio-1953-1955)
    • Warren G. Magnuson (D Wash.-1955-1961)

    Commerce (renamed)

    • Warren G. Magnuson (D Wash.-1961- )

    District of Columbia

    • C. Douglass Buck (R Del.-1947-1949)
    • J. Howard McGrath (D R.I.-1949-1951)
    • Matthew M. Neely (D W. Va.-1951-1953)
    • Francis Case (R S.D.-1953-1955)
    • Matthew M. Neely (D W.Va.-1955-1959)
    • Alan Bible (D Nev.-1959-1969)
    • Joseph D. Tydings (D Md.-1969-1971)
    • Thomas F. Eagleton (D Mo.-1971- )


    • Eugene D. Milikin (R Colo.-1947-1949)
    • Walter F. George (D Ga.-1949-1953)
    • Eugene D. Millikin (R Colo.-1953-1955)
    • Harry Flood Byrd (D Va.-1955-$$Word$$)
    • Russell B. Long (D La.-1965- )

    Foreign Relations

    • Arthur H. Vandenberg (R Mich.-1947-1949)
    • Tom Connally (D Texas-1949-1953)
    • Alexander Wiley (R Wis.-1953-1955)
    • Walter F. George (D Ga.-1955-1957)
    • Theodore Francis Green (D R.I.-1957-1959)
    • J. W. Fulbright (D Ark.-1959- )

    Expenditures in the Executive Departments

    • George D. Aiken (R Vt.-1947-1949)
    • John L. McClellan (D Ark.-1949-1952)

    Government Operations (renamed)

    • John L. McClellan (D Ark.-1952-1953)
    • Joseph R. McCarthy (R Wis.-1953-1955)
    • John L. McClellan (D Ark.-1955-1972)
    • Sam J. Ervin Jr. (D N.C.-1972- )

    Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program 1947-1948

    • Owen Brewster (R Maine-1947-1948)

    Permanent Investigations Subcommittee

    • Homer Ferguson (R Mich.-1948-1949)
    • Clyde R. Hoey (D N.C.-1949-1953)
    • Joseph R. McCarthy (R Wis.-1953-1955)
    • John L. McClellan (D Ark.-1955- )

    Interior and Insular Affairs

    • Hugh Butler (R Neb.-1947-1949)
    • Joseph C. O'Mahoney (D Wyo.-1949-1953)
    • Hugh Butler (R Neb.-1953-1954)
    • Guy Cordon (R Ore.-1954-1955)
    • James E. Murray (D Mont.-1955-1961)
    • Clinton P. Anderson (D N.M.-1961-1963)
    • Henry M. Jackson (D Wash.-1963- )


    • Alexander Wiley (R Wis.-1947-1949)
    • Pat McCarran (D Nev.-1949-1953)
    • William Langer (R N.D.-1953-1955)
    • Harley M. Kilgore (D W.Va.-1955-1956)
    • James O. Eastland (D Miss.-1956- )

    Antitrust and Monopoly Subcommittee

    • Herbert R. O'Conor (D Md.-1951-1953)
    • William Langer (R N.D.-1953-1955)
    • Joseph C. O'Mahoney (D Wyo.-1955-1957)
    • Estes Kefauver (D Tenn.-1957-1963)
    • Philip A. Hart (D Mich.-1963- )

    Internal Security Subcommittee

    • Pat McCarran (D Nev.-1950-1953)
    • William E. Jenner (R Ind.-1953-1955)
    • James O. Eastland (D Miss.-1955- )

    Labor and Public Welfare

    • Robert A. Taft (R Ohio-1947-1949)
    • Elbert D. Thomas (D Utah-1949-1951)
    • James E. Murray (D Mont.-1951-1953)
    • H. Alexander Smith (R N.J.-1953-1955)
    • Lister Hill (D Ala.-1955-1969)
    • Ralph W. Yarborough (D Texas-1969-1971)
    • Harrison A. Williams Jr. (D N.J.-1971- )

    Post Office and Civil Service

    • William Langer (R N.D.-1947-1949)
    • Olin D. Johnston (D S.C.-1949-1953)
    • Frank Carlson (R Kan.-1953-1955)
    • Olin D. Johnston (D S.C.-1955-1965)
    • A. S. Mike Monroney (D Okla.-1965-1969)
    • Gale W. McGee (D Wyo.-1969- )

    Public Works

    • Chapman Revercomb (R W.Va.-1947-1949)
    • Dennis Chavez (D N.M.-1949-1953)
    • Edward Martin (R Pa.-1953-1955)
    • Dennis Chavez (D N.M.-1955-1962)
    • Pat McNamara (D Mich.-1963-1966)
    • Jennings Randolph (D W.Va.-1966- )

    Rules and Administration

    • C. Wayland Brooks (R Ill.-1947-1949)
    • Carl Hayden (D Ariz.-1949-1953)
    • William E. Jenner (R Ind.-1953-1955)
    • Theodore Francis Green (D R.I.-1955-1957)
    • Thomas C. Hennings (D Mo.-1957-1960)
    • Mike Mansfield (D Mont.-1961-1963)
    • B. Everett Jordan (D N.C.-1963-1972)

    Special Committee to Study Problems of American Small Business

    • Kenneth S. Wherry (R Neb.-1947-1949. The special committee expired Jan. 30, 1949.)

    Select Committee on Small Business

    • John J. Sparkman (D Ala.-1950-1953)
    • Edward J. Thye (R Minn.-1953-1955)
    • John J. Sparkman (D Ala.-1955-1967)
    • George A. Smathers (D Fla.-1967-1969)
    • Alan Bible (D Nev.-1969- )

    Select Committee on Equal Educational Opportunity

    • Walter F. Mondale (D Minn.-1970- )

    Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs

    • George McGovern (D S.D.-1969- )

    Select Committee on Standards and Conduct

    • John C. Stennis (D Miss.-1966- )

    Subcommittee on the Aged and Aging of Senate Labor and Public Welfare

    • Lister Hill (D Ala.-1959-1960)

    Special Committee on Aging

    • Pat McNamara (D Mich.-1960-1963)
    • George A. Smathers (D Fla.-1963-1967)
    • Harrison A. Williams Jr. (D N.J.-1967-1971)
    • Frank Church (D Idaho-1971- )

    Veterans' Affairs

    • Vance Hartke (D Ind.-1971- )

    Democratic Policy and Steering Committees

    • Alben W. Barkley (D Ky.-1947-1949)
    • Scott W. Lucas (D Ill.-1949-1951)
    • Ernest W. McFarland (D Ariz.-1951-1953)
    • Lyndon B. Johnson (D Texas-1953-1961)
    • Mike Mansfield (D Mont.-1961- )

    Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee

    • Scott W. Lucas (D Ill.-1947-1949)
    • Clinton P. Anderson (D N.M.-1949-1951)
    • Earle C. Clements (D Ky.-1951-1957)
    • George A. Smathers (D Fla.-1957-1961)
    • Vance Hartke (D Ind.-1961-1963)
    • Warren G. Magnuson (D Wash.-1963-1967)
    • Edmund S. Muskie (D Maine-1967-1969)
    • Daniel K. Inouye (D Hawaii-1969-1970)
    • Ernest F. Hollings (D S.C.-1971- )

    Republican Policy Committee

    • Robert A. Taft (R Ohio-1947-1953)
    • William F. Knowland (R Calif.-1953)
    • Homer Ferguson (R Mich.-1953-1955)
    • Styles Bridges (R N.H.-1955-1961)
    • Bourke B. Hickenlooper (R Iowa-1962-1969)
    • Gordon Allott (R Colo.-1969-1972)

    Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee

    • John G. Townsend (Former Republican senator from Delaware, 1929-1941, Campaign Committee chairman, 1947-1949)
    • Owen Brewster (R Maine-1949-1951)
    • Everett McKinley Dirksen (R Ill.-1951-1955)
    • Barry Goldwater (R Ariz.-1955-1956)
    • Andrew F. Schoeppel (R Kan.-1956-1959)
    • Barry Goldwater (R Ariz.-1959-1963)
    • Thruston B. Morton (R Ky.-1963-1969)
    • George Murphy (R Calif.-1967-1969)
    • John G. Tower (R Texas-1969-1971)
    • Peter H. Dominick (R Colo.-1971- )

    Republican Committee on Committees

    • Edward B. Robertson (R Wyo.-1947-1949)
    • Hugh A. Butler (R Neb.-1949-1954)
    • John W. Bricker (R Ohio-1954-1959)
    • Andrew F. Schoeppel (R Kan.-1959-1962)
    • Frank Carlson (R Kan.-1962-1969)
    • John J. Williams (R Del.-1969-1971)
    • Wallace F. Bennett (R Utah-1971- )

    Republican Personnel Committee

    • Harlan J. Bushfield (R S.D.-1947-1949)
    • Styles Bridges (R N.H.-1949-1953)
    • Edward Martin (R Pa.-1953-1959)
    • Margaret Chase Smith (R Maine-1959-1963)
    • Norris Cotton (R N.H.-1963-1971)
    • Roman L. Hruska (R Neb.-1971- )


    • Clifford R. Hope (R Kan.-1947-1949)
    • Harold D. Cooley (D N.C.-1949-1953)
    • Clifford R. Hope (R Kan.-1953-1955)
    • Harold D. Cooley (D N.C.-1955-1967)
    • W. R. Poage (D Texas-1967- )


    • John Taber (R N.Y.-1947-1949)
    • Clarence Cannon (D Mo.-1949-1953)
    • John Taber (R N.Y.-1953-1955)
    • Clarence Cannon (D Mo.-1955-1964)
    • George H. Mahon (D Texas-1964- )

    Armed Services

    • Walter G. Andrews (R N.Y.-1947-1949)
    • Carl Vinson (D Ga.-1949-1953)
    • Dewey Short (R Mo.-1953-1955)
    • Carl Vinson (D Ga.-1955-1965)
    • L. Mendel Rivers (D S.C.-1965-1971)
    • F. Edward Hebert (D La.-1971- )

    Special Investigations Subcommittee

    • F. Edward Hebert (D La.-1951-1953)
    • William E. Hess (R Ohio-1953-1955)
    • F. Wdward Hebert (D La.-1955-1963)
    • Porter Hardy (D Va.-1963-1969)

    Armed Services Investigations (renamed)

    • L. Mendel Rivers (D S.C.-1969-1971)
    • F. Edward Hebert (D La.-1971- )

    Banking and Currency

    • Jesse P. Wolcott (R Mich.-1947-1949)
    • Brent Spence (D Ky.-1949-1953)
    • Jesse P. Wolcott (R Mich.-1953-1955)
    • Brent Spence (D Ky.-1955-1963)
    • Wright Patman (D Texas-1963- )

    District of Columbia

    • Everett M. Dirksen (R Ill.-1947-1949)
    • John L. McMillan (D S.C.-1949-1953)
    • Sid Simpson (R Ill.-1953-1955)
    • John L. McMillan (D S.C.-1955- )

    Education and Labor

    • Fred A. Hartley (R N.J.-1947-1949)
    • John Lesinski (D Mich.-1949-1950)
    • Graham A. Barden (D N.C.-1950-1953)
    • Samuel K. McConnell (R Pa.-1953-1955)
    • Graham A. Barden (D N.C.-1955-1961)
    • Adam C. Powell (D N.Y.-1961-1967)
    • Carl D. Perkins (D Ky.-1967- )

    Foreign Affairs

    • Charles A. Eaton (R N.J.-1947-1949)
    • John Kee (D W.Va.-1949-1951)
    • James P. Richards (D S.C.-1951-1953)
    • Robert B. Chiperfield (R Ill.-1953-1955)
    • James P. Richards (D S.C.-1955-1957)
    • Thomas S. Gordon (D Ill.-1957-1959)
    • Thomas E. Morgan (D Pa.-1959- )

    Expenditures in the Executive Departments

    • Clare E. Hoffman (R Mich.-1947-1949)
    • William L. Dawson (D Ill.-1949-1952)

    Government Operations (renamed)

    • William L. Dawson (D Ill.-1952-1953)
    • Clare E. Hoffman (R Mich.-1953-1955)
    • William L. Dawson (D Ill.-1955-1971)
    • Chet Holifield (D Calif.-1971- )

    House Administration

    • Karl M. LeCompte (R Iowa-1947-1949)
    • Mary T. Norton (D N.J.-1949-1951)
    • Thomas B. Stanley (D Va.-1951-1953)
    • Karl M. LeCompte (R Iowa-1953-1955)
    • Omar Burleson (D Texas-1955-1968)
    • Samuel N. Friedel (D Md.-1968-1971)
    • Wayne L. Hays (D Ohio-1971- )

    Interstate and Foreign Commerce

    • Charles A. Wolverton (R N.J.-1947-1949)
    • Robert Crosser (D Ohio-1949-1953)
    • Charles A. Wolverton (R N.J.-1953-1955)
    • J. Percy Priest (D Tenn.-1955-1957)
    • Oren Harris (D Ark.-1957-1966)
    • Harley O. Staggers (D W.Va.-1966- )

    Special Subcommittee on Legislative Oversight 1957-1961

    • Morgan M. Moulder (D Mo.-1957-1958)
    • Oren Harris (D Ark.-1958-1961)

    Special Subcommittee on Regulatory Agencies

    • Oren Harris (D Ark.-1961-1963)

    Special Subcommittee on Investigations

    • Oren Harris (D Ark.-1963-1966)
    • Harley O. Staggers (D W.Va.-1966- )


    • Earl C. Michener (R Mich.-1947-1949)
    • Emanuel Celler (D N.Y.-1949-1953)
    • Chauncey W. Reed (R Ill.-1953-1955)
    • Emanuel Celler (D N.Y.-1955-1972)

    Merchant Marine and Fisheries

    • Fred Bradley (R Mich.-1947)
    • Alvin F. Weichel (R Ohio-1947-1949)
    • Schuyler Otis Bland (D Va.-1949-1950)
    • Edward J. Hart (D N.J.-1950-1953)
    • Alvin F. Weichel (R Ohio-1953-1955)
    • Herbert C. Bonner (D N.C.-1955-1966)
    • Edward A. Garmatz (D Md.-1966- )

    Public Lands

    • Richard J. Welch (R Calif.-1947-1949)
    • Andrew L. Somers (D N.Y.-1949)
    • J. Hardin Peterson (D Fla.-1949-1951)

    Interior and Insular Affairs (renamed)

    • John R. Murdock (D Ariz.-1951-1953)
    • A. L. Miller (R Neb.-1953-1955)
    • Clair Engle (D Calif.-1955-1959)
    • Wayne N. Aspinall (D Colo.-1959- )

    Post Office and Civil Service

    • Edward H. Rees (R Kan.-1947-1949)
    • Tom Murray (D Tenn.-1949-1953)
    • Edward H. Rees (R Kan.-1953-1955)
    • Tom Murray (D Tenn.-1955-1967)
    • Thaddeus J. Dulski (D N.Y.-1967- )

    Public Works

    • George A. Dondero (R Mich.-1947-1949)
    • William M. Whittington (D Miss.-1949-1951)
    • Charles A. Buckley (D N.Y.-1951-1953)
    • George A. Dondero (R Mich.-1953-1955)
    • Charles A. Buckley (D N.Y.-1955-1965)
    • George H. Fallon (D Md.-1965-1971)
    • John A. Blatnik (D Minn.-1971- )


    • Leo E. Allen (R Ill.-1947-1949)
    • Adolph J. Sabath (D Ill.-1949-1953)
    • Leo E. Allen (R Ill.-1953-1955)
    • Howard W. Smith (D Va.-1955-1967)
    • William M. Colmer (D Miss.-1967- )

    Select Committee on Astronautics and Space Exploration 1958

    • John W. McCormack (D Mass.-1958)

    Select Crime Investigation

    • Claude Pepper (D Fla.-1969- )

    Select Small Business

    • Walter C. Ploeser (R Mo.-1947-1949)
    • Wright Patman (D Texas-1949-1953)
    • William S. Hill (R Colo.-1953-1955)
    • Wright Patman (D Texas-1955-1963)
    • Joe L. Evins (D Tenn.-1963- )

    Science and Astronautics

    • Overton Brooks (D La.-1959-1961)
    • George P. Miller (D Calif.-1961- )

    Un-American Activities

    • J. Parnell Thomas (R N.J.-1947-1949)
    • John S. Wood (D Ga.-1949-1953)
    • Harold H. Velde (R Ill.-1953-1955)
    • Francis E. Walter (D Pa.-1955-1963)
    • Edwin E. Willis (D La.-1963-1969)

    Internal Security (renamed)

    • Richard H. Ichord (D Mo.-1969- )

    Veterans' Affairs

    • Edith Nourse Rogers (R Mass.-1947-1949)
    • John E. Rankin (D Miss.-1949-1953)
    • Edith Nourse Rogers (R Mass.-1953-1955)
    • Olin E. Teague (D Texas-1955- )

    Ways and Means

    • (Democratic members serve as the Democratic Committee on Committees in the House)
    • Harold Knutson (R Minn.-1947-1949)
    • Robert L. Doughton (D N.C.-1949-1953)
    • Daniel A. Reed (R N.Y.-1953-1955)
    • Jere Cooper (D Tenn.-1955-1957)
    • Wilbur D. Mills (D Ark.-1958- )

    Standards of Official Conduct

    • Melvin Price (D Ill.-1969- )

    Democratic National Congressional Committee

    • Michael J. Kirwan (D Ohio-1947- )

    Democratic Patronage Committee

    • Francis E. Walter (D Pa.-1949-1953, 1955-1963)
    • Harry R. Sheppard (D Calif.-1963-1965)
    • Joe L. Evins (D Tenn.-1965- )

    Republican Policy Committee

    • Joseph W. Martin (R Mass.-1947-1959)
    • John W. Byrnes (R Wis.-1959-1965)
    • John J. Rhodes (R Ariz.-1965- )

    Republican Committee on Committees

    • Joseph W. Martin (R Mass.-1947-1953)
    • Charles A. Halleck (R Ind.-1953-1955)
    • Joseph W. Martin (R Mass.-1955-1959)
    • Charles A. Halleck (R Ind.-1959-1965)
    • Gerald R. Ford (R Mich.-1965- )

    National Republican Congressional Committee

    • Leonard W. Hall (R N.Y.-1947-1953)
    • Richard M. Simpson (R Pa.-1953-1960)
    • William E. Miller (R N.Y.-1960-1961)
    • Bob Wilson (R Calif.-1961- )

    Republican Patronage Committee

    • Leo E. Allen (R Ill.-1947-1949, 1953-1955)

    Atomic Energy

    • Sen. Bourke B. Hickenlooper (R Iowa-1947-1949)
    • Sen. Brien McMahon (D Conn.-1949-1953)
    • Rep. W. Sterling Cole (R N.Y.-1953-1955)
    • Sen. Clinton P. Anderson (D N.M.-1955-1957)
    • Rep. Carl T. Durham (D N.C.-1957-1959)
    • Sen. Clinton P. Anderson (D N.M.-1959-1961)
    • Rep. Chet Holifield (D Calif.-1961-1963)
    • Sen. John O. Pastore (D R.I.-1963-1965)
    • Rep. Chet Holifield (D Calif.-1965-1967)
    • Sen. John O. Pastore (D R.I.-1967-1969)
    • Rep. Chet Holifield (D Calif.-1969-1971)
    • Sen. John O. Pastore (D R.I.-1971- )

    Congressional Operations

    • Rep. Jack Brooks (D Texas-1971- )

    Defense Production

    • Sen. Burnet R. Maybank (D S.C.-1950-1953)
    • Sen. Homer E. Capehart (R Ind.-1953-1955)
    • Rep. Paul Brown (D Ga.-1955-1957)
    • Sen. A. Willis Robertson (D Va.-1957-1959)
    • Rep. Paul Brown (D Ga.-1959-1961)
    • Sen. A. Willis Robertson (D Va.-1961-1963)
    • Rep. Wright Patman (D Texas-1963-1965)
    • Sen. A. Willis Robertson (D Va.-1965-1967)
    • Rep. Wright Patman (D Texas-1967-1969)
    • Sen. John J. Sparkman (D Ala.-1969-1971)
    • Rep. Wright Patman (D Texas-1971- )


    • Sen. Robert A. Taft (R Ohio-1947-1949)
    • Sen. Joseph C. O'Mahoney (D Wyo.-1949-1953)
    • Rep. Jesse P. Wolcott (R Mich.-1953-1955)
    • Sen. Paul H. Douglas (D Ill.-1955-1957)
    • Rep. Wright Patman (D Texas-1957-1959)
    • Sen. Paul H. Douglas (D Ill.-1959-1961)
    • Rep. Wright Patman (D Texas-1961-1963)
    • Sen. Paul H. Douglas (D Ill.-1963-1965)
    • Rep. Wright Patman (D Texas-1965-1967)
    • Sen. William Proxmire (D Wis.-1967-1969)
    • Rep. Wright Patman (D Texas-1969-1971)
    • Sen. William Proxmire (D Wis.-1971- )

    Internal Revenue Taxation

    • Rep. Harold Knutson (R Minn.-1947-1948)
    • Sen. Eugene D. Millikin (R Colo.-1948-1949)
    • Rep. Robert L. Doughton (D N.C.-1949-1950)
    • Sen. Walter F. George (D Ga.-1950-1951)
    • Rep. Robert L. Doughton (D N.C.-1951-1952)
    • Sen. Walter F. George (D Ga.-1952-1953)
    • Rep. Daniel A. Reed (R N.Y.-1953-1954)
    • Sen. Eugene D. Millikin (R Colo.-1954-1955)
    • Rep. Jere Cooper (D Tenn.-1955-1956)
    • Sen. Harry Flood Byrd (D Va.-1956-1957)
    • Rep. Jere Cooper (D Tenn.-1957-1958)
    • Sen. Harry Flood Byrd (D Va.-1958-1959)
    • Rep. Wilbur D. Mills (D Ark.-1959-1960)
    • Sen. Harry Flood Byrd (D Va.-1960-1961)
    • Rep. Wilbur D. Mills (D Ark.-1961-1962)
    • Sen. Harry Flood Byrd (D Va.-1962-1963)
    • Rep. Wilbur D. Mills (D Ark.-1963-1965)
    • Sen. Harry Flood Byrd (D Va.-1965)
    • Sen. Russell B. Long (D La.-1965-1967)
    • Rep. Wilbur D. Mills (D Ark.-1967-1969)
    • Sen. Russell B. Long (D La.-1969-1971)
    • Rep. Wilbur D. Mills (D Ark.-1971-1972)
    • Sen. Russell B. Long (D La.-1972- )


    • B. Everett Jordan (D N.C.-1969-1972)


    • Wayne L. Hays (D Ohio-1969- )

    Reduction of Nonessential Federal Expenditures

    • Sen. Harry Flood Byrd (D Va.-1947-1965)
    • Rep. George H. Mahon (D Texas-1965- )


    Franklin Delano Roosevelt—March 4, 1933-April 12, 1945

    Secretary of State

    • Cordell Hull (D Tenn.)—March 4, 1933-Dec. 1, 1944
    • Edward R. Stettinius (D Va.)—Dec. 1, 1944-July 3, 1945

    Secretary of the Treasury

    • William H. Woodin (D N.Y.)—March 4, 1933-Jan. 1, 1934
    • Henry Morgenthau Jr. (D N.Y.)—Jan. 1, 1934-July 23, 1945

    Secretary of War

    • George H. Dern (D Utah)—March 4, 1933-Aug. 27, 1936
    • Harry H. Woodring (D Kan.)—Sept. 25, 1936-July 10, 1940
    • Henry L. Stimson (R N.Y.)—July 10, 1940-Sept. 26, 1945

    Attorney General

    • Homer S. Cummings (D Conn.)—March 4, 1933-Jan. 2, 1939
    • Frank Murphy (D Mich.)—Jan. 2, 1939-Jan. 18, 1940
    • Robert H. Jackson (D N.Y.)—Jan. 18, 1940-Sept. 5, 1941
    • Francis Biddle (D Pa.)—Sept. 5, 1941-July 1, 1945

    Postmaster General

    • James A. Farley (D N.Y.)—March 4, 1933-Sept. 10, 1940
    • Frank C. Walker (D Pa.)—Sept. 10, 1940-July 1, 1945

    Secretary of the Navy

    • Claude A. Swanson (D Va.)—March 4, 1933-July 7, 1939
    • Charles Edison (D N.J.)—Aug. 5, 1939-July 10, 1940
    • Frank Knox (R Ill.)—July 10, 1940-April 28, 1944
    • James V. Forrestal (D N.Y.)—May 18, 1944-Sept. 17, 1947

    Secretary of the Interior

    • Harold L. Ickes (D Ill.)—March 4, 1933-March 18, 1946

    Secretary of Agriculture

    • Henry A. Wallace (D Iowa)—March 4, 1933-Sept. 5, 1940
    • Claude R. Wickard (D Ind.)—Sept. 5, 1940-June 30, 1945

    Secretary of Commerce

    • Daniel C. Roper (D S.C.)—March 4, 1933-Dec. 16, 1938
    • Harry L. Hopkins (D N.Y.)—Dec. 24, 1938-Sept. 19, 1940
    • Jesse H. Jones (D Texas)—Sept. 19, 1940-March 2, 1945
    • Henry A. Wallace (D Iowa)—March 2, 1945-Sept. 28, 1946

    Secretary of Labor

    • Frances Perkins (D N.Y.)—March 4, 1933-July 1, 1945
    Harry S Truman—April 12, 1945-Jan. 20, 1953

    Secretary of State

    • James F. Byrnes (D S.C.)—July 3, 1945-Jan. 21, 1947
    • George C. Marshall (Pa.)—Jan. 21, 1947-Jan. 20, 1949
    • Dean G. Acheson (D Conn.)—Jan. 20, 1949-Jan. 20, 1953

    Secretary of the Treasury

    • Fred M. Vinson (D Ky.)—July 23, 1945-June 25, 1946
    • John W. Snyder (D Mo.)—June 25, 1946-Jan. 20, 1953

    Secretary of War

    • Robert Porter Patterson (R N.Y.)—Sept. 27, 1945-Jan. 25, 1947
    • Kenneth C. Royall (D N.C.)—Jan. 25, 1947-Sept. 17, 1947

    Secretary of Defense

    • James V. Forrestal (D N.Y.)—Sept. 17, 1947-March 1949
    • Louis A. Johnson (D W.Va.)—March 28, 1949-Sept. 21, 1950
    • George C. Marshall (Pa.)—Sept. 21, 1950-Sept. 17, 1951
    • Robert A. Lovett (R N.Y.)—Sept. 17, 1951-Jan. 20, 1953

    Attorney General

    • Tom C. Clark (D Texas)—July 1, 1945-Aug. 24, 1949
    • J. Howard McGrath (D R.I.)—Aug. 24, 1949-May 27, 1952
    • James P. McGranery (D Pa.)—May 27, 1952-Jan. 20, 1953

    Postmaster General

    • Robert E. Hannegan (D Mo.)—July 1, 1945-Dec. 16, 1947
    • Jesse M. Donaldson (D Mo.)—Dec. 16, 1947-Jan. 20, 1953

    Secretary of the Interior

    • Julius A. Krug (D Wis.)—March 18, 1945-Dec. 1, 1949
    • Oscar L. Chapman (D Colo.)—Dec. 1, 1949-Jan. 20, 1953

    Secretary of Agriculture

    • Clinton P. Anderson (D N.M.)—June 30, 1945-June 2, 1948
    • Charles F. Brannan (D Colo.)—June 2, 1948-Jan. 20, 1953

    Secretary of Commerce

    • W. Averell Harriman (D N.Y.)—Sept. 28, 1946-May 6, 1948
    • Charles Sawyer (D Ohio)—May 6, 1948-Jan. 20, 1953

    Secretary of Labor

    • Lewis B. Schwellenbach (D Wash.)—July 1, 1945-June 10, 1948
    • Maurice J. Tobin (D Mass.)—Aug. 13, 1948-Jan. 20, 1953
    Dwight D. Eisenhower—Jan. 20, 1953—Jan. 20, 1961

    Secretary of State

    • John Foster Dulles (R N.Y.)—Jan. 21, 1953-April 15, 1959
    • Christian A. Herter (R Mass.)—April 22, 1959-Jan. 20 1961

    Secretary of the Treasury

    • George M. Humphrey (R Ohio)—Jan. 21, 1953-July 29, 1957
    • Robert B. Anderson (D Texas)—July 29, 1957-Jan. 20, 1961

    Secretary of Defense

    • Charles E. Wilson (R Mich.)—Jan. 28, 1953-Oct. 9, 1957
    • Neil H. McElroy (R Ohio)—Oct. 9, 1957-Dec. 1, 1959
    • Thomas S. Gates (R Pa.)—Dec. 1, 1959-Jan. 20, 1961

    Attorney General

    • Herbert Brownell Jr. (R N.Y.)—Jan. 21, 1953-Nov. 8, 1957
    • William P. Rogers (R Md.)—Nov. 8, 1957-Jan. 20, 1961

    Postmaster General

    • Arthur E. Summerfield (R Mich.)—Jan. 21, 1953-Jan. 20, 1961

    Secretary of the Interior

    • Douglas McKay (R Ore.)—Jan. 21, 1953-June 8, 1956
    • Fred A. Seaton R Neb.)—June 8, 1956-Jan. 20, 1961

    Secretary of Agriculture

    • Ezra Taft Benson (R Utah)—Jan. 21, 1953-Jan. 20, 1961

    Secretary of Commerce

    • Sinclair Weeks (R Mass.)—Jan. 21, 1953-Nov. 13, 1958
    • Lewis L. Strauss (R N.Y.)—Nov. 13, 1958-June 27, 19591
    • Frederick M. Mueller (R Mich.)—July 21, 1959-Jan. 20, 1961

    Strauss served interim appointment as Secretary of Commerce. On June 27, 1959, the Senate refused to confirm his nomination.

    Secretary of Labor

    • Martin P. Durkin (D Md.)—Jan. 21, 1953-Oct. 9, 1953
    • James P. Mitchell (R N.J.)—Oct. 9, 1953-Jan. 20, 1961

    Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare

    • Oveta Culp Hobby (R Texas)—April 11, 1953-Aug. 1, 1955
    • Marion B. Folsom (R N.Y.)—Aug. 1, 1955-Aug. 1, 1958
    • Arthur S. Flemming (R Ohio)—Aug. 1, 1958-Jan. 20, 1961
    John F. Kennedy—Jan. 20, 1961-Nov. 22, 1963

    Secretary of State

    • Dean Rusk (D N.Y.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of the Treasury

    • Douglas Dillon (R N.Y.)—Jan. 20, 1961-March 31, 1965

    Secretary of Defense

    • Robert S. McNamara (R Mich.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Feb. 29, 1968

    Attorney General

    • Robert F. Kennedy (D Mass.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Sept. 3, 1964

    Postmaster General

    • J. Edward Day (D Calif.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Aug. 9, 1963.
    • John A. Gronouski (D Wis.)—Sept. 24, 1963-Sept. 10, 1965

    Secretary of the Interior

    • Stewart L. Udall (D Ariz.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of Agriculture

    • Orville L. Freeman (D Minn.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of Commerce

    • Luther H. Hodges (D N.C.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Jan. 15, 1965

    Secretary of Labor

    • Arthur J. Goldberg (D Wash., D.C.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Sept. 25, 1962
    • W. Willard Wirtz (D Ill.)—Sept. 25, 1962-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare

    • Abraham A. Ribicoff (D Conn.)—Jan. 20, 1961-July 13, 1962
    • Anthony J. Celebrezze (D Ohio)—July 31, 1962-Aug. 19, 1965
    Lyndon B. Johnson—Nov. 22, 1963-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of State

    • Dean Rusk (D N.Y.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of the Treasury

    • Douglas Dillon (R Wash., D.C.)—Jan. 20, 1961-March 31, 1965
    • Henry H. Fowler (D Va.)—April 1, 1965-Dec. 20, 1968
    • Joseph W. Barr (D Ind.)—Dec. 20, 1968-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of Defense

    • Robert S. McNamara (R Mich.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Feb. 29, 1968
    • Clark M. Clifford (D Md.)—March 1, 1968-Jan. 20, 1969

    Attorney General

    • Robert F. Kennedy (D Mass.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Sept. 3, 1964
    • Nicholas deB. Katzenbach (D Wash., D.C.,)—Sept. 3, 1964-Sept. 21, 1966
    • Ramsey Clark (D Texas)—Sept. 21, 1966-Jan. 20, 1969

    Postmaster General

    • John A. Gronouski (D Wis.)—Sept. 24, 1963-Sept. 10, 1965
    • Lawrence F. O'Brien (D Mass.)—Sept. 10, 1965-April 10, 1968
    • M. Marvin Watson (D Texas)—April 10, 1968-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of the Interior

    • Stewart L. Udall (D Ariz.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of Agriculture

    • Orville L. Freeman (D Minn.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of Commerce

    • Luther H. Hodges (D N.C.)—Jan. 20, 1961-Jan. 15, 1965
    • John T. Connor (D N.J.)—Jan. 15, 1965-Feb. 1, 1967
    • Alexander B. Trowbridge (D Wash., D.C.)—Feb. 1, 1967-March 1, 1968
    • C. R. Smith (D N.Y.)—March 1, 1968-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of Labor

    • W. Willard Wirtz (D Ill.)—Sept. 25, 1962-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare

    • Anthony J. Celebrezze (D Ohio)—July 31, 1962-Aug. 19, 1965
    • John W. Gardner (R N.Y.)—Aug. 19, 1965-March 1, 1968
    • Wilbur J. Cohen (D Md.)—March 1, 1968-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of Housing and Urban Development

    • Robert C. Weaver (D Wash., D.C.)Jan. 17, 1966-Jan. 1, 1969
    • Robert C. Wood (D Mass.)—Jan. 2, 1969-Jan. 20, 1969

    Secretary of Transportation

    • Alan C. Boyd (D Fla.)—Jan. 12, 1967-Jan. 20, 1969
    Richard M. Nixon—Jan. 20, 1969-(Through July 1, 1973)

    Secretary of State

    • William P. Rogers (R Md.)—Jan. 20, 1969-

    Secretary of the Treasury

    • David M. Kennedy (R Ill.)—Jan. 20, 1969-Dec. 14, 1970
    • John B. Connally (D Texas)—Feb. 8, 1971-May 17, 1972
    • George P. Shultz (R Va.)—June 8, 1972-

    Secretary of Defense

    • Melvin R. Laird (R Wis.)—Jan. 20, 1969-Jan. 20, 1973
    • Elliot L. Richardson (R Mass.)—Jan. 29, 1973-April 30, 1973
    • James R. Schlesinger (R N.Y.)—June 28, 1973-

    Attorney General

    • John N. Mitchell (R N.Y.)—Jan. 20, 1969-March 1, 1972
    • Richard G. Kleindienst (R Ariz.)—June 8, 1972-April 30, 1973
    • Elliot L. Richardson (R Mass.)—May 23, 1973-

    Postmaster General

    • Winton M. Blount (R Ala.)—Jan. 20, 1969-Nov. 25, 1970

      The Post Office ceased to be a cabinet office in 1970 with the creation of the independent U.S. Postal Service.

    Secretary of the Interior

    • Walter J. Hickel (R Alaska)—Jan. 20, 1969-Nov. 25, 1970
    • Rogers C.B. Morton (R Md.)—Feb. 8, 1971-

    Secretary of Agriculture

    • Clifford M. Hardin (R Neb.)—Jan. 20, 1969-Nov. 11, 1971
    • Earl L. Butz (R Ind.)—Dec. 2, 1971-

    Secretary of Commerce

    • Maurice H. Stans (R N.Y.)—Jan. 20, 1969-Jan. 27, 1972
    • Peter G. Peterson (R Neb.)—Feb. 21, 1972-Jan. 20, 1973
    • Frederick B. Dent (R S.C.)—Jan. 20, 1973-

    Secretary of Labor

    • George P. Shultz (R Calif.)—Jan. 20, 1969-June 12, 1970
    • James D. Hodgson (R Minn.)—June 17, 1970-Jan. 20, 1973
    • Peter J. Brennan (D N.Y.)—Jan. 31, 1973-

    Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare

    • Robert H. Finch (R Calif.)—Jan. 20, 1969-June 9, 1970
    • Elliot L. Richardson (R Mass.)—June 15, 1970-Jan. 20, 1973
    • Caspar W. Weinberger (R Calif.)—Feb. 8, 1973-

    Secretary of Housing and Urban Development

    • George W. Romney (R Mich.)—Jan. 20, 1969-Jan. 20, 1973
    • James T. Lynn (R Ohio)—Jan. 31, 1973-

    Secretary of Transportation

    • John A. Volpe (R Mass.)—Jan. 20, 1969-Jan. 20, 1973
    • Claude S. Brinegar (R Calif.)—Jan. 20, 1973-


    Nominations are appointments to federal office by the President which are subject to confirmation by the Senate. Officials appointed in this manner include those in the Executive Branch at the Cabinet and sub-Cabinet levels, federal judges, ambassadors, and members of federal regulatory agencies. Most of the thousands of nominations sent to the Senate each year are those of military officers, whose promotions must be confirmed. Confirmation of postmasters was ended in 1970.

    While most nominations win quick Senate approval, some are controversial and become the subject of Senate hearings and debate. Even the controversial nominations are almost always confirmed.

    However, in 1969 and 1970 the Senate rejected President Nixon's nominations of Clement F. Haynsworth Jr. and G. Harrold Carswell to the Supreme Court, the first rejection of two Supreme Court nominees since 1894.

    Who Is Controversial?

    Objections to a nominee can be raised for various reasons:

    • Personally ObnoxiousSenators sometimes object to appointees for patronage reasons— for example, when a nomination to a local federal job is made without consulting senators of the state concerned. Then a senator may use the objection that the nominee is “personally obnoxious” to him. Usually other senators join in blocking the nomination out of courtesy to their colleague.
    • Conflict of InterestAnother common Senate objection to a presidential nominee is alleged conflict of interest. This charge may be made if the nominee holds stock in, draws a pension from, or is otherwise connected with a company dealing with the agency to which he has been appointed. In such cases, the nominee often divests himself of the stock or severs his connection with the company.
    • Partisan PoliticsMany of the controversies over nominations arise from partisan politics or from disagreements between liberals and conservatives. In 1971, for example, the nomination of William H. Rehnquist to the Supreme Court was opposed by liberal senators who objected to his past civil rights record. Earl Butz, nominated in 1971 as secretary of agriculture, was opposed by both farm-belt Republicans and liberal Democrats who accused him of favoring the interests of agricultural corporations over those of the smaller farmer.
    • IssuesNomination battles occasionally reflect the Senate's concern about major issues of the time. The 1969 nomination of Walter J. Hickel to be secretary of the interior became controversial when conservation groups questioned his views on environmental protection.

    Below are brief accounts of the major controversial nominations from 1969 to 1972.

    Clement F. Haynsworth Jr.

    The most controversial of President Nixon's nominations for 1969 was that of federal judge Haynsworth to be an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. The nomination was rejected by the Senate Nov. 21 by a key 45-55 roll-call vote, giving President Nixon his first major congressional defeat of the session. He became the first Supreme Court nominee to be formally rejected since 1930.

    Haynsworth, chief judge of the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals, was named by President Nixon Aug. 18 to fill the seat left vacant by Abe Fortas, who had resigned May 14 under threat of impeachment. (Fortas resignation, Congress and the Nation Vol. II, p. 337)

    The controversy over judicial ethics ignited by Fortas' resignation under fire for accepting an outside fee from the family foundation of a convicted stock manipulator was rekindled by opposition to Haynsworth's nomination.

    Opponents of the nomination said they did not question Haynsworth's honesty, but questioned his sensitivity to the appearance of ethical impropriety and his judgment regarding participation in cases where his financial interests could be said to be involved. The nomination also was opposed by labor and civil rights leaders. (Details, chapter on Supreme Court)

    Walter J. Hickel

    The Senate Jan. 20, 1969, confirmed by voice vote all except one of President Nixon's initial Cabinet nominations— that of Hickel to be secretary of the interior. On the motion of Edward M. Kennedy (D Mass.), the Senate deferred action on Hickel for one day.

    The Hickel nomination became controversial after conservation groups questioned his dedication to environmental protection and others criticized his ties with oil companies. He had said at a December 1968 news conference that he opposed “conservation for conservation's sake” and that high national standards for clean water “might hinder industrial development.”

    Hickel was criticized for his opposition as governor of Alaska to plans to create a foreign-trade subzone for oil at Machiasport, Maine, that would result in cheaper fuel oil for New England. Another complaint was over his opposition, as governor, to an Interior Department freeze on Alaskan public lands until Congress settled pending claims to the land by native Alaskans.

    At four days of hearings (Jan. 15-18) by the Senate Interior and Insular Affairs Committee, Hickel also was questioned about his having tried to prevent an Eskimo cooperative from selling fish to the Japanese. The Japanese would have paid higher prices than the Eskimos were receiving locally.

    Hickel promised the committee he would sell about $1-million worth of gas pipelines stock.

    Many senators who expressed doubts as to Hickel's qualifications said they nevertheless would vote for him because it was customary to let the President select his first Cabinet members.

    Hickel was supported by Democrat Ernest Gruening, former Alaska governor (1939-53) and U.S. senator (1959-69).

    The Senate confirmed Hickel's nomination Jan. 23 by a 73-16 roll-call vote. He received unanimous Republican support.

    Hickel was dismissed Nov. 25, 1970. The White House said the action was not related to any specific incident. However, Hickel became controversial in May 1970 shortly after U.S. troops invaded Cambodia. He wrote President Nixon suggesting the administration tone down the rhetoric of Vice President Agnew and show greater concern for the attitudes of young people. His letter to the President was released to the press.

    David Packard

    The nomination of Packard, chief executive officer of the Hewlett-Packard Co., a defense contractor, to be deputy secretary of defense raised questions of conflict of interest because of Hewlett-Packard's role in the defense industry. Packard owned $300-million worth of stock in the company and claimed that the sale of such a large amount of stock would not be practical. He agreed to place his stock in a charitable trust, and the Senate confirmed his nomination Jan. 23 by a roll-call vote of 82 to 1.

    William H. Brown III

    The Senate May 5 confirmed Brown as a member of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Nixon May 6 named Brown chairman, replacing Clifford L. Alexander Jr.

    Brown, a Republican, had been named to the EEOC by President Johnson in October 1968 but had not been confirmed when the Nixon administration took office. President Nixon resubmitted Brown's name to the Senate March 13. Brown's nomination met no resistance in the Senate until it was announced that he would probably replace Alexander as chairman. Senate Minority Leader Everett M. Dirksen (Ill.) threatened to block confirmation and on May 1 forced postponement of Senate floor action on the nomination. Brown was supported by a coalition of Democrats and Republicans led by Minority Whip Hugh Scott (Pa.). Dirksen dropped his objection to the nomination on May 5, and Brown was confirmed as a member by voice vote.

    At a Senate Judiciary subcommittee hearing March 27, called by Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D Mass.) to examine the equal employment policies of the administration, Dirksen charged Alexander with harassment of government contractors in enforcing equal employment regulations. Dirksen told Alexander he would “go to the highest authority in the government to get somebody fired” if what he called “punitive harassment” by EEOC did not stop. The next day White House Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler announced that Alexander would be replaced as EEOC chairman, but Ziegler denied that the decision had been influenced by Dirksen. Alexander announced April 9 that he was resigning as chairman May 1 but would serve out the rest of his five-year board term, which was to expire July 1, 1972. (Alexander Aug. 14 resigned as a member of the EEOC).

    President Nixon then announced his intention to name Brown to replace Alexander as chairman.

    James E. Allen

    Nixon's appointment of Allen, New York state education commissioner, to head the Office of Education in the Department of Health, Education and Welfare met opposition, led by Sen. Strom Thurmond (R S.C.), who objected to Allen's policy of busing children to achieve racial balance in New York schools.

    In a speech on the Senate floor May 5, Thurmond, who led the 1968 presidential campaign for Nixon in the South, said Allen's views on school integration “conflict with those of President Nixon enunciated during the campaign.” Nixon had opposed busing in a campaign speech, saying the practice hurt children rather than helped them. Sen. James O. Eastland (D Miss.), during the debate on Allen's confirmation, said approval of the nomination would cause a “national calamity” in the public schools.

    Allen's supporters, led by Sens. Edward M. Kennedy (D Mass.) and Jacob K. Javits (R N.Y.), contended that the appointee's extensive background in education qualified him for the post. Kennedy said Allen was simply carrying out New York state policy when he approved the busing plans. During the April 15 hearing on his nomination, Allen testified that he intended to abide by the federal statute which prohibits busing for the purpose of overcoming racial imbalance. Allen was confirmed May 5 by a 55-15 roll-call vote.

    HEW Secretary Robert H. Finch asked for and received Allen's resignation on June 10, 1970. Allen had criticized the administration for its positions on education policy and school desegregation, as well as the President's decision to invade Cambodia.

    Allen was replaced by Dr. Sidney P. Marland Jr., president of the Institute for Educational Development, who received Senate confirmation Dec. 10 by voice vote.

    John Knowles

    Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare Robert Finch met opposition from Sen. Everett M. Dirksen (R Ill.) and elements of the American Medical Association (AMA) when he announced his intention to nominate Dr. John Knowles as assistant secretary for health and scientific affairs. Knowles, director of the Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston, was opposed because of his views on public medicine. Dirksen said at a news conference April 22 that he had told Finch he would prevent confirmation if Knowles' nomination was sent to the Senate. The nomination was not submitted. President Nixon nominated Dr. Roger O. Egeberg to the post; he was confirmed July 11.

    Knowles credited “certain political debts” of President Nixon for his failure to be nominated. The AMA's political arm contributed heavily in 1968 to many congressional candidates, most of them Republicans.

    The Knowles controversy produced strong criticism from several members of the Senate, who charged that the administration had improperly bowed to outside pressure against Knowles. Sen. Edward W. Brooke (R Mass.) called the rejection of Knowles “a calamity for the country and an abuse of political power.”

    Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D Mass.) charged that people in high places in public life and organized medicine “conspired” to defeat the nomination. Sen. Charles E. Goodell (R N.Y.) said the post was filled on the basis of politics and not merit.

    Otto F. Otepka

    President Nixon March 19 appointed Otepka, former State Department security evaluator, to the Subversive Activities Control Board (SACB). Otepka had been demoted by Secretary of State Dean Rusk in 1966 for giving classified department documents to the Senate Judiciary Internal Security Subcommittee during hearings by the subcommittee on State Department security. Otepka's nomination to the SACB was criticized by some Democrats in Congress but was supported by Sens. Everett M. Dirksen (R Ill.) and Strom Thurmond (R S.C.). On June 24, the nomination was confirmed by the Senate by a 61-28 roll-call vote. (For background on Otepka case, see Congress and the Nation Vol. I, p. 1771)

    G. Harrold Carswell

    The most controversial of President Nixon's nominations for 1970 was that of Federal Judge G. Harrold Carswell to be an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. The nomination was rejected by the Senate April 8 by a key 45-51 roll-call vote.

    The Senate's rejection of Carswell came two and a half months after President Nixon on Jan. 19 selected him to fill the seat left vacant by the May 14, 1969, resignation of Justice Abe Fortas. The Senate Nov. 21, 1969, had rejected Mr. Nixon's first nominee for the vacancy— Clement F. Haynsworth Jr. of South Carolina. (Haynsworth defeat, p. 97a)

    Not since 1894, during the second Cleveland administration, had a President had two Supreme Court nominees rejected outright by the Senate. Carswell was the 24th man denied confirmation to a seat on the Court.

    Criticism— from his legal colleagues— of Carswell's ability and competence as a lawyer and a judge may have been the most important factor in the rejection of the nomination.

    Opposition to Carswell developed slowly after his nomination Jan. 19. After the bitter confirmation battle which ended in rejection of the Haynsworth nomination, few senators desired another fight.

    But charges that Carswell was hostile to civil rights and intellectually unqualified for the high court moved a succession of senators to oppose his nomination. (Details, chapter on Supreme Court)

    Lewis F. Powell Jr

    The Senate confirmed Powell Dec. 6 as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. He filled the seat left vacant by the late Justice Hugo L. Black. The only Democrat of the Nixon Court nominees, Powell was the first Justice from Virginia since 1841.

    The only possible problem in confirmation of Powell appeared to be the question of the manner in which he would deal with his investments while he sat on the court. Data provided to the Senate Judiciary Committee showed that Powell, his wife and son held stocks and other investments worth about $1.5-million. Powell had said earlier that he would make any arrangement necessary to insulate himself from holdings which might create conflicts of interest.

    The committee found Powell “thoroughly qualified” and after three days of favorable discussion, the Senate confirmed him by a vote of 89 to 1. (Details, chapter on Supreme Court)

    William H. Rehnquist

    The fourth Supreme Court justice nominated by President Nixon to be confirmed to the Supreme Court, Rehnquist at 47, was also the youngest justice on the court. Since 1969, he had served as assistant attorney general, Office of Legal Counsel, and had testified frequently before Congress on behalf of the administration.

    Initial congressional reaction to the nomination was almost uniformly favorable or guarded— with no immediate expressions of opposition. However, on Oct. 23 the Arizona NAACP announced opposition to the confirmation because of Rehnquist's “right-wing” stands and opposition to 1968 Arizona civil rights legislation. Roy Wilkins, executive director of the NAACP, said Oct. 31 that Rehnquist's philosophy was dangerous for black citizens. The Americans for Democratic Action announced Oct. 29 their opposition to the nomination because of a lack of proper respect for minority aspirations or devotion to the Bill of Rights.

    The Senate Judiciary Committee held hearings Nov. 3, 4, 8, 9 and 10 and on Nov. 23 voted 12 to 4 to report the Rehnquist nomination.

    As floor debate began Dec. 6, Sen. Birch Bayh (D Ind.) cited a memorandum said to have been written by Rehnquist in 1953 in opposition to arguments that the Supreme Court should outlaw school segregation. Bayh said Rehnquist was “far to the right of Richard Nixon.” Rehnquist said in a Dec. 7 letter that he did write the memorandum but that it was a statement of Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson's tentative views, not his own. (He was Jackson's law clerk in 1953, a year before the court ruled against segregated education.)

    On Dec. 10 a cloture vote to cut off debate failed 54 to 42 and later that day his nomination was confirmed by a key 68-26 roll-call vote.(Details, chapter on Supreme Court)

    John B. Connally

    On Feb. 8, the Senate by voice vote confirmed the nomination of Connally, 53, to be secretary of the treasury. Connally, a Democrat, had served for three terms as governor of Texas (1962-1968) and as secretary of the Navy during the first year (1961-1962) of the Kennedy administration. He had long and varied experience in law and business, particularly in the oil and gas industries, but limited background in banking and finance.

    During Senate Finance Committee consideration of Connally's nomination, a major point of controversy involved acceptance of $750,000 in fees over a 10-year period for services rendered as co-executor of the $105-million estate of oilman Sid W. Richardson. During part of the period Connally was being paid the fees, he was governor of Texas.

    Texas law prohibits the governor from receiving any “salary, reward or compensation or the promise thereof” from any service rendered or performed during his tenure in office.

    Appearing before the committee Connally said there was nothing improper about receiving fees for work he had done “years ago.” The committee voted 13 to 0 to approve his nomination.

    Earl L. Butz

    President Nixon nominated Butz Nov. 11 to replace Clifford M. Hardin as secretary of agriculture. Butz had served as assistant secretary of agriculture for marketing and foreign affairs from 1954-57 under Secretary Ezra Taft Benson. Butz's nomination encountered stiff Senate opposition from both farmbelt Republicans and liberal Democrats. His opponents accused him of maintaining too close ties with corporate farming or “agribusiness,” and of favoring the interests of large agricultural corporations over those of the family farmer. Critics noted that Butz was a director of four corporate food-producing chains, that he had expressed opposition to expanded government aid to small farmers, and that he had been an assistant to Benson, who was unpopular with midwestern farmers because of his “adapt or die” attitude toward small farmers.

    The Senate Agriculture Committee voted 8-6 to report the nomination favorably to the Senate. The Senate confirmed the nomination Dec. 2 by a 51-44 vote.

    Richard G. Kleindienst

    Republicans appeared to have defused a potentially explosive political issue when the Senate June 8, by a key 64-19 roll-call vote, confirmed the nomination of Richard G. Kleindienst as attorney general of the United States.

    Approval of President Nixon's nominee capped a struggle that lasted almost four months and included what were described as “the longest confirmation hearings” in the history of the Senate. Over Republican protests, Democratic senators prolonged the hearings in an attempt to substantiate corruption charges— first aired by syndicated columnist Jack Anderson— relating to a controversial 1971 antitrust settlement.

    But the hearings, marked by contradictory and inconsistent testimony, brought little clarification, and the committee voted unanimously on June 27 to refer the hearing record to the Justice Department to determine whether any witness had committed perjury.

    Kleindienst was nominated by President Nixon Feb. 15. After two days of hearings, the Judiciary Committee reported the nomination Feb. 29 by a 13-0 vote.

    At Kleindienst's request, hearings were reopened March 2 after columnist Jack Anderson charged March 1 the nominee lied in disclaiming any role in the Justice Department's out-of-court settlement of antitrust cases against International Telephone and Telegraph Corp. (ITT).

    The Anderson column also charged John Mitchell, then the attorney general, with arranging the settlement in exchange for an ITT contribution to the 1972 Republican convention.

    After 22 days of hearings, the committee voted 11 to 4 on April 27 to reconfirm its prior recommendation of Kleindienst. The majority found the nominee innocent of illegal or improper action in the ITT settlement and found no connection between the settlement and the convention, originally scheduled to be held in San Diego. The convention ultimately was transferred to Miami.

    Kleindienst had been serving as acting attorney general since Mitchell's resignation March 1. He had been deputy attorney general since 1969. (Details, chapter on Crime)


    President Nixon during his first term of office vetoed 28 public bills. Fifteen were pocket vetoes. Four of the President's vetoes were overridden by Congress.

    President Eisenhower, also facing a Democratic-controlled Congress for a part of his first term as Nixon did, vetoed 42 public bills during his first four years and 51 during his second term. Of these 93 vetoes, Congress managed to muster enough votes to override three.

    Presidents Kennedy and Johnson, with congressional control resting in their own parties, vetoed 13 public bills apiece during their years in office. The Congress was unable to override any Kennedy or Johnson vetoes.

    The 92nd Congress adjourned sine die Oct. 18, 1972, and on Oct. 27 President Nixon pocket vetoed nine bills which he termed inflationary. In vetoing the measures, Nixon said:

    If I were to sign these measures into law, I would, in effect, be making promises that could not be kept since the funds required to finance the promised services are not available and would not be available without the higher taxes I have promised to resist.
    The bills pocket vetoed were appropriations for Labor and Health, Education and Welfare (HR 16654), Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1972 (HR 16071), the Flood Control Act of 1972 (S 4018), the Rehabilitation Act of 1972 (HR 8395), the Veterans Health Care Expansion Act of 1972 (HR 10880), the Airport Development Acceleration Act (S 3755), Amendments to the Mining and Mineral Policy Act (S 635), a bill upgrading deputy U.S. marshals (HR 13895) and the National Cemeteries Act of 1972 (HR 12674). Nixon also pocket vetoed three other bills that day— a bill to amend the Older Americans Act (HR 15657), a bill to establish a National Institute of Aging (HR 14424) and a bill to create a National Environmental Data System (HR 56).

    A bill is pocket vetoed if, after Congress adjourns, the President fails to sign it within 10 days, excluding Sundays, from the time he receives it. A regular veto can be effected only when Congress is in session. In that case, the President returns the bill he vetoes to the chamber in which it originated. Conversely, if the President fails to sign the bill within the 10-day period while Congress is in session, the bill automatically becomes law.

    91st Congress, First Session

    No public bills were vetoed by President Nixon during the first session of the 91st Congress. He vetoed nine bills cleared by Congress during the second session. During the first session of the 92nd Congress, he vetoed three bills cleared by Congress; 16 bills were vetoed which cleared Congress during the second session of the 92nd Congress.

    91st Congress, Second Session
    HR 13111

    To appropriate $19.7-billion for fiscal 1970 for the Departments of Labor and Health, Education and Welfare and the Office of Economic Opportunity. As cleared by Congress Jan. 26, the bill contained $1.1-billion more than the President's request for fiscal 1970.

    The Senate Jan. 20 by a 74-17 roll-call vote passed HR 13111. The House passed the bill Jan. 26 by voice vote and sent the bill to the President. That night President Nixon vetoed the measure over nationwide television and radio. Nixon singled out school aid to federally impacted areas as one of the more objectionable items— $398-million above his request and the largest addition to any program in the bill. In his veto message to the House, the President gave four reasons for his action:

    One, these increases are excessive in a period of serious inflationary pressures. We must draw the line and stick to it if we are to stabilize the economy.

    Two, nearly nine-tenths of these increases are for mandatory programs which leave the executive branch no discretion whatever either as to the level or the purpose of the added expenditures. This fact sharply differentiates this appropriation from other inflationary measures which I have approved.

    Three, the added funds are largely for lower priority programs.

    “Four, because of the lateness of the fiscal year, increases of this magnitude cannot be used effectively in many cases.”

    The House Jan. 28 sustained the President's veto on a key 226-191 roll-call vote. The override attempt was 52 votes short of the two-thirds voting majority needed to override— in this case 278.

    HR 11102

    To authorize $2.79-billion through fiscal 1973 for the Hill-Burton hospital construction programs.

    The act was originally sponsored by Senators Lister Hill (D Ala. 1938-69) and Harold H. Burton (R Ohio 1941-45) and enacted in 1946. It provided a federal grant program for the construction of hospitals based on population and per capita income of each state. The result was to favor low-income, rural states. The Nixon administration had proposed substituting a combination of direct grants, direct loans and guaranteed loans for the Hill-Burton categorical grant program.

    The Senate June 8 adopted the conference report on HR 11102 by voice vote. The House June 10 adopted the report by a 378-0 roll-call vote. President Nixon vetoed the bill June 22 on the ground that it was too expensive.

    The House voted to override the veto June 25 by a key 279-98 roll-call vote. The Senate June 30 overrode the veto by a 79-16 roll-call vote enacting the bill into law (PL 91-296)

    It was the first time in 10 years a presidential veto was overridden. In 1960 Congress enacted a federal employees' pay raise bill over President Eisenhower's veto. (Congress and the Nation Vol. I, p. 1487)

    HR 16916

    To appropriate $4.4-billion for fiscal 1971 programs administered by the Office of Education. The bill included $4.3-billion in appropriations for fiscal 1971 and $75-million in emergency school assistance for fiscal 1970. The legislation exceeded the President's final budget request (including his $150-million request for fiscal 1970 for emergency school assistance) by $453-million and exceeded his requests for fiscal 1971 alone by $528-million.

    The conference report on HR 16916 passed the House July 16 by a 359-30 roll-call vote and the Senate July 28 by an 88-0 roll call. President Nixon Aug. 11, claiming that his administration was determined “to hold the line against a dangerous budget deficit,” vetoed HR 16916.

    The House Aug. 13 overrode the President's veto by a key roll call of 289-144 or 20 more than the necessary two-thirds majority. The Senate Aug. 18 voted 77-16 to override the President's veto and thus enacted the bill into law (PL 91-380). It was the second Nixon veto to be overridden.

    HR 17548

    To appropriate $18-billion for the Department of Housing and Urban Development, Veterans Administration, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration and other agencies for fiscal 1971. The bill was $541-million over the administration's budget request of $17.47-billion. The largest additions to the bill came on the Senate floor where amendments were adopted adding $300-million for sewer and water facilities grants and $400-million for urban renewal projects. As passed by the Senate, HR 17548 contained $18.65-billion for fiscal 1971. In conference, the bill was cut back to $18-billion.

    The House July 29 by voice vote and the Senate Aug. 4 by a 70-8 roll-call vote adopted the conference report on HR 17548 thus clearing it for the President's signature. On Aug. 11 President Nixon vetoed the bill. The veto, he said, meant “saying no to bigger spending and no to higher prices in the interest of all the American people.”

    The House Aug. 13 sustained the President's veto by a key 204-195 roll-call vote. The vote was 62 less than the two-thirds (266) needed to override.

    Congress Dec. 7 cleared a compromise appropriation bill (HR 19830— PL 91-556) containing $17.7-billion for fiscal 1971. The bill was $300-million less than the first HUD-Independent Offices bill. The House Nov. 24 by a 375-10 roll-call vote passed HR 19830. The Senate Dec. 7 passed the bill by a 75-1 roll-call vote and President Nixon signed the bill into law Dec. 17.

    S 3637

    To limit campaign spending for political broadcasting by candidates for federal and gubernatorial offices and to repeal the equal time requirements of the Communications Act of 1934 for presidential and vice presidential candidates.

    By repealing the “equal time” section of the Communications Act, the bill would have allowed broadcasters to present debates and other appearances by Republican and Democratic presidential and vice presidential candidates without having to give equal time to fringe and splinter party candidates.

    The conference report on S 3637 passed the House by a 274-112 roll-call vote Sept. 16 and the Senate Sept. 23 by a 60-19 roll call. The President vetoed the bill Oct. 12.

    In his veto message Mr. Nixon said the bill would discriminate against broadcasters, would give an unfair advantage to incumbents, would not provide needed overall reform and “is worse than no answer to the problem— it is a wrong answer.”

    The Senate Nov. 23 voted to sustain President Nixon's veto by a 58-34 roll-call vote. The vote was four short of the two-thirds voting majority needed to override the veto.

    S 3867

    To authorize $9.5-billion for fiscal years 1971-74 for federal manpower training and public service employment programs. The bill authorized $2-billion for manpower training, $2.5-billion for a public service employment program and $3-billion to prepare employees for better jobs and for special federal programs.

    The Senate adopted the conference report on S 3867 Dec. 10 by a 68-13 roll-call vote and the House adopted the report the same day by a 177-159 roll-call vote. President Nixon vetoed the bill on Dec. 16, saying the bill failed to link public jobs with training opportunities, increased the number of special federal programs and restricted individual job opportunities.

    The Senate Dec. 21 sustained the veto by a 48-35 roll-call vote— eight votes short of the two-thirds majority needed to override the veto.

    S 3418

    To authorize $225-million for fiscal years 1971-73 to assist hospitals and medical schools in relieving a shortage of doctors in general practice.

    The House Dec. 8 and the Senate Dec. 10 adopted the conference report on S 3418 by voice votes. The President pocket vetoed the bill Dec. 24. Nixon in his veto message said the legislation “simply continues the traditional approach of adding more programs to the almost unmanageable current structure of federal government health efforts.”

    The President was accused by congressional Democrats of misuing the pocket veto since Congress had been in temporary Christmas recess, not in adjournment. (Chapter on Congress)

    HR 17809

    To establish a procedure for fixing and adjusting pay rates of federal blue collar employees paid at prevailing wage rates for comparable work in private industry.

    The Senate adopted the conference report Dec. 16, 1970, by voice vote and the House adopted the report Dec. 17 by a 272-89 roll-call vote. President Nixon vetoed the bill Jan. 1, 1971. The action was his eighth veto of the first session of the 91st Congress.

    In his veto message the President said enactment of the bill would have adverse economic implications and would contribute to further inflation. He added that most federal blue collar workers were already being paid four per cent more than the prevailing wage in private industry.

    There was no attempt to override the veto. The first session of the 91st Congress adjourned Jan. 2, 1971.

    S 578

    To provide special retirement benefits to federal firefighters.

    The bill cleared Congress Dec. 19, 1970, when the House by a 158-104 roll call passed S 578 without amendment. The Senate had approved the measure Aug. 18, 1970, by voice vote. President Nixon pocket vetoed the bill Jan. 4, 1971. In his veto message he said “there is no demonstrated need for permitting federal firefighters to retire at an earlier than normal age.”

    92nd Congress, First Session
    S 575

    To authorize $5.7-billion for public works acceleration and regional development. In his veto message the President said he approved of Titles II and III of S 575 extending the Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965 and the Appalachian Regional Development Act of 1965. However, he objected to Title I which provided $2-billion to create public works jobs in localities of substantial or persistent unemployment and in those areas of high unemployment among veterans of the Vietnam era. Mr. Nixon maintained that such a program would be the most costly and least effective method of cutting unemployment.

    The House adopted the conference report on the bill June 15, by a 275-104 roll-call vote. The Senate had passed the measure June 8 by a 45-33 roll-call vote. President Nixon vetoed S 575 on June 29.

    The Senate July 17 by a key 57-36 roll-call vote— five short of the two-thirds voting majority needed to override— sustained the President's veto of S 575.

    Titles II and III of the bill were cleared by Congress July 30 and signed by the President Aug. 5 (S 2317— PL 92-65).

    HR 2600

    To raise benefits for certain retired municipal employees in the District of Columbia. The bill would have raised benefits for those who had retired prior to Oct. 1, 1956, with 100 per cent service-related disabilities.

    The bill passed the House April 27 and the Senate Aug. 6 by voice votes. The President pocket vetoed the bill Aug. 17 during a four-week congressional recess (Aug. 6-Sept. 8). In his memorandum of disapproval, Nixon said the bill would “grant an unwarranted benefit to a small, special group of retirees.”

    S 2007

    To authorize $6.3-billion for the Office of Economic Opportunity and establish day care centers for children of working parents. The President vetoed the two-year OEO extension because of objections to the bill's comprehensive child development programs. The provision established a program providing a broad range of education, nutritional and health services for preschool children. Children of poor families would be eligible for free services and children of middle-income families would be charged a fee based on their annual income.

    The child care section of the bill involved the House-Senate conference committee in prolonged negotiations. The Senate-passed version of S 2007 called for free services for families of four with annual incomes of $6,960 or less. The House-passed version provided free service to families of four with annual incomes of $4,320 or less. The conferees agreed to the House figure only after Health, Education and Welfare Secretary Elliot L. Richardson emphasized repeatedly that the administration was completely opposed to the Senate-approved child care section.

    The Senate Dec. 2 adopted the conference report on S 2007 by a 63-17 roll-call vote. The House adopted the report on Dec. 7 by a 211-187 roll-call vote. President Nixon vetoed the bill Dec. 9. In his veto message, he said the $2.1-billion child development section, though it might be well-intended on the part of its sponsors, demonstrated “fiscal irresponsibility, administrative unworkability and family weakening implications.”

    In a key 51-36 roll-call vote the Senate Dec. 10 failed by seven votes to obtain the 58-vote majority needed to override the President's veto.

    92nd Congress, Second Session
    HR 13198

    To authorize $165-million for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting for fiscal 1973 and 1974. At issue was what the Nixon administration called “communications federalism”— the relationship between national and local broadcasting organizations. The administration held that public broadcasting was too centralized— that it was dominated by the CPB, which controlled the flow of federal funds to local stations and by the Public Broadcasting Service, which selected and scheduled programs to supplement local programing.

    The House June 1 passed HR 13918 by a 256-69 roll-call vote. The Senate passed the bill without amendment June 22 by an 82-1 roll-call vote clearing HR 13918 for the President. President Nixon June 30 vetoed HR 13918.

    Nixon asked Congress to approve in its place a one-year CPB authorization of $45-million. There remained serious questions, he said, which “must be resolved before any long-range public broadcasting financing can be soundly devised and before the statutory framework for public broadcasting is changed.” The Senate July 21 passed the $45-million authorization bill and the House Aug. 15 passed the measure (S 3824— PL 92-411) completing congressional action.

    HR 15417 and HR 16654

    Twice in 1972 President Nixon vetoed $30.5-billion appropriation bills for the Departments of Labor and Health, Education and Welfare for fiscal 1973. The first veto came on HR 15417. The bill exceeded the President's budget request by $1.8-million and did not place a limit on the amount of federal matching funds for social services programs under the public assistance grants program.

    The House Aug. 9 by a 240-167 roll-call vote adopted the conference report on HR 15417 and the Senate cleared the bill for the President's signature Aug. 10 by a 62-22 roll-call vote. The President Aug. 16 vetoed HR 15417. In his veto message, the President said the bill was

    a perfect example of that kind of reckless federal spending that just cannot be done without more taxes or inflation... What the Congress has done is to take my ample and carefully considered 1973 budget proposals and balloon them to fiscally dangerous dimensions.

    The House Aug. 16 failed to override the veto. On a key 203-171 roll-call vote, the House sustained the President's action. The vote was 47 short of the necessary two-thirds majority.

    HR 16654

    contained the same appropriation for Labor-HEW but permitted the President to impound up to $1.2-billion. But if Nixon impounded the maximum, the bill would still be $532-million more than he requested.

    The House Oct. 13 by a 289-41 roll-call vote adopted the conference report on HR 16654, and the Senate Oct. 14 by voice vote cleared the bill for the President. President Nixon pocket vetoed the bill Oct. 27.

    Because of the two Nixon vetoes, Labor-HEW programs for fiscal 1973 were funded under a continuing appropriations resolution (H J Res 1331) at the lower level of either the Senate- or House-approved appropriation in HR 15417, the first fiscal 1973 appropriation bill. The only exception was for victims of black lung disease. Their benefits were raised from $500-million to $1.5-billion.

    HR 15927

    To increase pensions by 20 per cent for approximately 900,000 retired railroad workers. The 20 per cent increase, to expire June 30, 1973, followed two other temporary increases in benefits totaling 25 per cent authorized by Congress in 1970 and 1971.

    The Senate Sept. 19 by voice vote passed an amended version of HR 15927, which had passed the House Aug. 9 by a 399-4 roll-call vote. The House Sept. 20 by voice vote approved the Senate amendments, clearing the bill for the President. President Nixon vetoed the bill Oct. 4.

    In his veto message, Nixon declared that the bill would “jeopardize the fiscal integrity of the railroad retirement system” and “contribute to inflation.”

    The House Oct. 4 by a 353-29 roll-call vote and the Senate the same day by a 76-5 roll call voted to over-ride the President's veto, enacting HR 15927 into law (PL 92-460).

    S 2770

    To authorize $24.7-billion for the Federal Water Pollution Control Act Amendments of 1972. The bill set a national goal of eliminating all pollutants discharged into U.S. waters by 1985 and an interim goal of making the waters safe for fish, shellfish, wildlife and people by July 1, 1983. The bill also included more than $18-billion in federal grants to the states for construction of waste treatment plants.

    The bill was strongly opposed by major industries and by some state and local officials, but was endorsed by most environmental organizations. The bill originally passed the Senate in November 1971 and passed the House in a widely differing version in March 1972. Conferees first met May 11 and reached agreement at their 40th meeting Sept. 14. Both houses adopted the conference report Oct. 4— the House by a 366-11 roll-call vote and the Senate by a 74-0 roll-call vote.

    President Nixon vetoed S 2770 Oct. 17, saying that it was “a bill whose laudable intent is outweighed by its unconscionable $24-billion price tag,” which he called “staggering, budget-wrecking.” He said: “Legislation which would continue our efforts to raise water quality, but which would do so through extreme and needless overspending, does not serve the public interest.”

    Congress voted to override the President's veto— the Senate Oct. 17 by a 52-12 roll call and the House Oct. 18 by a key 247-23 roll call— enacting the bill into law (PL 92-500).

    HR 56

    To establish a national environmental data system. The bill would have established a central facility to store, analyze and disseminate environmental data provided by federal, state and local governments and private institutions and individuals. The measure also authorized appropriations of $1-million for fiscal 1974. In addition, HR 56 would have provided for the establishment of state and regional teaching and research environmental centers with authorizations of $7-million in fiscal 1974.

    The House adopted the conference report on HR 56 Oct. 5 by voice vote and the Senate Oct. 6 also by voice vote. President Nixon Oct. 21 pocket vetoed HR 56. In his veto message the President said he was withholding his approval because the bill would “lead to the duplication of information or would produce results unrelated to real needs.”

    HR 16071

    To extend the Public Works and Economic Development Act of 1965 through fiscal 1974 and authorize additional funds for regional commissions. The estimated cost of the bill was more than $3-billion, including the $2.2-billion in new authorizations for fiscal 1974. The purpose of the bill was to provide federal aid to economically depressed areas, authorize new public facility grants, expand the public works impact program and add a new title to the 1965 act to help those adversely affected by federal environmental control regulations.

    HR 16071 passed the House Aug. 16 by a 285-92 roll-call vote and passed the Senate amended Oct. 12 by a 65-16 roll call. The House Oct. 14 agreed to the Senate amendments by a 155-64 roll-call vote adding amendments. The Senate the same day agreed to the additional amendments by voice vote clearing the bill for the President. Nixon pocket vetoed the bill Oct. 27.

    In his veto message, Nixon said the bill would “unnecessarily add vast new authorizations for federal programs which have been shown to be ineffective in creating jobs or stimulating timely economic development.” He said it would “stimulate increased bureaucracy” and contained provisions which would be “highly inequitable and almost impossible to administer.”

    S 4018

    To authorize construction, repair and preservation of certain public works on rivers and harbors for navigation and flood control purposes. The bill would have authorized funds for the Army Corps of Engineers to carry out desilting operations in rivers and streams, projects to alleviate streambank and shoreline erosion and flood protection projects in any area that had been declared a disaster area in the past five years.

    The Senate Oct. 12 and the House Oct. 13 by voice votes adopted the conference report on S 4018. The President pocket vetoed it Oct. 27, saying the bill would “ultimately cost hundreds of millions of dollars” and that it contained “projects never approved or recommended by the executive branch.”

    HR 8395

    To authorize $800-million in fiscal 1973 and $975-million in fiscal 1974 to assist states in providing vocational rehabilitation services to handicapped individuals. The bill would have authorized appropriations totaling nearly $1.2-billion in fiscal 1973, $441-million over the administration's request.

    Under HR 8395 new programs for persons who were confined to their homes or institutionalized and those with spinal cord injuries or end-stage renal disease would have been established. Several commissions to study employment, transportation and housing problems encountered by disabled persons also would have been established.

    The House unanimously passed the measure March 20 by a 327-0 roll-call vote. The Senate passed the bill Sept. 26 by a 70-0 roll-call vote. The President pocket vetoed HR 8395 Oct. 27. In his veto statement Nixon said “the bill would authorize funding far in excess of the budget request” and that the “numerous committees and independent commissions” which would have been established by the bill would “waste the taxpayers' dollars....”

    HR 10880

    To authorize $450-million for a seven-year program of expanded health care to veterans. The Veterans' Health Care Expansion Act of 1972 would have made certain veterans and their dependents eligible for out-patient care and provided hospital and medical care to the wife or widow and dependents of veterans who were either totally and permanently disabled from service-connected causes or who had died as a result of a service-connected disability.

    The bill passed the House Oct. 11 and the Senate Oct. 13 by voice vote. President Nixon pocket vetoed the bill Oct. 27. In his veto message the President said HR 10880 “runs counter to this administration's national health strategy which would...sharply reduce the federal government's role in the direct provision of services.”

    S 3755

    To increase federal aid for airport development and prohibit local taxation on airline tickets. The bill increased federal assistance for development to 75 per cent from 50 per cent, except at the nation's largest airports. It increased the five-year obligational limit on airport grants from $840-million to $1.54-billion.

    The House Oct. 11 and the Senate Oct. 13 adopted by voice votes the conference report on S 3755. The President pocket vetoed the measure Oct. 27. In his veto message the President said:

    This bill would increase federal expenditures and raise percentage participation in categorical grant programs.... I believe this would be inconsistent with sound fiscal policy. Airport development funds have been almost quadrupled since 1970 under this administration.

    S 635

    To authorize federal funds for mineral research and training institutes in each of the 50 states. The bill would have authorized $25.2-million in fiscal 1973 (rising to $40.4-million in fiscal 1978) for grants to the states for research and training of mineral scientists.

    The House Oct. 10 and the Senate Oct. 11 passed the bill by voice votes. President Nixon pocket vetoed the bill Oct. 27. In his veto message, Nixon declared that S 635 would “fragment our research effort and...preclude us from taking advantage of the best research talents of the nation— wherever they may be.”

    HR 13895

    To increase salaries for U.S. deputy marshals. HR 13895 removed the position of nonsupervisory deputy marshals from the wage schedule established by the Civil Service Commission and directed the attorney general to raise the level of salaries for such jobs. The House Post Office and Civil Service Committee estimated the cost of the wage increases at $2.1-million during the first year following the bill's enactment.

    The House and the Senate Oct. 14 passed the bill by voice votes. President Nixon Oct. 27 pocket vetoed the measure, saying that such “highly preferential treatment...discriminates against all other government employees who perform work of comparable difficulty.”

    HR 12674

    To establish a national cemetery system within the Veterans Administration. The bill also would have prohibited the transfer of any Veterans Administration property which was larger than 100 acres or valued at more than $100,000— unless the transfer was approved by a public law.

    Final congressional action came when the House Oct. 11 by voice vote agreed to amendments added by the Senate Oct. 9. The President pocket vetoed the National Cemeteries Act Oct. 27. In his veto message Nixon said that “these property transfer restrictions would undermine the executive branch's government-wide system of property management.”

    HR 14427

    To amend the Public Health Service Act (PL 78-40) to establish a National Institute of Aging. The institute would have conducted medical, social and behavioral research into the aging process. HR 14424 also amended the Community Mental Health Centers Act to establish a program for the mental health of the aged and authorized $20-million in fiscal 1973 for grants to the centers.

    There was no conference action on the bill. The House Oct. 4 amended the bill to retain the community mental health center provisions and deleted the requirement that the advisory council have 16 members and perform detailed duties. The amendment was accepted by voice vote. The Senate Oct. 12 by voice vote accepted the House amendment completing congressional action.

    President Nixon pocket vetoed the bill Oct. 30. In his veto message he said that the research institute would duplicate the activities of the Technical Advisory Committee for Aging Research and “would create additional administrative costs without enhancing the conduct of biomedical research for the aging.” The President stated that it “could even fragment existing research efforts.”

    HR 15657

    To amend and extend the Older Americans Act of 1965 (PL 89-73) and to strengthen the Administration on Aging. The bill would have established a 15-member federal-level Council on Aging to promote the interests of older Americans and represent them in planning federal programs and policies.

    The Senate Oct. 12 and the House Oct. 14 by voice votes adopted the conference report on HR 15657. President Nixon Oct. 30 pocket vetoed HR 15657. In his veto message, Nixon said that the bill contained “a range of narrow, categorical service programs which would seriously interfere with our effort to develop coordinated services for older persons.”

    President Richard M. Nixon's Inaugural Address Stresses Peace, Unity, and a `Just and Abundant Society'

    Following is a complete transcript of President Nixon's Jan. 20, 1969, Inaugural Address.

    Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, My Fellow Americans— and my fellow citizens of the world community:

    I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.

    Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.

    This can be such a moment.

    Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.

    In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.

    For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.

    Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th Anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years— the beginning of the Third Millennium.

    What kind of a nation we will be, what kind of a world we live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.


    The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peace-maker. This honor now beckons America— the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.

    If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.

    This is our summons to greatness.

    I believe the American People are ready to answer this call.

    The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.

    We have given freedom new reach. We have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.

    We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.

    No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. And because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.

    Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the nation's troubles: “They concern, thank God, only material things.”

    Our crisis today is in reverse.

    We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.

    We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.

    To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.

    And to find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.

    When we listen to “the better angels of our nature,” we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things— such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.

    “To Lower Our Voices”

    Greatness comes in simple trappings.

    The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.

    To lower our voices would be a simple thing.

    In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.

    We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another— until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.

    For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways— to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart— to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.

    Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.

    Those left behind, we will help to catch up.

    For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.

    As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before— not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.

    In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.

    In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life; in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.

    We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.

    The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.

    Limits of Government

    But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.

    Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.

    What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.

    To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people— enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.

    With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit— each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.

    I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure— one as rich as humanity itself, and exciting as the times we live in.

    The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.

    Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.

    The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents. We achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.

    As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals, we shall be lifted by our dreams.

    No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.

    This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to insure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.

    As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.

    Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.

    Era of Negotiation

    After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.

    Let all nations know that during this Administration our lines of communication will be open.

    We seek an open world— open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people, a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.

    We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.

    Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition— not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.

    As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together— not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.

    With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.

    But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.

    Over the past 20 years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world. I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.

    I know that peace does not come through wishing for it— that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.

    I also know the people of the world.

    I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.

    I know America. I know the heart of America is good.

    I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.

    I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations.

    The American Spirit

    Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:

    The peace we seek— the peace we seek to win— is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes “with healing in its wings”; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.

    Only a few short weeks ago we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.

    As the Apollo Astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth— and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.

    In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:

    To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the Earth together, brothers in that bright loveliness in the eternal cold— brothers who know now they are truly brothers.

    In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity— seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.

    We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.

    Our destiny offers not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it not in fear, but in gladness— and, “riders on the Earth together,” let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.

    Nixon Stresses Control of Pollution, Inflation, Crime In His First State of the Union Message

    Following is a transcript of President Nixon's Jan. 22, 1970, State of the Union Message as delivered to Congress.

    Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our distinguished guests and my fellow Americans:

    To address a joint session of the Congress in this great chamber, in which I was once privileged to serve, is an honor for which I am deeply grateful.

    The State of the Union Address is traditionally an occasion for a lengthy and detailed account by the President of what he has accomplished in the past, what he wants the Congress to do in the future, and, in an election year, to lay the basis for the political issues which might be decisive in the Fall.

    Occasionally there comes a time when profound and farreaching events command a break with tradition.

    This is such a time.

    I say this not only because 1970 marks the beginning of a new decade in which America will celebrate its 200th birthday. I say it because new knowledge and hard experience argue persuasively that both our programs and our institutions in America need to be reformed.

    The moment has arrived to harness the vast energies and abundance of this land to the creation of a new American experience, an experience richer and deeper and more truly a reflection of the goodness and grace of the human spirit.

    The seventies will be a time of new beginnings, a time of exploring both on the earth and in the heavens, a time of discovery. But the time has also come for emphasis on developing better ways of managing what we have and of completing what man's genius has begun but left unfinished.

    Our land, this land that is ours together, is a great and a good land. It is also an unfinished land and the challenge of perfecting it is the summons of the seventies.

    It is in that spirit that I address myself to those great issues facing our nation which are above partisanship.

    When we speak of America's priorities the first priority must always be peace for America and the world.

    The major immediate goal of our foreign policy is to bring an end to the war in Vietnam in a way that our generation will be remembered, not so much as the generation that suffered in war, but more for the fact that we had the courage and character to win the kind of a just peace that the next generation was able to keep.

    We are making progress toward that goal.

    The prospects for peace are far greater today than they were a year ago.

    A major part of the credit for this development goes to the members of this Congress who, despite their differences on the conduct of the war, have overwhelmingly indicated their support of a just peace. By this action, you have completely demolished the enemy's hopes that they can gain in Washington the victory our fighting men have denied them in Vietnam.

    No goal could be greater than to make the next generation the first in this century in which America was at peace with every nation in the world.

    I shall discuss in detail the new concepts and programs designed to achieve this goal in a separate report on foreign policy, which I shall submit to the Congress at a later date.

    Today, let me describe the directions of our new policies.

    We have based our policies on an evaluation of the world as it is, not as it was twenty-five years ago at the end of World War II. Many of the policies which were necessary and right then are obsolete today.

    Then, because of America's overwhelming military and economic strength, because of the weakness of other major free world powers and the inability of scores of newly independent nations to defend— or even govern— themselves, America had to assume the major burden for the defense of freedom in the world.

    In two wars, first in Korea and now in Vietnam, we furnished most of the money, most of the arms, most of the men to help others defend their freedom.

    Today the great industrial nations of Europe, as well as Japan, have regained their economic strength, and the nations of Latin America— and many of the nations who acquired their freedom from colonialism after World War II in Asia and Africa — have a new sense of pride and dignity, and a determination to assume the responsibility for their own defense.

    That is the basis of the doctrine I announced at Guam.

    Neither the defense nor the development of other nations can be exclusively or primarily an American undertaking.

    The nations of each part of the world should assume the primary responsibility for their own well-being; and they themselves should determine the terms of that well-being.

    We shall be faithful to our treaty commitments, but we shall reduce our involvement and our presence in other nations' affairs.

    To insist that other nations play a role is not a retreat from responsibility; it is a sharing of responsibility.

    The result of this new policy has been not to weaken our alliances, but to give them new life, new strength and a new sense of common purpose.

    Relations with our European allies are once again strong and healthy, based on mutual consultation and mutual responsibility.

    We have initiated a new approach to Latin America, in which we deal with those nations as partners rather than patrons.

    The new partnership concept has been welcomed in Asia. We have developed an historic new basis for Japanese-American friendship and cooperation, which is the linchpin for peace in the Pacific.

    And if we are to have peace in the last third of the Twentieth Century, a major factor will be the development of a new relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union.

    I would not underestimate our differences, but we are moving with precision and purpose from an era of confrontation to an era of negotiation.

    Our negotiations on strategic arms limitations and in other areas will have far greater chance for success if both sides enter them motivated by mutual self-interest rather than naive sentimentality.

    This is the same spirit with which we have resumed discussions with Communist China in our talks at Warsaw.

    Our concern in our relations with both these nations is to avoid a catastrophic collision and to build a solid basis for peaceful settlement of our differences.

    I would be the last to suggest that the road to peace is not difficult and dangerous, but I believe our new policies have contributed to the prospect that America may have the best chance since World War II to enjoy a generation of uninterrupted peace and that chance will be enormously increased if we continue to have a relationship between Congress and the Executive in which, despite differences in detail, where the security of America and the peace of mankind are concerned, we act not as Republicans, not as Democrats— but as Americans.

    As we move into the decade of the 70s, we have the greatest opportunity for progress at home of any people in world history.

    Our Gross National Product will increase by five hundred billion dollars in the next ten years. This increase alone is greater than the entire growth of the American economy from 1790 to 1950.

    The critical question is not whether we will grow, but how we will use that growth.

    The decade of the sixties was also a period of great growth economically. But in that same ten-year period we witnessed the greatest growth of crime, the greatest increase in inflation, the greatest social unrest in America in 100 years. Never has a nation seemed to have had more and enjoyed it less.

    At heart, the issue is the effectiveness of government.

    Ours has become as it continues to be— and should remain— a society of large expectations. Government helped to generate these expectations and undertook to meet them. Yet, increasingly, it proved unable to do so.

    As a people, we had too many visions— and too little vision.

    Now, as we enter the seventies, we should enter also a great age of reform of the institutions of American government.

    Our purpose in this period should not be simply better management of the programs of the past. The time has come for a new quest— a quest not for a greater quantity of what we have — but for a new quality of life in America.

    A major part of the substance for an unprecedented advance in this nation's approach to its problems and opportunities is contained in more than two-score legislative proposals which I sent to the Congress last year and which still await enactment.

    I will offer at least a dozen more major programs in the course of this session.

    At this point I do not intend to go through a detailed listing of what I have proposed or will propose, but I would like to mention three areas in which urgent priorities demand that we move and move now:

    First, we cannot delay longer in accomplishing a total reform of our welfare system. When a system penalizes work, breaks up homes and robs recipients of dignity, there is no alternative to abolishing that system and adopting in its place the program of income support, job training and work incentives which I recommended to the Congress last year.

    Second, the time has come to assess and reform all of our institutions of government at the Federal, state and local level. It is time for a New Federalism, in which, after 190 years of power flowing from the people and local and state governments to Washington, D.C., it will begin to flow from Washington back to the states and to the people of the United States.

    We must adopt reforms which will expand the range of opportunities for all Americans. We can fulfill the American dream only when each person has a fair chance to fulfill his own dreams. This means equal voting rights, equal employment opportunity and new opportunities for expanded ownership because in order to be secure in their human rights, people need access to property rights.

    I could give similar examples of the need for reform in our programs for health, education, housing, and transportation, as well as other critical areas which directly affect the well-being of millions of Americans.

    The people of the United States should wait no longer for these reforms that would so deeply enhance the quality of their life.

    When I speak of actions which would be beneficial to the American people, I can think of none more important than for the Congress to join this Administration in the battle to stop the rise in the cost of living.

    Now, I realize it is tempting to blame someone else for inflation.

    Some blame business for raising prices.

    And some blame unions for asking for more wages.

    But a review of the stark fiscal facts of the 1960s, clearly demonstrates where the primary blame for rising prices must be placed.

    In the decade of the sixties the Federal government spent fifty-seven billion dollars more than it took in in taxes.

    In that same decade the American people paid the bill for that deficit in price increases which raised the cost of living for the average family of four by $200 per month in America.

    Now, millions of Americans are forced to go into debt today because the Federal government decided to go into debt yesterday. We must balance our Federal budget so that American families will have a better chance to balance their family budgets.

    Only with the cooperation of the Congress can we meet this highest priority objective of responsible government.

    We're on the right track.

    We had a balanced budget in 1969.

    This Administration cut more than seven billion dollars out of spending plans in order to produce a surplus in 1970.

    And in spite of the fact that Congress reduced revenues by three billion dollars, I shall recommend a balanced budget for 1971.

    But I can assure you that not only to present but stay within a balanced budget requires some very hard decisions. It means rejecting spending programs which would benefit some of the people when their net effect would result in price increases for all the people.

    It is time to quit putting good money into bad programs. Otherwise we will end up with bad money and bad programs.

    I recognize the political popularity of spending programs, particularly in an election year. But unless we stop the rise in prices, the cost of living for millions of American families will become unbearable and government's ability to plan programs for progress for the future will become impossible.

    In referring to budget cuts, there is one area where I have ordered an increase rather than a cut and that is— the requests of those agencies with the responsibility for law enforcement.

    We have heard a great deal of over-blown rhetoric during the sixties in which the word “war” has perhaps too often been used— the war on poverty, the war on misery, the war on disease, the war on hunger. But if there is one area where the word “war” is appropriate it is in the fight against crime. We must declare and win the war against the criminal elements which increasingly threaten our cities, our homes and our lives.

    We have a tragic example of this problem in the nation's Capital, for whose safety the Congress and the Executive have the primary responsibility. I doubt if many members of this Congress who live more than a few blocks from here would dare leave their cars in the Capitol Garage and walk home alone tonight.

    This (sic) year this Administration sent to the Congress thirteen separate pieces of legislation dealing with organized crime, pornography, street crime, narcotics, crime in the District of Columbia.

    None of these bills has reached my desk for signature.

    I am confident that the Congress will act now to adopt the legislation I placed before you last year. We in the Executive have done everything we can under existing law, but new and stronger weapons are needed in that fight.

    While it is true that state and local law enforcement agencies are the cutting edge in the effort to eliminate street crime, burglaries, murder, my proposals to you have embodied my belief that the Federal government should play a greater role in working in partnership with these agencies.

    That is why 1971 Federal spending for local law enforcement will double that budgeted for 1970.

    The primary responsibility for crimes that affect individuals is with local and state rather than with Federal government. But in the field of organized crime, narcotics, pornography, the Federal government has a special responsibility it should fulfill. And we should make Washington, D.C., where we have the primary responsibility, an example to the nation and the world of respect for law rather than lawlessness.

    I now turn to a subject which, next to our desire for peace, may well become the major concern of the American people in the decade of the seventies.

    In the next ten years we shall increase our wealth by fifty percent. The profound question is— does this mean we will be fifty percent richer in a real sense, fifty percent better off, fifty percent happier?

    Or, does it mean that in the year 1980 the President standing in this place will look back on a decade in which seventy percent of our people lived in metropolitan areas choked by traffic, suffocated by smog, poisoned by water, deafened by noise and terrorized by crime?

    These are not the great questions that concern world leaders at summit conferences. But people do not live at the summit. They live in the foothills of everyday experience and it is time for all of us to concern ourselves with the way real people live in real life.

    The great question of the seventies is, shall we surrender to our surroundings, or shall we make our peace with nature and begin to make reparations for the damage we have done to our air, to our land and to our water?

    Restoring nature to its natural state is a cause beyond party and beyond factions. It has become a common cause of all the people of this country. It is a cause of particular concern to young Americans— because they more than we will reap the grim consequences of our failure to act on programs which are needed now if we are to prevent disaster later.

    Clean air, clean water, open spaces— these should once again be the birthright of every American. If we act now— they can be.

    We still think of air as free. But clean air is not free, and neither is clean water. The price tag on pollution control is high. Through our years of past carelessness we incurred a debt to nature, and now that debt is being called.

    The program I shall propose to Congress will be the most comprehensive and costly program in this field in America's history.

    It is not a program for just one year. A year's plan in this field is no plan at all. This is a time to look ahead not a year, but five years or ten years— whatever time is required to do the job.

    I shall propose to this Congress a ten billion dollar nation-wide clean waters program to put modern municipal waste treatment plants in every place in America where they are needed to make our waters clean again, and do it now.

    We have the industrial capacity, if we begin now, to build them all within five years. This program will get them built within five years.

    As our cities and suburbs relentlessly expand, those priceless open spaces needed for recreation areas accessible to their people are swallowed up— often forever. Unless we preserve these spaces while they are still available, we will have none to preserve. Therefore, I shall propose new financing methods for purchasing open space and park lands, now, before they are lost to us.

    The automobile is our worst polluter of the air. Adequate control requires further advances in engine design and fuel composition. We shall intensify our research, set increasingly strict standards and strengthen enforcement procedures— and we shall do it now.

    We no longer can afford to consider air and water common property, free to be abused by anyone without regard to the consequences. Instead, we should begin now to treat them as scarce resources, which we are no more free to contaminate than we are free to throw garbage into our neighbor's yard. This requires comprehensive new regulations. It also requires that, to the extent possible, the price of goods should be made to include the costs of producing and disposing of them without damage to the environment.

    Now I realize that the argument is often made that a fundamental contradiction has arisen between economic growth and the quality of life, so that to have one we must forsake the other.

    The answer is not to abandon growth, but to redirect it. For example, we should turn toward ending congestion and eliminating smog the same reservoir of inventive genius that created them in the first place.

    Continued vigorous economic growth provides us with the means to enrich life itself and to enhance our planet as a place hospitable to man.

    Each individual must enlist in this fight if it is to be won.

    It has been said that no matter how many national parks and historical monuments we buy and develop, the truly significant environment for each of us is that in which we spend eighty percent of our time— in our homes, in our places of work, the streets over which we travel.

    Street litter, rundown parking strips and yards, dilapidated fences, broken windows, smoking automobiles, dingy working places, all should be the object of our fresh view.

    We have been too tolerant of our surroundings and too willing to leave it to others to clean up our environment. It is time for those who make massive demands on society to make some minimal demands on themselves. Each of us must resolve that each day he will leave his home, his property, the public places of his city or town a little cleaner, a little better, a little more pleasant for himself and those around him.

    With the help of people we can do anything and without their help we can do nothing. In this spirit, together, we can reclaim our land for ours and generations to come.

    Between now and the year 2000, over one-hundred-million children will be born in the United States. Where they grow up— and how— will, more than any one thing, measure the quality of American life in these years ahead.

    This should be a warning to us.

    For the past thirty years our population has also been growing and shifting. The result is exemplified in the vast areas of rural America emptying out of people and of promise— a third of our counties lost population in the 1960s.

    The violent and decayed central cities of our great metropolitan complexes are the most conspicuous area of failure in American life today.

    I propose that before these problems become insoluble, the nation develop a national growth policy.

    In the future government decisions as to where to build highways, locate airports, acquire land or sell land should be made with a clear objective of aiding a balanced growth for America.

    In particular, the Federal Government must be in a position to assist in the building of new cities and the rebuilding of old ones.

    At the same time, we will carry our concern with the quality of life in America to the farm as well as the suburb, to the village as well as to the city. What rural America needs most is a new kind of assistance. It needs to be dealt with, not as a separate nation, but as part of an overall growth policy for America. We must create a new rural environment which will not only stem the migration to urban centers but reverse it. If we seize our growth as a challenge, we can make the 1970s an historic period when by conscious choice we transformed our land into what we want it to become.

    America, which has pioneered in the new abundance, and in the new technology, is called upon today to pioneer in meeting the concerns which have followed in their wake— in turning the wonders of science to the service of man.

    In the majesty of this great chamber we hear the echoes of America's history, of debates that rocked the Union and those that repaired it, of the summons to war and the search for peace, of the uniting of the people, the building of a nation.

    Those echoes of history remind us of our roots and our strengths.

    They remind us also of that special genius of American democracy, which at one critical turning point after another has led us to spot the new road to the future and given us the wisdom and the courage to take it.

    As I look down that new road which I have tried to map out today, I see a new America as we celebrate our two hundredth anniversary six years from now.

    I see an America in which we have abolished hunger, provided the means for every family in the nation to obtain a minimum income, made enormous progress in providing better housing, faster transportation, improved health and superior education.

    I see an America in which we have checked inflation, and waged a winning war against crime.

    I see an America in which we have made great strides in stopping the pollution of our air, cleaning up our water, opening up our parks, continuing to explore in space.

    And, most important, I see an America at peace with all the nations of the world.

    This is not an impossible dream. These goals are all within our reach.

    In times past, our forefathers had the vision but not the means to achieve such goals.

    Let it not be recorded that we were the first American generation that had the means but not the vision to make this dream come true.

    But let us, above all, recognize a fundamental truth. We can be the best clothed, best fed, best housed people in the world, enjoying clean air, clean water and beautiful parks, but we could still be the unhappiest people in the world without an indefinable spirit— the lift of a driving dream which has made America from its beginning the hope of the world.

    Two hundred years ago this was a new nation of three million people, weak militarily, poor economically. But America meant something to the world then which could not be measured in dollars, something far more important than military might. Listen to President Thomas Jefferson in 1802. “We act not for ourselves alone, but for the whole human race.” We had a spiritual quality which caught the imagination of millions of people in the world.

    Today, when we are the richest and strongest nation in the world, let it not be recorded that we lack the moral and spiritual idealism which made us the hope of the world at the time of our birth. The demands on us in 1976 are even greater than in 1776.

    It's no longer enough to live and let live. Now we must live and help live.

    We need a fresh climate in America, one in which a person can breathe freely and breathe in freedom.

    Our recognition of the truth that wealth and happiness are not the same thing requires us to measure success or failure by new criteria.

    Even more than the programs I have described today, what this nation needs is an example from elected leaders in providing the spiritual and moral leadership which no programs for material progress can satisfy.

    Above all, let us inspire young Americans with a sense of excitement, a sense of destiny, a sense of involvement in meeting the challenges we face in this great period of our history. Only then are they going to have any sense of satisfaction in their lives.

    The greatest privilege an individual can have is to serve in a cause bigger than himself. We have such a cause.

    How we seize the opportunities I have described today will determine not only our future, but the future of peace and freedom in this world in the last third of the century.

    May God give us the wisdom, the strength and, above all, the idealism to be worthy of that challenge, so that America can fulfill its destiny of being the world's best hope for liberty, for opportunity, for progress and peace for all peoples.

    Nixon Presents `Six Great Goals' To Congress In Second State of the Union Message

    Following is the text, as made available by the White House, of President Nixon's Jan. 22, 1971, State of the Union address to Congress.

    Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our distinguished guests and my fellow Americans:

    This 92nd Congress has a chance to be recorded as the greatest Congress in America's history.

    In these troubled years just past, America has been going through a long nightmare of war and division, of crime and inflation. Even more deeply, we have gone through a long, dark night of the American spirit. But now that night is ending. Now we must let our spirits soar again. Now we are ready for the lift of a driving dream.

    The people of this nation are eager to get on with the quest for new greatness. They see challenges, and they are prepared to meet those challenges. It is for us here to open the doors that will set free again the real greatness of this nation— the genius of the American people.

    How shall we meet this challenge? How can we truly open the doors, and set free the full genius of our people?

    The way in which the 92nd Congress answers these questions will determine its place in history. More importantly, it can determine this nation's place in history as we enter the third century of our independence.

    Tonight, I shall present to the Congress six great goals. I shall ask not simply for more new programs in the old framework, but to change the framework itself— to reform the entire structure of American government so we can make it again fully responsive to the needs and the wishes of the American people.

    If we act boldly— if we seize this moment and achieve these goals— we can close the gap between promise and performance in American government, and bring together the resources of the nation and the spirit of the people.

    In discussing these great goals, I am dealing tonight only with matters on the domestic side of the nation's agenda. I shall make a separate report to the Congress and the nation next month on developments in our foreign policy.

    The first of these six great goals is already before the Congress.

    I urge that the unfinished business of the 91st Congress be made the first priority of the 92nd.

    Over the next two weeks, I will call upon Congress to take action on more than 35 pieces of proposed legislation on which action was not completed last year.

    Welfare Reform

    The most important is welfare reform.

    The present welfare system has become a monstrous, consuming outrage— an outrage against the community, against the taxpayer, and particularly against the children it is supposed to help.

    We may honestly disagree on what to do about it. But we can all agree that we must meet the challenge not by pouring more money into the old system, but by abolishing it and adopting a new one.

    Let us place a floor under the income of every family with children in America— and without those demeaning, soul-stifling affronts to human dignity that so blight the lives of welfare children today. But let us also establish an effective work incentive and an effective work requirement.

    Let us provide the means by which more can help themselves. Let us generously help those who are not able to help themselves. But let us stop helping those who are able to help themselves but refuse to do so.

    The Economy

    The second great goal is to achieve what Americans have not enjoyed since 1957— full prosperity in peacetime.

    The tide of inflation has turned. The rise in the cost of living, which had been gathering dangerous momentum in the late Sixties, was reduced last year. Inflation will be further reduced this year.

    But as we have moved from runaway inflation toward reasonable price stability, and at the same time have been moving from a wartime economy to a peacetime economy, we have paid a price in increased unemployment.

    We should take no comfort from the fact that the level of unemployment in this transition from a wartime to a peacetime economy is lower than in any peacetime year of the 1960s.

    This is not good enough for the man who is unemployed in the Seventies. We must do better for workers in peacetime and we will do better.

    To achieve this, I will submit an expansionary budget this year— one that will help stimulate the economy and thereby open up new job opportunities for millions of Americans.

    It will be a full employment budget, a budget designed to be in balance if the economy were operating at its peak potential. By spending as if we were at full employment, we will help to bring about full employment.

    I ask the Congress to accept these expansionary policies— to accept the concept of the full employment budget.

    At the same time, I ask the Congress to cooperate in resisting expenditures that go beyond the limits of the full employment budget. For as we wage a campaign to bring about a widely shared prosperity, we must not re-ignite the fires of inflation and so undermine that prosperity.

    With the stimulus and the discipline of a full employment budget; with the commitment of the independent Federal Reserve System to provide fully for the monetary needs of a growing economy; and with a much greater effort by labor and management to make their wage and price decisions in the light of the national interest and their own long-run best interests— then for the worker, the farmer, the consumer, and for Americans everywhere we shall gain the goal of a new prosperity: more jobs, more income and more profits, without inflation and without war.

    This is a great goal, and one that we can achieve together.

    The Environment

    The third great goal is to continue the effort so dramatically begun this past year: to restore and enhance our natural environment.

    Building on the foundation laid in the 37-point program I submitted to Congress last year, I will propose a strong new set of initiatives to clean up our air and water, to combat noise, and to preserve and restore our surroundings.

    I will propose programs to make better use of our land, and to encourage a balanced national growth— growth that will revitalize our rural heartland and enhance the quality of life throughout America.

    And not only to meet today's needs but to anticipate those of tomorrow, I will put forward the most extensive program ever proposed by a President to expand the nation's parks, recreation areas and open spaces in a way that truly brings parks to the people. For only if we leave a legacy of parks will the next generation have parks to enjoy.

    Health Care

    As a fourth great goal, I will offer a far-reaching set of proposals for improving America's health care and making it available more fairly to more people.

    I will propose:

    • A program to insure that no American family will be prevented from obtaining basic medical care by inability to pay.
    • A major increase in and redirection of aid to medical schools, to greatly increase the number of doctors and other health personnel.
    • Incentives to improve the delivery of health services, to get more medical care resources into those areas that have not been adequately served, to make greater use of medical assistants and to slow the alarming rise in the costs of medical care.
    • New programs to encourage better preventive medicine, by attacking the causes of disease and injury, and by providing incentives to doctors to keep people well rather than just to treat them when they are sick.

    I will also ask appropriation of an extra $100 million to launch an intensive campaign to find a cure for cancer, and I will ask later for whatever additional funds can effectively be used. The time has come when the same kind of concentrated effort that split the atom and took man to the moon should be turned toward conquering this dread disease. Let us make a total national commitment to achieve this goal.

    America has long been the wealthiest nation in the world. Now it is time we became the healthiest nation in the world.

    Revenue Sharing

    The fifth great goal is to strengthen and renew our State and local governments.

    As we approach our 200th anniversary in 1976, we remember that this nation launched itself as a loose confederation of separate States, without a workable central government. At that time, the mark of its leaders' vision was that they quickly saw the need to balance the separate powers of the States with a government of central powers.

    And so they gave us a Constitution of balanced powers, of unity with diversity— and so clear was their vision that it survives as the oldest written Constitution still in force in the world today.

    For almost two centuries since— and dramatically in the 1930s— at those great turning points when the question has been between the States and the Federal Government, it has been resolved in favor of a stronger central government.

    During this time the nation grew and prospered. But one thing history tells us is that no great movement goes in the same direction forever. Nations change, they adapt, or they slowly die.

    The time has come to reverse the flow of power and resources from the States and communities to Washington, and start power and resources flowing back from Washington to the States and communities and, more important, to the people, all across America.

    The time has come for a new partnership between the Federal Government and the States and localities— a partnership in which we entrust the States and localities with a larger share of the nation's responsibilities, and in which we share our revenues with them so they can meet those responsibilities.

    To achieve this goal, I propose to the Congress tonight that we enact a plan of revenue sharing historic in scope and bold in concept.

    All across America today, States and cities are confronted with a financial crisis. Some already have been cutting back on essential services— for example, just recently San Diego and Cleveland cut back on trash collections. Most are caught between the prospects of bankruptcy on the one hand and adding to an already crushing tax burden on the other.

    As one indication of the rising costs of local government, I discovered the other day that my home town of Whittier, California— with a population of only 67,000— has a budget for 1971 bigger than the entire Federal budget in 1791.

    Now the time has come to take a new direction, and once again to introduce a new and more creative balance in our approach to government.

    So let us put the money where the needs are. And let us put the power to spend it where the people are.

    I propose that the Congress make a $16 billion investment in renewing State and local government— with $5 billion of this in new and unrestricted funds, to be used as the States and localities see fit, and with the other $11 billion provided by allocating $1 billion of new funds and converting one-third of the money going to the present narrow-purpose aid programs into Federal revenue sharing funds for six broad purposes— urban development, rural development, education, transportation, job training and law enforcement— but with the States and localities making their own local decisions on how it should be spent.

    For the next fiscal year, this would increase total Federal aid to the States and localities by more than 25 percent over the present level.

    The revenue sharing proposals I send to the Congress will include the safeguards against discrimination that accompany all other Federal funds allocated to the States. Neither the President nor the Congress nor the conscience of the nation can permit money which comes from all the people to be used in a way which discriminates against some of the people.

    The Federal Government will still have a large and vital role to play in achieving our national purposes. Established functions that are clearly and essentially Federal in nature will still be performed by the Federal Government. New functions that need to be sponsored or performed by the Federal Government— such as those I have urged tonight in welfare and health— will be added to the Federal agenda. Whenever it makes the best sense for us to act as a whole nation, the Federal Government will lead the way. But where State or local governments can better do what needs to be done, let us see that they have the resources to do it.

    Under this plan, the Federal Government will provide the States and localities with more money and less interference— and by cutting down the interference the same amount of money will go a lot further.

    Let us share our resources:

    • To rescue the States and localities from the brink of financial crisis.
    • And to give homeowners and wage earners a chance to escape from ever-higher property taxes and sales taxes.

    Let us share our resources for two other reasons as well.

    The first of these reasons has to do with government itself. and the second with the individual.

    Let's face it. Most Americans today are simply fed up with government at all levels. They will not— and should not— continue to tolerate the gap between promise and performance.

    The fact is that we have made the Federal Government so strong it grows muscle-bound and the States and localities so weak they approach impotence.

    If we put more power in more places. we can make government more creative in more places. For that way we multiply the number of people with the ability to make things happen— and we can open the way to a new burst of creative energy throughout America.

    The final reason I urge this historic shift is much more personal, for each and every one of us.

    As everything seems to have grown bigger, and more complex; as the forces that shape our lives seem to have grown more distant and more impersonal a great feeling of frustration has crept across the land.

    Whether it is the working man who feels neglected, the black man who feels oppressed or the mother concerned about her children, there has been a growing feeling that “things are in the saddle, and ride mankind.”

    Millions of frustrated young Americans today are crying out— asking not what will government do for me, but what can I do, how can I contribute, how can I matter?

    Let us answer them. To them and to all Americans, let us say:

    We hear you and we will give you a chance. We are going to give you a new chance to have more to say about the decisions that affect your future— to participate in government— because we are going to provide more centers of power where what you do can make a difference that you can see and feel in your own life and the life of your whole community.

    The further away government is from people, the stronger government becomes and the weaker people become. And a nation with a strong government and a weak people is an empty shell.

    I reject the patronizing idea that government in Washington, D.C., is inevitably more wise, more honest and more efficient than government at the local or State level. The honesty and efficiency of government depends on people. Government at all levels has good people and bad people. And the way to get more good people into government is to give them more opportunity to do good things.

    The idea that a bureaucratic elite in Washington knows best what is best for people everywhere and that you cannot trust local government is really a contention that you cannot trust people to govern themselves. This notion is completely foreign to the American experience. Local government is the government closest to the people and most responsive to the individual person; it is people's government in a far more intimate way than the government in Washington can ever be.

    People came to America because they wanted to determine their own future rather than to live in a country where others determined their future for them.

    What this change means is that once again we are placing our trust in people.

    I have faith in people. I trust the judgment of people. Let us give the people a chance, a bigger voice in deciding for themselves those questions that so greatly affect their lives.

    Federal Government Reorganization

    The sixth great goal is a complete reform of the Federal Government itself.

    Based on a long and intensive study with the aid of the best advice obtainable. I have concluded that a sweeping reorganization of the Executive Branch is needed if the government is to keep up with the times and with the needs of the people.

    I propose that we reduce the present twelve Cabinet Departments to eight.

    I propose that the Departments of State, Treasury, Defense and Justice remain, but that all the other departments be consolidated into four: Human Resources, Community Development, Natural Resources, and Economic Development.

    Let us look at what these would be:

    • First, a department dealing with the concerns of people— as individuals, as members of a family— a department focused on human needs.
    • Second, a department concerned with the community— rural communities and urban— and with all that it takes to make a community function as a community.
    • Third, a department concerned with our physical environment, and with the preservation and balanced use of those great natural resources on which our nation depends.
    • And fourth, a department concerned with our prosperity— with our jobs, our businesses, and those many activities that keep our economy running smoothly and well.

    Under this plan, rather than dividing up our departments by narrow subjects, we would organize them around the great purposes of government. Rather than scattering responsibility by adding new levels of bureaucracy, we would focus and concentrate the responsibility for getting problems solved.

    With these four departments, when we have a problem we will know where to go— and the department will have the authority and the resources to do something about it.

    Over the years we have added departments and created agencies, each to serve a new constituency or to handle a particular task— and these have grown and multiplied in what has become a hopeless confusion of form and function.

    The time has come to match our structure to our purposes— to look with a fresh eye, and to organize the government by conscious, comprehensive design to meet the new needs of a new era.

    One hundred years ago, Abraham Lincoln stood on a battlefield and spoke of a government of the people, by the people and for the people. Too often since then, we have become a nation of the Government, by the Government, and for the Government.

    By enacting these reforms, we can renew that principle that Lincoln stated so simply and so well.

    By giving everyone's voice a chance to be heard, we will have government that truly is of the people.

    By creating more centers of meaningful power, more places where decisions that really count can be made, by giving more people a chance to do something, we can have government that truly is by the people.

    And by setting up a completely modern, functional system of government at the national level, we in Washington will at last be able to provide government that truly is for the people.

    I realize that what I am asking is that not only the Executive Branch in Washington but even this Congress will have to change by giving up some of its power.

    Change is hard. But without change there can be no progress. And for each of us the question must be, not “Will change cause me inconvenience?” but “Will change bring the country progress?”

    Giving up power is hard. But I would urge all of you, as leaders of this country, to remember that the truly revered leaders in world history are those who gave power to people, not those who took it away.

    As we consider these reforms we will be acting, not for the next two years or the next ten years, but for the next hundred years.

    So let us approach these six great goals with a sense, not only of this moment in history, but also of history itself.

    Let us act with the willingness to work together and the vision and the boldness and the courage of those great Americans who met in Philadelphia almost 190 years ago to create a Constitution.

    Let us leave a heritage as they did— not just for our children but for millions yet unborn— of a nation where every American will have a chance not only to live in peace and to enjoy prosperity and opportunity, but to participate in a system of government where he knows not only his votes but his ideas count— a system of government which will provide the means for America to reach heights of achievement undreamed of before.

    Those men who met in Philadelphia left a great heritage because they had a vision— not only of what the nation was, but of what it could become.

    As I think of that vision, I recall that America was founded as the land of the open door— as a haven for the oppressed, a land of opportunity, a place of refuge and of hope.

    When the first settlers opened the door of America three and a half centuries ago, they came to escape persecution and to find opportunity— and they left wide the door of welcome for others to follow.

    When the thirteen colonies declared their independence almost two centuries ago, they opened the door to a new vision of liberty and of human fulfillment— not just for an elite, but for all.

    To the generations that followed, America's was the open door that beckoned millions from the old world to the new in search of a better life, a freer life, a fuller life, in which by their own decisions they could shape their own destinies.

    For the black American, the Indian, the Mexican-American, and for those others in our land who have not had an equal chance, the nation at last has begun to confront the need to press open the door of full and equal opportunity, and of human dignity.

    New Era

    For all Americans, with these changes I have proposed tonight we can open the door to a new era of opportunity. We can open the door to full and effective participation in the decisions that affect their lives. We can open the door to a new partnership among governments at all levels, and between those governments and the people themselves. And by so doing, we can open wide the doors of human fulfillment for millions of people here in America.

    In the next few weeks I will spell out in greater detail the way I propose that we achieve these six great goals. I ask this Congress to be responsive. If it is, then the 92nd Congress, at the end of its term, will be able to look back on a record more splendid than any in our history.

    This can be the Congress that helped us end the longest war in the nation's history, and end it in a way that will give us at last a genuine chance for a full generation of peace.

    This can be the Congress that helped achieve an expanding economy, with full employment and without inflation— and without the deadly stimulus of war.

    This can be the Congress that reformed a welfare system that has robbed recipients of their dignity while it robbed States and cities of their resources.

    This can be the Congress that pressed forward the rescue of our environment, and established for the next generation an enduring legacy of parks for the people.

    This can be the Congress that launched a new era in American medicine, in which the quality of medical care was enhanced while the costs were made less burdensome.

    But above all, what this Congress can be remembered for is opening the way to a New American Revolution— a peaceful revolution in which power was turned back to the people— in which government at all levels was refreshed and renewed, and made truly responsive. This can be a revolution as profound, as far-reaching, as exciting, as that first revolution almost 200 years ago— and it can mean that just five years from now America will enter its third century as a young nation new in spirit, with all the vigor and freshness with which it began its first century.

    My colleagues in the Congress— these are great goals, and they can make the sessions of this Congress a great moment for America. So let us pledge together to go forward together— by achieving these goals to give America the foundation today for a new greatness tomorrow and in all the years to come— and in so doing to make this the greatest Congress in the history of this great and good nation.


    Third State of the Union: Dual Plea for Action on Past Requests in Two Lengthy Statements

    An Introduction to Nixon's Third State of the Union

    President Nixon broke with precedent Jan. 20, 1972, when he delivered two state-of-the-union messages to Congress— a 4,000-word speech tailored for television and a 15,000-word document elaborating on the address.


    Following is the text, as prepared for delivery to a joint session of Congress, of President Nixon's Jan. 20, 1972, State of the Union message.

    Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our distinguished guests and my fellow Americans:

    Twenty-five years ago I sat here as a freshman Congressman— along with Speaker Albert— and listened for the first time to the President address us on the State of the Union.

    I shall never forget that moment. The Senate, the Diplomatic Corps, the Supreme Court, the Cabinet entered the chamber, and then the President of the United States. As all of you are aware, I had some differences with President Truman, as he did with me. But I remember that on the day he addressed that Joint Session of the newly-elected Republican Congress, he spoke not as a partisan but as President of all the people— calling upon the Congress to put aside partisan considerations in the national interest.

    The Greek-Turkish aid program, the Marshall Plan, the great foreign policy initiatives which have been responsible for avoiding a world war for the past 25 years were approved by that 80th Congress, by a bipartisan majority of which I was proud to be a part.

    1972 is before us. It holds precious time in which to accomplish good for this Nation. We must not waste it. I know the political pressures in this session of the Congress will be great. There are more candidates for the Presidency in this chamber today than there probably have been at any one time in the whole history of the Republic. There is an honest division of opinion, not only between the parties but within the parties, on some issues of foreign policy and domestic policy as well.

    However, there are great national problems that are so vital they transcend partisanship. Let us have our debates. Let us have our honest differences. But let us join in keeping the national interest first. Let us join in making sure that legislation the Nation needs does not become hostage to the political interest of any party or any person.

    There is ample precedent, in this election year, for me to present you with a huge list of new proposals, knowing full well that there could be no possibility that they could be enacted even if you worked night and day. I shall not do that.

    I have presented to the leaders of the Congress today a message of 15,000 words discussing in some detail where the Nation stands and setting forth specific legislative items on which I ask the Congress to act. Much of this is legislation which I proposed in 1969, in 1970, and to the First Session of this 92nd Congress last year, and on which I feel it is essential that action be completed this year.

    I am not presenting proposals which have attractive labels but no hope of passage. I am presenting only vital programs which are within the capacity of the Congress to enact, within the capacity of the budget to finance, and which I believe should be above partisanship— programs which deal with urgent priorities for the Nation, which should and must be the subject of bipartisan action by this Congress in the interests of the country in 1972.

    When I took the oath of office on the steps of this building just three years ago today, the Nation was ending one of the most tortured decades in its history.

    The 1960s were a time of great progress in many areas. They were also a time of great agony— the agonies of war, of inflation, of rapidly rising crime, of deteriorating cities— of hopes raised and disappointed, and of anger and frustration that led finally to violence, and to the worst civil discord in a century.

    To recall these troubles is not to point fingers of blame. The Nation was so torn in those final years of the 60s that many in both parties questioned whether America could be governed at all. The Nation has made significant progress in these first years of the 70s. Our cities are no longer engulfed by civil disorders.

    Our colleges and universities have again become places of learning instead of battlegrounds.

    A beginning has been made on preserving and protecting our environment.

    The rate of increase in crime has been slowed— and here in the District of Columbia, the one city where the Federal Government has direct jurisdiction, serious crime in 1971 was actually reduced by 13 percent from the year before.

    Most important— because of the beginnings that have been made, we can say today that the year 1972 can be the year in which America may make the greatest progress in 25 years toward achieving our goal of being at peace with all the nations in the world.

    As our involvement in the war in Vietnam comes to an end, we must now go on to build a generation of peace.

    To achieve that goal, we must face realistically the need to maintain our defenses.

    In the past three years, we have reduced the burden of arms. For the first time in 20 years, spending on defense has been brought below spending on human resources.

    As we look to the future, we find encouraging progress in our negotiations with the Soviet Union on limitation of strategic arms. Looking further into the future, we hope there can eventually be agreement on the mutual reduction of arms. But until there is such a mutual agreement, we must maintain the strength necessary to deter war.

    Because of rising research and development costs, because of increases in military and civilian pay, and because of the need to proceed with new weapons systems, my budget for the coming fiscal year will provide for an increase in defense spending. Strong military defenses are not the enemy of peace.

    They are the guardian of peace.

    There could be no more misguided set of priorities than one which would tempt others by weakening America, and thereby endanger the peace of the world.

    In our foreign policies, we have entered a new era. The world has changed greatly in the eleven years since President John F. Kennedy said, in his Inaugural Address, “We shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.”

    Our policy has been carefully and deliberately adjusted to meet the new realities of the new world we now live in. We make only those commitments we are able and prepared to meet.

    Our commitment to freedom remains strong and unshakable. But others must bear their share of the burden of defending freedom around the world. This is our policy:

    • We will maintain a nuclear deterrent adequate to meet any threat to the security of the United States or of our allies.
    • We will help other nations develop the capability of defending themselves.

    • We will faithfully honor all of our treaty commitments.
    • We will act to defend our interests whenever and wherever they are threatened any place in the world.
    • But where our interests or our treaty commitments are not involved our role will be limited.
    • We will not intervene militarily.
    • But we will use our influence to prevent war.
    • If war comes we will use our influence to try to stop it.
    • Once war is over we will do our share in helping to bind up the wounds of those who have participated in it.

    I shall soon be visiting the Peoples Republic of China and the Soviet Union. I shall go there with no illusions. We have great differences with both powers. We will continue to have great differences. But peach depends on the ability of great powers to live together on the same planet despite their differences. We would not be true to our obligation to generations yet unborn if we failed to seize this moment to do everything in our power to insure that we will be able to talk about these differences rather than fight about them.

    As we look back over this century, we can be proud of our Nation's record in foreign affairs.

    America has given more generously of itself toward maintaining freedom, preserving peace and alleviating human suffering around the globe than any nation has ever done.

    We have fought four wars in this century—but our power has never been used to break the peace, only to keep it; never to destroy freedom, only to defend it. We now have within our reach the goal of ensuring that the next generation can be the first generation in this century to be spared the scourges of war.

    Here at home, we are making progress toward our goal of a new prosperity without war.

    Industrial production, consumer spending, retail sales and personal income all have been rising. Total employment and real income are the highest in history. New home-building starts this past year reached the highest level ever. Business and consumer confidence have both been rising. Interest rates are down, and the rate of inflation is down. We can look with confidence to 1972 as the year when the back of inflation will finally be broken.

    Good as this record is, it is not good enough—not when we still have an unemployment rate of six percent.

    It is not enough to point out that this was the rate of the early, peacetime years of the 1960s, or that, if the more than 2 million men released from the Armed Forces and defense-related industries were still on their wartime jobs, unemployment would be far lower.

    Our goal is full employment in peacetime—and we intend to meet that goal.

    The Congress has helped to meet it by passing our job-creating tax program last month.

    The historic monetary agreements we have reached with the major European nations, Canada and Japan will help meet it, by providing new markets for American products—and thus new jobs for American workers.

    Our budget will help meet it, by being expansionary without being inflationary—a job-producing budget that will help take up the gap as the economy expands to full employment.

    Our program to raise farm income will help meet it, by helping to revitalize rural America—and by giving to America's farms their fair share of America's increasing productivity.

    We will also help meet our goal of full employment in peacetime with a set of major initiatives to stimulate more imaginative use of America's great capacity for technological advance, and to direct it toward improving the quality of life for every American.

    In reaching the moon, we saw what miracles American technology is capable of achieving. Now the time has come to move more deliberately toward making full use of that technology here on earth, in harnessing the wonders of science to the service of man.

    I shall soon send to the Congress a special message proposing a new program of Federal partnership in technological research and development—with Federal incentives to increase private research, and federally-supported research on projects designed to improve our everyday lives in ways that will range from improving mass transit to developing new systems of emergency health care that could save thousands of lives annually.

    Historically, our superior technology and high productivity have made it possible for America's workers to be the most highly paid in the world, and for our goods still to compete in world markets.

    Now that other nations are moving rapidly forward in technology, the answer to the new competition is not to build a wall around America, but rather to remain competitive by improving our own technology still further, and by increasing productivity in American industry.

    Our new monetary and trade agreements will make it possible for American goods to compete fairly in the world's markets—but they still must compete. The new technology program will not only put to use the skills of many highly-trained American—skills that might otherwise be wasted. It will also help meet the growing technological challenge from abroad, and thus help to create new industries as well as creating jobs for America's workers in producing for the world's markets.

    This Second Session of the 92nd Congress already has before it more than 90 major administration proposals which still await action.

    I have discussed these in the written message that I delivered today.

    They include our programs to improve life for the aging; to combat crime and drug abuse; to improve health services and to ensure that no one will be denied needed health care because of inability to pay; to protect workers' pension rights; to promote equal opportunity for members of minorities and others who have been left behind; to expand consumer protection; to improve the environment; to revitalize rural America; to help the cities; to launch new iniatives in education; to improve transportation, and to put an end to costly labor tie-ups in transportation.

    They also include basic reforms which are essential if our structure of government is to be adequate to the needs of the decades ahead.

    They include reform of our wasteful and outmoded welfare system—and substitution of a new system that provides work requirements and work incentives for those who can help themselves, income support for those who cannot help themselves, and fairness for the working poor.

    They include a $17.6-billion program of Federal revenue sharing with the States and localities—as an investment in their renewal, and an investment of faith of the people.

    They also include a sweeping reorganization of the Executive branch of the Federal Government, so that it will be more efficient, more responsive, and able to meet the challenges of the decades ahead.

    One year ago, I laid before the opening session of this Congress six great goals.

    One of these was welfare reform. That proposal has been before the Congress now for nearly two and a half years.

    My proposals on revenue sharing, government reorganization, health care and the environment have now been before the Congress for nearly a year. Many of my other major proposals have been here as long or longer.

    1971 was a year of consideration of these measures. Now let us join in making 1972 a year of action on them—action by the Congress, for the Nation and for the people of America.

    In addition, there is one pressing need which I have not previously covered, but which must be placed on the national agenda.

    We long have looked to the local property tax as the main source of financing for public primary and secondary education.

    As a result, soaring school costs and soaring property tax rates now threaten both our communities and our schools. They threaten communities because property taxes—which more than doubled in the 10 years from 1960 to 1970—have become one of the most oppressive and discriminatory of all taxes, hitting most cruelly at the elderly and the retired; and they threaten schools, as hard-pressed voters understandably reject new bond issues at the polls.

    The problem has been given even greater urgency by three recent court decisions, which have held the conventional method of financing schools through local property taxes discriminatory and unconstitutional.

    Nearly two years ago, I named a special Presidential Commission to study the problems of school finance, and I also directed the Federal Departments to look into the same problems. We are developing comprehensive proposals to meet these problems.

    This issue involves two complex and inter-related sets of problems: support of the schools, and the basic relationships of Federal, State and local governments in any tax reforms.

    Under the leadership of the Secretary of the Treasury, we are carefully reviewing the tax aspects; and I have this week enlisted the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations in addressing the intergovernmental relations aspects.

    I have asked this bipartisan Commission to review our proposals for Federal action to cope with the gathering crisis of school finance and property taxes. Later in the year, when both Commissions have completed their studies, I shall make my final recommendations for relieving the burden of property taxes and providing both fair and adequate financing for our children's education.

    All of my recommendations, however, will be rooted in one fundamental principle with which there can be no compromise: local school boards must have control over local schools.

    As we look ahead over the coming decades, vast new growth and change are not only certainties. They will be the dominant reality of our life in America.

    Surveying the certainty of rapid change, we can be like a fallen rider caught in the stirrups—or we can sit high in the saddle, the masters of change, directing it on a course that we choose.

    The secret of mastering change in today's world is to reach back to old and proven principles, and to adapt them, with imagination and intelligence, to the new realities of a new age.

    This is what we have done in the proposals that I have laid before the Congress. They are rooted in basic principles that are as enduring as human nature and as robust as the American experience; and they are responsive to new conditions. Thus they represent a spirit of change that is really renewal.

    As we look back at these old principles, we find them as timely as they are timeless.

    We believe in independence, and self-reliance, and in the creative value of the competitive spirit.

    We believe in full and equal opportunity for all Americans, and in the protection of individual rights and liberties.

    We believe in the family as the keystone of the community, and in the community as the keystone of the Nation.

    We believe in compassion toward those in need.

    We believe in a system of law, justice and order as the basis of a genuinely free society.

    We believe that a person should get what he works for—and those who can should work for what they get.

    We believe in the capacity of people to make their own decisions, in their own lives and in their own communities—and we believe in their right to make those decisions.

    In applying these principles, we have done so with a full understanding that our quest in the 70s is not merely for more, but for better—for a better quality of life for all Americans.

    Thus, for example, we are giving a new measure of attention to cleaning up our air and water, and to making our surroundings more attractive. Thus we are providing broader support for the arts, and helping stimulate a deeper appreciation of what they can contribute to the Nation's activities and to our individual lives.

    Nothing matters more to the quality of our lives than the way we treat one another—than our capacity to live respectfully together as a unified society, with a full and generous regard for the rights of others and the feelings of others.

    As we recover from the turmoil and violence of recent years, as we learn once again to speak with one another instead of shouting at one another, we are regaining that capacity.

    As is customary here, on this occasion, I have been talking about programs. These programs are important. But even more important than programs is what we are as a Nation—what we mean as a Nation, to ourselves and to the world.

    In New York harbor stands one of the most famous statues in the world—the Statue of Liberty, the gift in 1886 of the people of France to the people of the United States. This statue is more than a landmark; it is a symbol—a symbol of what America has meant to the world.

    It reminds us that what America has meant is not its wealth, not its power, but its spirit and purpose—a land that enshrines liberty and opportunity, and that has held out a hand of welcome to millions in search of a better and a fuller and above all, a freer life.

    The world's hopes poured into America, along with its people—and those hopes, those dreams, that have been brought from every corner of the world, have become a part of the hope that we hold out to the world.

    Four years from now, America will celebrate the 200th anniversary of its founding as a Nation.

    There are some who say that the old Spirit of '76 is dead—that we no longer have the strength of character, the idealism, the faith in our founding purposes, that that spirit represents.

    Those who say this do not know America.

    We have been undergoing self-doubts and self-criticism. But these are the other side of our growing sensitivity to the persistence of want in the midst of plenty, and of our impatience with the slowness with which age-old ills are being overcome.

    If we were indifferent to the shortcomings of our society, or complacent about our institutions, or blind to the lingering inequities—then we would have lost our way.

    The fact that we have these concerns is evidence that our ideals are still strong: And indeed, they remind us that what is best about America is its compassion. They remind us that in the final analysis, America is great not because it is strong, not because it is rich, but because it is good.

    Let us reject the narrow visions of those who would tell us that we are evil because we are not yet perfect, that we are corrupt because we are not yet pure, that all the sweat and toil and sacrifice that have gone into the building of America were for naught because the building is not yet done.

    Let us see that the path we are traveling is wide, with room in it for all of us, and that its direction is toward a better Nation in a more peaceful world.

    Never has it mattered more that we go forward together.

    The leadership of America is here today, in this Chamber—the Supreme Court, the Cabinet, the Senate, the House of Representatives.

    Together, we hold the future of the Nation, and the conscience of the Nation, in our hands.

    Because this year is an election year, it will be a time of great pressure.

    If we yield to that pressure, and fail to deal seriously with the historic challenges that we face, then we will have failed America. We will have failed the trust of millions of Americans, and shaken the confidence they have a right to place in their government.

    Never has a Congress had a greater opportunity to leave a legacy of profound and constructive reform for the Nation than this Congress.

    If we succeed in these tasks, there will be credit enough for all—not only for doing what is right, but for doing it the right way, by rising above partisan interest to serve the national interest.

    If we fail, then more than any of us, America will be the loser.

    That is why my call upon the Congress today is for a high statesmanship—so that in the years to come, Americans will look back and say that because it withstood the intense pressures of a political year, and achieved such great good for the American people, and for the future of this Nation—this was truly a great Congress.


    Following is the text, as made available by the White House, of President Nixon's expanded and more detailed State of the Union message sent to Congress Jan. 20, 1972.


    It was just 3 years ago today that I took the oath of office as President. I opened my address that day by suggesting that some moments in history stand out “as moments of beginning,” when “courses are set that shape decades or centuries.” I went on to say that “this can be such a moment.”

    Looking back 3 years later, I would suggest that it was such a moment—a time in which new courses were set on which we now are traveling. Just how profoundly these new courses will shape our decade or our century is still an unanswered question, however, as we enter the fourth year of this administration. For moments of beginning will mean very little in history unless we also have the determination to follow up on those beginnings.

    Setting the course is not enough. Staying the course is an equally important challenge. Good government involves both the responsibility for making fresh starts and the responsibility for perseverance.

    The responsibility for perseverance is one that is shared by the President, the public, and the Congress.

    • We have come a long way, for example, on the road to ending the Vietnam war and to improving relations with our adversaries. But these initiatives will depend for their lasting meaning on our persistence in seeing them through.
    • The magnificent cooperation of the American people has enabled us to make substantial progress in curbing inflation and in reinvigorating our economy. But the new prosperity we seek can be completed only if the public continues in its commitment to economic responsibility and discipline.
    • Encouraging new starts have also been made over the last 3 years in treating our domestic ills. But continued progress now requires the Congress to act on its large and growing backlog of pending legislation.

    America's agenda for action is already well established as we enter 1972. It will grow in the weeks ahead as we present still more initiatives. But we dare not let the emergence of new business obscure the urgency of old business. Our new agenda will be little more than an empty gesture if we abandon—or even de-emphasize—that part of the old agenda which is yet unfinished.

    One measure of the Nation's progress in these first years of the Seventies is the improvement in our national morale. While the 1960's were a time of great accomplishment, they were also a time of growing confusion. Our recovery from that condition is not complete, but we have made a strong beginning.

    Then we were a shaken and uncertain people, but now we are recovering our confidence. Then we were divided and suspicious, but now we are renewing our sense of common purpose. Then we were surrounded by shouting and posturing, but we have been learning once again to lower our voices. And we have also been learning to listen.

    A history of the 1960s' was recently published under the title, Coming Apart. But today we can say with confidence that we are coming apart no longer. The “center” of American life has held, and once again we are getting ourselves together.

    Under the pressures of an election year, it would be easy to look upon the legislative program merely as a political device and not as a serious agenda. We must resist this temptation. The year ahead of us holds precious time in which to accomplish good for this Nation and we must not, we dare not, waste it. Our progress depends on a continuing spirit of partnership between the President and the Congress, between the House and the Senate, between Republicans and Democrats. That spirit does not require us always to agree with one another, but it does require us to approach our tasks, together, in a spirit of reason and realism.

    Clear words are the great servant of reason. Intemperate words are the great enemy of reason. The cute slogan, the glib headline, the clever retort, the appeal to passion—these are not the way to truth or to good public policy.

    To be dedicated to clear thinking, to place the interests of all above the interests of the few, to hold to ultimate values and to curb momentary passions, to think more about the next generation and less about the next election—these are now our special challenges.

    The condition of a nation's spirit cannot be measured with precision, but some of the factors which influence that spirit can. I believe the most dramatic single measurement of the distance we have traveled in the last 36 months is found in the statistics concerning our involvement in the war in Vietnam.

    On January 20, 1969 our authorized troop ceiling in Vietnam was 549,500. And there was no withdrawal plan to bring these men home. On seven occasions since that time, I have announced withdrawal decisions—involving a total of 480,500 troops. As a result, our troop ceiling will be only 69,000 by May 1. This means that in 3 years we will have cut our troop strength in Vietnam by 87 percent. As we proceed toward our goal of a South Vietnam fully able to defend itself, we will reduce that level still further.

    In this same period, expenditures connected with the war have been cut drastically. There has been a drop of well over 50 percent in American air activity in all of Southeast Asia. Our ground combat role has been ended. Most importantly, there has been a reduction of 95 percent in combat deaths.

    Our aim is to cut the death and casualty toll by 100 percent, to obtain the release of those who are prisoners of war, and to end the fighting altogether.

    It is my hope that we can end this tragic conflict through negotiation. If we cannot, then we will end it through Vietnamization. But end it we shall—in a way which fulfills our commitment to the people of South Vietnam and which gives them the chance for which they have already sacrificed so much—the chance to choose their own future.

    The American people have learned many lessons in the wake of Vietnam—some helpful and some dangerous. One important lesson is that we can best serve our own interests in the world by setting realistic limits on what we try to accomplish unilaterally. For the peace of the world will be more secure, and its

    At the same time, to conclude that the United States should now withdraw from all or most of its international responsibilities would be to make a dangerous error. There has been a tendency among some to swing from one extreme to the other in the wake of Vietnam, from wanting to do too much in the world to wanting to do too little. We must resist this temptation to over-react. We must stop the swinging pendulum before it moves to an opposite position, and forge instead an attitude toward the world which is balanced and sensible and realistic.

    America has an important role to play in international affairs, a great influence to exert for good. As we have throughout this century, we must continue our profound concern for advancing peace and freedom, by the most fective means possible, even as we shift somewhat our view of what means are most effective.

    This is our policy :

    • We will maintain a nuclear deterrent adequate to meet any eat to the security of the United States or of our allies.
    • We will help other nations develop the capability of defending themselves.
    • We will faithfully honor all of our treaty commitments.
    • We will act to defend our interests whenever and whereever are threatened any place in the world.
    • But where our interests or our treaty commitments are not olved our role will be limited.
    • We will not intervene militarily.
    • But we will use our influence to prevent war.
    • If war comes we will use our influence to try to stop it.
    • Once war is over we will do our share in helping to bind up the wounds of those who have participated in it.

    Opening New Lines of Communication

    Even as we seek to deal more realistically with our partners, so we must deal more realistically with those who have been our adversaries. In the last year we have made a number of notable advances toward this goal.

    In our dealings with the Soviet Union, for example, we have been able, gether with our allies, to reach an historic agreement concerning Berlin. We have advanced the prospects for limiting strategic armaments. We have moved rd greater cooperation in space research and toward improving our economic relationships. There have been disappointments such as South Asia and uncertainities such as the Middle East. But there has also been progress we build on.

    It is to build on the progress of the past and to lay the foundations for greater progress in the future that I will soon be visiting the capitals of h the Peoples Republic of China and the Soviet Union. These visits will lp to fulfill the promise I made in my Inaugural address when I said “that during this administration our lines of communication will be open,” so that we can help create “an open world— open to ideas, open to the exchange of s and people, a world in which no people, great or small, will live in gry isolation.” It is in this spirit that I will undertake these journeys.

    We must also be realistic, however, about the scope of our differences th these governments. My visits will mean not that our differences have isappeared or will disappear in the near future. But peace depends on the ility of great powers to live together on the same planet despite their ifferences. The important thing is that we talk about these differences rather than fight about them.

    It would be a serious mistake to say that nothing can come of our expanded communications with Peking and Moscow. But it would also be a mistake to xpect too much too quickly.

    It would also be wrong to focus so much attention on these new opportunities that we neglect our old friends. That is why I have met in the few weeks with the leaders of two of our hemisphere neighbors, Canada and Brazil, with the leaders of three great European nations, and with the Prime Minister of Japan. I believe these meetings were extremely successful in comenting our understandings with these governments as we move forward together in a fast changing period.

    Our consultations with our allies may not receive as much attention as our talks with potential adversaries. But this makes them no less important. The cornerstone of our foreign policy remains— and will remain— our close onds with our friends around the world.

    A Strong Defense: The Guardian of Peace

    There are two additional elements which are critical to our efforts to rengthen the structure of peace.

    The first of these is the military strength of the United States.

    In the last 3 years we have been moving from a wartime to a peacetime ooting, from a period of continued confrontation and arms competition to a iod of negotiation and potential arms limitation, from a period when America often acted as policeman for the world to a period when other nations are assuming greater responsibility for their own defense. I was recently ncouraged, for example, by the decision of our European allies to increase ir share of the NATO defense budget by some $1 billion.

    As a part of this process, we have ended the production of chemical and logical weaponry and have converted two of our largest facilities for such production to humanitarian research. We have been able to reduce and in some ods even to eliminate draft calls. In 1971, draft calls— which were as as 382,000 at the peak of the Vietnam war— fell below 100,000, the owest level since 1962. In the coming year they will be significantly lower. I am confident that by the middle of next year we can achieve our goal of educing draft calls to zero.

    As a result of all these developments, our defense spending has fallen to 7 percent of our gross national product in the current fiscal year, compared 8.3 percent in 1964 and 9.5 percent in 1968. That figure will be down to 6.4 percent in fiscal year 1973. Without sacrificing any of our security interests, we have been able to bring defense spending below the level of uman resource spending for the first time in 20 years. This condition is aintained in my new budget— which also, for the first time, allocates more money to the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare than to the Department of Defense.

    But just as we avoid extreme reactions in our political attitudes toward world, so we must avoid over-reacting as we plan for our defense. We have reversed spending priorities, but we have never compromised our national security. And we never will. For any step which weakens America's defenses ll also weaken the prospects for peace.

    Our plans for the next year call for an increase in defense spending. That increase is made necessary in part by rising research and development costs, in part by military pay increases— which, in turn, will help us eliminate draft— and in part by the need to proceed with new weapon systems to intain our security at an adequate level. Even as we seek with the greatest urgency stable controls on armaments, we cannot ignore the fact that others going forward with major increases in their own arms programs.

    In the year ahead we will be working to improve and protect, to diversify and disperse our strategic forces in ways which make them even less vulnerable to attack and more effective in deterring war. I will request a substantial et increase to preserve the sufficiency of our strategic nuclear deterrent, including an allocation of over $900 million to improve our sea-based deterrent force. I recently directed the Department of Defense to elop a program to build additional missile launching submarines, carrying a new and far mor effective missile. We will also proceed with programs to eoutfit our Polaris submarines with the Poseidon missile system, to replace order land-based missiles with Minuteman III, and to deploy the SAFEGUARD Antiballistic Missile System.

    At the same time, we must move to maintain our strength at sea. The Navy's budget was increased by $2 billion in the current fiscal year, and I will ask for a similar increase next year, with particular emphasis on our shipbuilding programs.

    Our military research and development program must also be stepped up. Our budget in this area was increased by $594 million in the current fiscal year and I will recommend a further increase for next year of $838 million. I will also propose a substantial program to develop and procure more effective weapons systems for our land and tactical air forces, and to improve the National Guard and Reserves, providing more modern weapons and better training.

    In addition, we will expand our strong program to attract volunteer career soldiers so that we can phase out the draft. With the cooperation of the Congress, we have been able to double the basic pay of first-time enlistees. Further substantial military pay increases are planned. I will also submit to the Congress an overall reform of our military retirement and survivor benefit programs, raising the level of protection for military families. In addition, we will expand efforts to improve race relations, to equalize promotional opportunities, to control drug abuse, and generally to improve the quality of life in the Armed Forces.

    As we take all of these steps, let us remember that strong military defenses are not the enemy of peace; they are the guardians of peace. Our ability to build a stable and tranquil world— to achieve an arms control agreement, for example— depends on our ability to negotiate from a position of strength. We seek adequate power not as an end in itself but as a means for achieving our purpose. And our purpose is peace.

    In my Inaugural address 3 years ago I called for cooperation to reduce the burden of arms— and I am encouraged by the progress we have been making toward that goal. But I also added this comment: “ all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.” Today I repeat that reminder.

    A Realistic Program of Foreign Assistance

    Another important expression of America's interest and influence in the world is our foreign assistance effort. This effort has special significance at a time when we are reducing our direct military presence abroad and encouraging other countries to assume greater responsibilities. Their growing ability to undertake these responsibilities often depends on America's foreign assistance.

    We have taken significant steps to reform our foreign assistance programs in recent years, to eliminate waste and to give them greater impact. Now three further imperatives rest with the Congress:

    • To fund in full the levels of assistance which I have earlier recommended for the current fiscal year, before the present interim funding arrangement expires in late February;
    • To act upon the fundamental aid reform proposals submitted by this administration in 1971;
    • And to modify those statutes which govern our response to expropriation of American property by foreign governments, as I recommended in my recent statement on the security of overseas investments.

    These actions, taken together, will constitute not an exception to the emerging pattern for a more realistic American role in the world, but rather a fully consistent and crucially important element in that pattern.

    As we work to help our partners in the world community develop their economic potential and strengthen their military forces, we should also cooperate fully with them in meeting international challenges such as the menace of narcotics, the threat of pollution, the growth of population, the proper use of the seas and seabeds, and the plight of those who have been victimized by wars and natural disasters. All of these are global problems and they must be confronted on a global basis. The efforts of the United Nations to respond creatively to these challenges have been most promising, as has the work of NATO in the environmental field. Now we must build on these beginnings.

    America's Influence for Good

    The United States is not the world's policeman nor the keeper of its moral conscience. But— whether we like it or not— we still represent a force for stability in what has too often been an unstable world, a force for justice in a world which is too often unjust, a force for progress in a world which desperately needs to progress, a force for peace in a world that is weary of war.

    We can have a great influence for good in our world— and for that reason we bear a great responsibility. Whether we ful-fill that responsibility— whether we fully use our influence for good— these are questions we will be answering as we reshape our attitudes and policies toward other countries, as we determine our defensive capabilities, and as we make fundamental decisions about foreign assistance. I will soon discuss these and other concerns in greater detail in my annual report to the Congress on foreign policy.

    Our influence for good in the world depends, of course, not only on decisions which touch directly on international affairs but also on our internal strength— on our sense of pride and purpose, on the vitality of our economy, on the success of our efforts to build a better life for all our people. Let us turn then from the state of the Union abroad to the state of the Union at home.

    The Economy: Toward A New Prosperity

    Just as the Vietnam war occasioned much of our spiritual crisis, so it lay at the root of our economic problems 3 years ago. The attempt to finance that war through budget deficits in a period of full employment had produced a wave of price inflation as dangerous and as persistent as any in our history. It was more persistent, frankly, than I expected it would be when I first took office. And it only yielded slowly to our dual efforts to cool the war and to cool inflation.

    Our challenge was further compounded by the need to reabsorb more than 2 million persons who were released from the Armed Forces and from defense-related industries and by the substantial expansion of the labor force.

    In short, the escalation of the Vietnam war in the late 1960's destroyed price stability. And the de-escalation of that war in the early 1970's impeded full employment.

    Throughout these years, however, I have remained convinced that both price stability and full employment were realistic goals for this country. By last summer it became apparent that our efforts to eradicate inflation without wage and price controls would either take too long or— if they were to take effect quickly— would come at the cost of persistent high unemployment. This cost was unacceptable. On August 15th I therefore announced a series of new economic policies to speed our progress toward a new prosperity without inflation in peacetime.

    These policies have received the strong support of the Congress and the American people, and as a result they have been effective. To carry forward these policies, three important steps were taken this past December— all within a brief 2-week period— which will also help to make the coming year a very good year for the American economy.

    On December 10, I signed into law the Revenue Act of 1971, providing tax cuts over the next 3 years of some $15 billion, cuts which I requested to stimulate the economy and to provide hundreds of thousands to new jobs. On December 22, I signed into law the Economic Stabilization Act Amendments of 1971, which will allow us to continue our program of wage and price restraints to break the back of inflation.

    Between these two events, on December 18, I was able to announce a major breakthrough on the international economic front— reached in cooperation with our primary economic partners. This breakthrough will mitigate the intolerable strains which were building up in the world's monetary and payments structure and will lead to a removal of trade barriers which have impeded American exports. It also sets the stage for broader reforms in the international monetary system so that we can avoid repeated monetary crises in the future. Both the monetary realignment— the first of its scope in history— and our progress in readjusting trade conditions will mean better markets for American goods abroad and more jobs for American workers at home.

    A Brighter Economic Picture

    As a result of all these steps, the economic picture— which has brightened steadily during the last 5 months— will, I believe, continue to grow brighter. This is not my judgment alone; it is widely shared by the American people. Virtually every survey and forecast in recent weeks shows a substantial improvement in public attitudes about the economy— which are themselves so instrumental in shaping economic realities.

    The inflationary psychology which gripped our Nation so tightly for so long is on the ebb. Business and consumer confidence has been rising. Businessmen are planning a 9.1 percent increase in plant and equipment expenditures in 1972, more than four times as large as the increase in 1971. Consumer spending and retail sales are on the rise. Home building is booming— housing starts last year were up more than 40 percent from 1970, setting an all-time record. Interest rates are sharply down. Both income and production are rising. Real out put in our economy in the last 3 months of 1971 grew at a rate that was about double that of the previous two quarters.

    Perhaps most importantly, total employment has moved above the 80 million mark— to a record high— and is growing rapidly. In the last 5 months of 1971, some 1.1 million additional jobs were created in our economy and only a very unusual increase in the size of our total labor force kept the unemployment rate from falling.

    But whatever the reason, 6 percent unemployment is too high. I am determined to cut that percentage— through a variety of measures. The budget I present to the Congress next week will be an expansionary budget— reflecting the impact of new job-creating tax cuts and job-creating expenditures. We will also push to increase employment through our programs for manpower training and public service employment, through our efforts to expand foreign markets, and through other new initiatives.

    Expanded employment in 1972 will be different, however, from many other periods of full prosperity. For it will come without the stimulus of war— and it will come without inflation. Our program of wage and price controls is working. The consumer price index, which rose at a yearly rate of slightly over 6 percent during 1969 and the first half of 1970, rose at a rate of only 1.7 percent from August through November of 1971.

    I would emphasize once again, however, that our ultimate objective is lasting price stability without controls. When we achieve an end to the inflationary psychology which developed in the 1960's, we will return to our traditional policy of relying on free market forces to determine wages and prices.

    I would also emphasize that while our new budget will be in deficit, the deficit will not be irresponsible. It will be less than this year's actual deficit and would disappear entirely under full employment conditions. While Federal spending continues to grow, the rate of increase in spending has been cut very sharply— to little more than half that experienced under the previous administration. The fact that our battle against inflation has led us to adopt a new policy of wage and price restraints should not obscure the continued importance of our fiscal and monetary policies in holding down the cost of living. It is most important that the Congress join now in resisting the temptation to overspend and in accepting the discipline of a balanced full employment budget.

    I will soon present a more complete discussion of all of these matters in my Budget Message and in my Economic Report.

    A New Era in International Economics

    Just as we have entered a new period of negotiation in world politics, so we have also moved into a new period of negotiation on the international economic front. We expect these negotiations to help us build both a new international system for the exchange of money and a new system of international trade. These accomplishments, in turn, can open a new era of fair competition and constructive interdependence in the global economy.

    We have already made important strides in this direction. The realignment of exchange rates which was announced last month represents an important forward step— but now we also need basic long-range monetary reform. We have made an important beginning toward altering the conditions for international trade and investment— and we expect further substantial progress. I would emphasize that progress for some nations in these fields need not come at the expense of others. All nations will benefit from the right kind of monetary and trade reform.

    Certainly the United States has a high stake in such improvements. Our international economic position has been slowly deteriorating now for some time— a condition which could have dangerous implications for both our influence abroad and our prosperity at home. It has been estimated, for example, that full employment prosperity will depend on the creation of some 20 million additional jobs in this decade. And expanding our foreign markets is a most effective way to expand domestic employment.

    One of the major reasons for the weakening of our international economic position is that the ground rules for the exchange of goods and money have forced us to compete with one hand tied behind our back. One of our most important accomplishments in 1971 was our progress in changing this situation.

    Competing More Effectively

    Monetary and trade reforms are only one part of this story. The ability of the United States to hold its own in world competition depends not only on the fairness of the rules, but also on the competitiveness of our economy. We have made great progress in the last few months in improving the terms of competition. Now we must also do all we can to strengthen the ability of our own economy to compete.

    We stand today at a turning point in the history of our country— and in the history of our planet. On the one hand, we have the opportunity to help bring a new economic order to the world, an open order in which nations eagerly face outward to build that network of interdependence which is the best foundation for prosperity and for peace. But we will also be tempted in the months ahead to take the opposite course— to withdraw from the world economically as some would have us withdraw politically, to build an economic “Fortress America” within which our growing weakness could be concealed. Like a child who will not go out to play with other children, we would probably be saved a few minor bumps and bruises in the short run if we were to adopt this course. But in the long run the world would surely pass us by.

    I reject this approach. I remain committed to that open world I discussed in my Inaugural address. That is why I have worked for a more inviting climate for America's economic activity abroad. That is why I have placed so much emphasis on increasing the productivity of our economy at home. And that is also why I believe so firmly that we must stimulate more longrange investment in our economy, find more effective ways to develop and use new technology, and do a better job of training and using skilled manpower.

    An acute awareness of the international economic challenge led to the creation just one year ago of the Cabinet-level Council on International Economic Policy. This new institution has helped us to understand this challenge better and to respond to it more effectively.

    As our understanding deepens, we will discover additional ways of improving our ability to compete. For example, we can enhance our competitive position by moving to implement the metric system of measurement, a proposal which the Secretary of Commerce presented in detail to the Congress last year. And we should also be doing far more to gain our fair share of the international tourism market, now estimated at $17 billion annually, one of the largest factors in world trade. A substantial part of our balance of payments deficit results from the fact that American tourists abroad spend $2.5 billion more than foreign tourists spend in the United States. We can help correct this situation by attracting more foreign tourists to our shores— especially as we enter our Bicentennial era. I am therefore requesting that the budget for the United States Travel Service be nearly doubled in the coming year.

    The Unfinished Agenda

    Our progress toward building a new economic order at home and abroad has been made possible by the cooperation and cohesion of the American people. I am sure that many Americans had misgivings about one aspect or another of the new economic policies I introduced last summer. But most have nevertheless been ready to accept this new effort in order to build the broad support which is essential for effective change.

    The time has now come for us to apply this same sense of realism and reasonability to other reform proposals which have been languishing on our domestic agenda. As was the case with our economic policies, most Americans agree that we need a change in our welfare system, in our health strategy, in our programs to improve the environment, in the way we finance State and local government, and in the organization of government at the Federal level. Most Americans are not satisfied with the status quo in education, in transportation, in law enforcement, in drug control, in community development. In each of these areas— and in others— I have put forward specific proposals which are responsive to this deep desire for change.

    And yet achieving change has often been difficult. There has been progress in some areas, but for the most part, as a nation we have not shown the same sense of self-discipline in our response to social challenges that we have developed in meeting our economic needs. We have not been as ready as we should have been to compromise our differences and to build a broad coalition for change. And so we often have found ourselves in a situation of stalemate— doing essentially nothing even though most of us agree that nothing is the very worst thing we can do.

    Two years ago this week, and again one year ago, my messages on the state of the Union contained broad proposals for domestic reform. I am presenting a number of new proposals in this year's message. But I also call once again, with renewed urgency, for action on our unfinished agenda.

    Welfare Reform

    The first item of unfinished business is welfare reform.

    Since I first presented my proposals in August of 1969, some 4 million additional persons have been added to our welfare rolls. The cost of our old welfare system has grown by an additional $4.2 billion. People have not been moving as fast as they should from welfare rolls to payrolls. Too much of the traffic has been the other way.

    Our antiquated welfare system is responsible for this calamity. Our new program of “workfare” would begin to end it.

    Today, more than ever, we need a new program which is based on the dignity of work, which provides strong incentives for work, and which includes for those who are able to work an effective work requirement. Today, more than ever, we need a new program which helps hold families together rather than driving them apart, which provides day care services so that low income mothers can trade dependence on government for the dignity of employment, which relieves intolerable fiscal pressures on State and local governments, and which replaces 54 administrative systems with a more efficient and reliable nationwide approach.

    I have now given prominent attention to this subject in three consecutive messages on the state of the Union. The House of Representatives has passed welfare reform twice. Now that the new economic legislation has been passed, I urge the Senate Finance Committee to place welfare reform at the top of its agenda. It is my earnest hope that when this Congress adjourns, welfare reform will not be an item of pending business but an accomplished reality.

    Revenue Sharing: Returning Power to the People

    At the same time that I introduced my welfare proposals 2-1/2 years ago, I also presented a program for sharing Federal revenues with State and local governments. Last year I greatly expanded on this concept. Yet, despite undisputed evidence of compelling needs, despite overwhelming public support, despite the endorsement of both major political parties and most of the Nation's Governors and mayors, and despite the fact that most other nations with federal systems of government already have such a program, revenue sharing still remains on the list of unfinished business.

    I call again today for the enactment of revenue sharing. During its first full year of operation our proposed programs would spend $17.6 billion, both for general purposes and through six special purpose programs for law enforcement, manpower, education, transportation, rural community development, and urban community development.

    As with welfare reform, the need for revenue sharing becomes more acute as time passes. The financial crisis of State and local government is deepening. The pattern of breakdown in State and municpal services grows more threatening. Inequitable tax pressures are mounting. The demand for more flexible and more responsive government— at levels closer to the problems and closer to the people— is building.

    Revenue sharing can help us meet these challenges. It can help reverse what has been the flow of power and resources toward Washington by sending power and resources back to the States, to the communities, and to the people. Revenue sharing can bring a new sense of accountability, a new burst of energy and a new spirit of creativity to our federal system.

    I am pleased that the House Ways and Means Committee has made revenue sharing its first order of business in the new session. I urge the Congress to enact in this session, not an empty program which bears the revenue sharing label while continuing the outworn system of categorical grants, but a bold, comprehensive program of genuine revenue sharing.

    I also presented last year a $100 million program of planning and management grants to help the States and localities do a better job of analyzing their problems and carrying out solutions. I hope this program will also be quickly accepted. For only as State and local governments get a new lease on life can we hope to bring government back to the people— and with it a stronger sense that each individual can be in control of his life, that every person can make a difference.

    Overhauling the Machinery of Government: Executive Reorganization

    As we work to make State and local government more responsive— and more responsible— let us also seek these same goals at the Federal level. I again urge the Congress to enact my proposals for reorganizing the executive branch of the Federal Government. Here again, support from the general public— as well as from those who have served in the executive branch under several Presidents— has been most encouraging. So has the success of the important organizational reforms we have already made. These have included a restructured Executive Office of the President— with a new Domestic Council, a new Office of Management and Budget, and other units; reorganized field operations in Federal agencies; stronger mechanisms for interagency coordination, such as Federal Regional Councils; a new United States Postal Service; and new offices for such purposes as protecting the environment, coordinating communications policy, helping the consumer, and stimulating voluntary service. But the centerpiece of our efforts to streamline the executive branch still awaits approval.

    How the government is put together often determines how well the government can do its job. Our Founding Fathers understood this fact— and thus gave detailed attention to the most precise structural questions. Since that time, however, and especially in recent decades, new responsibilities and new constituencies have caused the structure they established to expand enormously— and in a piecemeal and haphazard fashion.

    As a result, our Federal Government today is too often a sluggish and unresponsive institution, unable to deliver a dollar's worth of service for a dollar's worth of taxes.

    My answer to this problem is to streamline the executive branch by reducing the overall number of executive departments and by creating four new departments in which existing responsibilities would be refocused in a coherent and comprehensive way. The rationale which I have advanced calls for organizing these new departments around the major purposes of the government— by creating a Department of Natural Resources, a Department of Human Resources, a Department of Community Development, and a Department of Economic Affairs. I have revised my original plan so that we would not eliminate the Department of Agriculture but rather restructure that Department so it can focus more effectively on the needs of farmers.

    The Congress has recently reorganized its own operations, and the Chief Justice of the United States has led a major effort to reform and restructure the judicial branch. The impulse for reorganization is strong and the need for reorganization is clear. I hope the Congress will not let this opportunity for sweeping reform of the executive branch slip away.

    A New Approach to the Delivery of Social Services

    As a further step to put the machinery of government in proper working order, I will also propose new legislation to reform and rationalize the way in which social services are delivered to families and individuals.

    Today it often seems that our service programs are unresponsive to the recipients' needs and wasteful of the taxpayers' money. A major reason is their extreme fragmentation. Rather than pulling many services together, our present system separates them into narrow and rigid categories. The father of a family is helped by one program, his daughter by another, and his elderly parents by a third. An individual goes to one place for nutritional help, to another for health services, and to still another for educational counseling. A community finds that it cannot transfer Federal funds from one program area to another area in which needs are more pressing.

    Meanwhile, officials at all levels of government find themselves wasting enormous amounts of time, energy, and the taxpayers' money untangling Federal red tape— time and energy and dollars which could better be spent in meeting people's needs.

    We need a new approach to the delivery of social services— one which is built around people and not around programs. We need an approach which treats a person as a whole and which treats the family as a unit. We need to break through rigid categorical walls, to open up narrow bureaucratic compartments, to consolidate and coordinate related programs in a comprehensive approach to related problems.

    The Allied Services Act which will soon be submitted to the Congress offers one set of tools for carrying out that new approach in the programs of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. It would strengthen State and local planning and administrative capacities, allow for the transfer of funds among various HEW programs, and permit the waiver of certain cumbersome Federal requirements. By streamlining and simplifying the delivery of services, it would help more people move more rapidly from public dependency toward the dignity of being self-sufficient.

    Good men and good money can be wasted on bad mechanisms. By giving those mechanisms a thorough overhaul, we can help to restore the confidence of the people in the capacities of their government.

    Protecting the Environment

    A central theme of both my earlier messages on the state of the Union was the state of our environment— and the importance of making “our peace with nature.” The last few years have been a time in which environmental values have become firmly embedded in our attitudes— and in our institutions. At the Federal level, we have established a new Environmental Protection Agency, a new Council on Environmental Quality and a new National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, and we have proposed an entire new Department of Natural Resources. New air quality standards have been set, and there is evidence that the air in many cities is becoming less polluted. Under authority granted by the Refuse Act of 1899, we have instituted a new permit program which, for the first time, allows the Federal Government to inventory all significant industrial sources of water pollution and to specify required abatement actions. Under the Refuse Act, more than 160 civil actions and 320 criminal actions to stop water pollution have been filed against alleged polluters in the last 12 months. Major programs have also been launched to build new municipal waste treatment facilities, to stop pollution from Federal facilities, to expand our wilderness areas, and to leave a legacy of parks for future generations. Our outlays for inner city parks have been significantly expanded, and 62 Federal tracts have been transferred to the States and to local governments for recreational uses. In the coming year, I hope to transfer to local park use much more Federal land which is suitable for recreation but which is now underutilized. I trust the Congress will not delay this process.

    The most striking fact about environmental legislation in the early 1970's is how much has been proposed and how little has been enacted. Of the major legislative proposals I made in my special message to the Congress on the environment last winter, 18 are still awaiting final action. They include measures to regulate pesticides and toxic substances, to control noise pollution, to restrict dumping in the oceans, in coastal waters, and in the Great Lakes, to create an effective policy for the use and development of land, to regulate the siting of power plants, to control strip mining, and to help achieve many other important environmental goals. The unfinished agenda also includes our National Resource Land Management Act, and other measures to improve environmental protection on federally owned lands.

    The need for action in these areas is urgent. The forces which threaten our environment will not wait while we procrastinate. Nor can we afford to rest on last year's agenda in the environmental field. For as our understanding of these problems increases, so must our range of responses. Accordingly, I will soon be sending to the Congress another message on the environment that will present further administrative and legislative initiatives. Altogether our new budget will contain more than three times as much money for environmental programs in fiscal year 1973 as we spent in fiscal year 1969. To fail in meeting the environmental challenge, however, would be even more costly.

    I urge the Congress to put aside narrow partisan perspectives that merely ask “whether” we should act to protect the environment and to focus instead on the more difficult question of “how” such action can most effectively be carried out.

    Abundant Clean Energy

    In my message to the Congress on energy policy, last June, I outlined additional steps relating to the environment which also merit renewed attention. The challenge, as I defined it, is to produce a sufficient supply of energy to fuel our industrial civilization and at the same time to protect a beautiful and healthy environment. I am convinced that we can achieve both these goals, that we can respect our good earth without turning our back on progress.

    In that message last June, I presented a long list of means for assuring an ample supply of clean energy— including the liquid metal fast breeder reactor— and I again emphasize their importance. Because it often takes several years to bring new technologies into use in the energy field, there is no time for delay. According, I am including in my new budget increased funding for the most promising of these and other clean energy programs. By acting this year, we can avoid having to choose in some future year between too little energy and too much pollution.

    Keeping People Healthy

    The National Health Strategy I outlined last February is designed to achieve one of the Nation's most important goals for the 1970's, improving the quality and availability of medical care, while fighting the trend toward runaway costs. Important elements of that strategy have already been enacted. The Comprehensive Health Manpower Training Act and the Nurse Training Act, which I signed on November 18, represent the most farreaching effort in our history to increase the supply of doctors, nurses, dentists and other health professionals and to attract them to areas which are experiencing manpower shortages. The National Cancer Act, which I signed on December 23, marked the climax of a year-long effort to step up our campaign against cancer. During the past year, our cancer research budget has been increased by $100 million and the full weight of my office has been given to our all-out war on this disease. We have also expanded the fight against sickle cell anemia by an additional $5 million.

    I hope that action on these significant fronts during the first session of the 92nd Congress will now be matched by action in other areas during the second session. The Health Maintenance Organization Act, for example, is an essential tool for helping doctors deliver care more effectively and more efficiently with a greater emphasis on prevention and early treatment. By working to keep our people healthy instead of treating us only when we are sick, Health Maintenance Organizations can do a great deal to help us reduce medical costs.

    Our National Health Insurance Partnership legislation is also essential to assure that no American is denied basic medical care because of inability to pay. Too often, present health insurance leaves critical outpatient services uncovered, distorting the way in which facilities are used. It also fails to protect adequately against catastrophic costs and to provide sufficient assistance for the poor. The answer I have suggested is a comprehensive national plan— not one that nationalizes our private health insurance industry but one that corrects the weaknesses in that system while building on its considerable strengths.

    A large part of the enormous increase in the Nation's expenditures on health in recent years has gone not to additional services but merely to meet price inflation. Our efforts to balance the growing demand for care with an increased supply of services will help to change this picture. So will that part of our economic program which is designed to control medical costs. I am confident that with the continued cooperation of those who provide health services, we will succeed on this most important battlefront in our war against inflation.

    Our program for the next year will also include further funding increases for health research— including substantial new sums for cancer and sickle cell anemia— as well as further increases for medical schools and for meeting special problems such as drug addiction and alcoholism. We also plan to construct new veterans hospitals and expand the staffs at existing ones.

    In addition, we will be giving increased attention to the fight against diseases of the heart, blood vessels and lungs, which presently account for more than half of all the deaths in this country. It is deeply disturbing to realize that, largely because of heart disease, the mortality rate for men under the age of 55 is about twice as great in the United States as it is, for example, in some Scandinavian countries.

    I will shortly assign a panel of distinguished experts to help us determine why heart disease is so prevalent and so menacing and what we can do about it. I will also recommend an expanded budget for the National Heart and Lung Institute. The young father struck down by a heart attack in the prime of life, the productive citizen crippled by a stroke, an older person tortured by breathing difficulties during his later years— these are tragedies which can be reduced in number and we must do all that is possible to reduce them.


    One of the critical areas in which we have worked to advance the health of the Nation is that of combating hunger and improving nutrition. With the increases in our new budget, expenditures on our food stamp program will have increased ninefold since 1969, to the $2.3 billion level. Spending on school lunches for needy children will have increased more than sevenfold, from $107 million in 1969 to $770 million in 1973. Because of new regulations which will be implemented in the year ahead, we will be able to increase further both the equity of our food stamp program and the adequacy of its benefits.

    Coping with Accidents— and Preventing Them

    Last year, more than 115,000 Americans lost their lives in accidents. Four hundred thousand more were permanently disabled and 10 million were temporarily disabled. The loss to our economy from accidents last year is estimated at over $28 billion. These are sad and staggering figures— especially since this toll could be greatly reduced by upgrading our emergency medical services. Such improvement does not even require new scientific breakthroughs; it only requires that we apply our present knowledge more effectively.

    To help in this effort, I am directing the Department of Health, Education and Welfare to develop new ways of organizing emergency medical services and of providing care to accident victims. By improving communication, transportation, and the training of emergency personnel, we can save many thousands of lives which would otherwise be lost to accidents and sudden illnesses.

    One of the significant joint accomplishments of the Congress and this administration has been a vigorous new program to protect against job-related accidents and illnesses. Our occupational health and safety program will be further strengthened in the year ahead— as will our ongoing efforts to promote air traffic safety, boating safety, and safety on the highways.

    In the last 3 years, the motor vehicle death rate has fallen by 13 percent, but we still lose some 50,000 lives on our highways each year— more than we have lost in combat in the entire Vietnam war.

    Fully one-half of these deaths were directly linked to alcohol. This appalling reality is a blight on our entire Nation— and only the active concern of the entire Nation can remove it. The Federal Government will continue to help all it can, through its efforts to promote highway safety and automobile safety, and through stronger programs to help the problem drinker.

    Yesterday's Goals: Tomorrow's Accomplishments

    Welfare reform, revenue sharing, executive reorganization, environmental protection, and the new national health strategy— these, along with economic improvement, constituted the six great goals I emphasized in my last State of the Union address— six major components of a New American Revolution. They remain six areas of great concern today. With the cooperation of the Congress, they can be six areas of great accomplishment tomorrow.

    But the challenges we face cannot be reduced to six categories. Our problems— and our opportunities— are manifold, and action on many fronts is required. It is partly for this reason that my State of the Union address this year includes this written message to the Congress. For it gives me the chance to discuss more fully a number of programs which also belong on our list of highest priorities.

    Action for the Aging

    Last month, I joined with thousands of delegates to the White House Conference on Aging in a personal commitment to make 1972 a year of action on behalf of 21 million older Americans. Today I call on the Congress to join me in that pledge. For unless the American dream comes true for our older generation it cannot be complete for any generation.

    We can begin to make this a year of action for the aging by acting on a number of proposals which have been pending since 1969. For older Americans, the most significant of these is the bill designated H.R. 1. This legislation, which also contains our general welfare reform measures, would place a national floor under the income of all older Americans, guarantee inflation-proof social security benefits, allow social security recipients to earn more from their own work, increase benefits for widows, and provide a 5-percent across-the-board increase in social security. Altogether, HR 1— as it now stands— would mean some $5.5 billion in increased benefits for America's older citizens. I hope the Congress will also take this opportunity to eliminate the $5.80 monthly fee now charged under Part B of Medicare— a step which would add an additional $1.5 billion to the income of the elderly. These additions would come on top of earlier social security increases totalling some $3 billion over the last 3 years.

    A number of newer proposals also deserve approval. I am requesting that the budget of the Administration on Aging be increased five-fold over last year's request, to $100 million, in part so that we can expand programs which help older citizens live dignified lives in their own homes. I am recommending substantially larger budgets for those programs which give older Americans a better chance to serve their countrymen— Retired Senior Volunteers, Foster Grandparents, and others. And we will also work to ease the burden of property taxes which so many older Americans find so inequitable and so burdensome. Other initiatives, including proposals for extending and improving the Older Americans Act, will be presented as we review the recommendations of the White House Conference on Aging. Our new Cabinet-level Domestic Council Committee on Aging has these recommendations at the top of its agenda.

    We will also be following up in 1972 on one of the most important of our 1971 initiatives— the crackdown on substandard nursing homes. Our follow-through will give special attention to providing alternative arrangements for those who are victimized by such facilities.

    The legislation I have submitted to provide greater financial security at retirement, both for those now covered by private pension plans and those who are not, also merits prompt action by the Congress. Only half the country's work force is now covered by tax deductible private pensions; the other half deserve a tax deduction for their retirement savings too. Those who are now covered by pension plans deserve the assurance that their plans are administered under strict fiduciary standards with full disclosure. And they should also have the security provided by prompt vesting— the assurance that even if one leaves a given job, he can still receive the pension he earned there when he retires. The legislation I have proposed would achieve these goals, and would also raise the limit on deductible pension savings for the self-employed.

    The state of our Union is strong today because of what older Americans have so long been giving to their country. The state of our Union will be stronger tomorrow if we recognize how much they still can contribute. The best thing our country can give to its older citizens is the chance to be a part of it, the chance to play a continuing role in the great American adventure.

    Equal Opportunity for Minorities

    America cannot be at its best as it approaches its 200th birthday unless all Americans have the opportunity to be at their best. A free and open American society, one that is true to the ideals of its founders, must give each of its citizens an equal chance at the starting line and an equal opportunity to go as far and as high as his talents and energies will take him.

    The Nation can be proud of the progress it has made in assuring equal opportunity for members of minority groups in recent years. There are many measures of our progress.

    Since 1969, we have virtually eliminated the dual school system in the South. Three years ago, 68 percent of all black children in the South were attending all black schools; today only 9 percent are attending schools which are entirely black. Nationally, the number of 100 percent minority schools has decreased by 70 percent during the past 3 years. To further expand educational opportunity, my proposed budget for predominantly black colleges will exceed $200 million next year, more than double the level of 3 years ago.

    On the economic front, overall Federal aid to minority business enterprise has increased threefold in the last 3 years, and I will propose a further increase of $90 million. Federal hiring among minorities has been intensified, despite cutbacks in Federal employment, so that one-fifth of all Federal employees are now members of minority groups. Building on strong efforts such as the Philadelphia Plan, we will work harder to ensure that Federal contractors meet fair hiring standards. Compliance reviews will be stepped up, to a level more than 300 percent higher than in 1969. Our proposed budget for the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission will be up 36 percent next year, while our proposed budget for enforcing fair housing laws will grow by 20 percent. I also support legislation to strengthen the enforcement powers of the EEOC by providing the Commission with authority to seek court enforcement of its decisions and by giving it jurisdiction over the hiring practices of State and local governments.

    Overall, our proposed budget for civil rights activities is up 25 per cent for next year, an increase which will give us nearly three times as much money for advancing civil rights as we had 3 years ago. We also plan a 42 percent increase in the budget for the Cabinet Committee on Opportunities for the Spanish speaking. And I will propose that the Congress extend the operations of the Civil Rights Commission for another 5-year period.

    Self-Determination for Indians

    One of the major initiatives in the second year of my Presidency was designed to bring a new era in which the future for American Indians is determined by Indian acts and Indian decisions. The comprehensive program I put forward sought to avoid the twin dangers of paternalism on the one hand and the termination of trust responsibility on the other. Some parts of this program have now become effective, including a generous settlement of the Alaska Native Claims and the return to the Taos Pueblo Indians of the sacred lands around Blue Lake.

    Construction grants have been authorized to assist the Navajo Community College, the first Indian-managed institution of higher education.

    We are also making progress toward Indian self-determination on the administrative front. A newly reorganized Bureau of Indian Affairs, with almost all-Indian leadership, will from now on be concentrating its resources on a program of reservation-by-reservation development, including redirection of employment assistance to strengthen reservation economies, creating local Indian Action Teams for manpower training, and increased contracting of education and other functions to Indian communities.

    I again urge the Congress to join in helping Indians help themselves in fields such as health, education, the protection of land and water rights, and economic development. We have talked about injustice to the first Americans long enough. As Indian leaders themselves have put it, the time has come for more rain and less thunder.

    Equal Rights for Women

    This administration will also continue its strong efforts to open equal opportunities for women, recognizing clearly that women are often denied such opportunities today. While every woman may not want a career outside the home, every woman should have the freedom to choose whatever career she wishes— and an equal chance to pursue it.

    We have already moved vigorously against job discrimination based on sex in both the private and public sectors. For the first time, guidelines have been issued to require that Government contractors in the private sector have action plans for the hiring and promotion of women. We are committed to strong enforcement of equal employment opportunity for women under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. To help carry out these commitments I will propose to the Congress that the jurisdiction of the Commission on Civil Rights be broadened to encompass sex-based discrimination.

    Within the Government, more women have been appointed to high posts than ever before. As the result of my directives issued in April 1971 the number of women appointed to high-level Federal positions has more than doubled— and the number of women in Federal middle management positions has also increased dramatically. More women than ever before have been appointed to Presidential boards and commissions. Our vigorous program to recruit more women for Federal service will be continued and intensified in the coming year.

    Opportunity for Veterans

    A grateful nation owes it servicemen and servicewomen every opportunity it can open to them when they return to civilian life. The Nation may be weary of war, but we dare not grow weary of doing right by those who have borne its heaviest burdens.

    The Federal Government is carrying out this responsibility in many ways: through the G.I. Bill for education— which will spend 2-1/2 times more in 1973 than in 1969; through home loan programs and disability and pension benefits— which also have been expanded; through better medical services— including strong new drug treatment programs; through its budget for veterans hospitals, which is already many times the 1969 level and will be stepped up further next year.

    We have been particularly concerned in the last 3 years with the employment of veterans— who experience higher unemployment rates than those who have not served in the Armed Forces. During this past year I announced a six-point national program to increase public awareness of this problem, to provide training and counseling to veterans seeking jobs and to help them find employment opportunities. Under the direction of the Secretary of Labor and with the help of our Jobs for Veterans Committee and the National Alliance of Businessmen, this program has been moving forward. During its first five months of operation, 122,000 Vietnam-era veterans were placed in jobs by the Federal-State Employment Service and 40,000 were enrolled in job training programs. During the next six months, we expect the Federal-State Employment Service to place some 200,000 additional veterans in jobs and to enroll nearly 200,000 more in manpower training programs.

    But let us never forget, in this as in so many other areas, that the opportunity for any individual to contribute fully to his society depends in the final analysis on the response— in his own community— of other individuals.

    Greater Role for American Youth

    Full participation and first class citizenship— these must be our goals for America's young people. It was to help achieve these goals that I signed legislation to lower the minimum voting age to 18 in June of 1970, and moved to secure a court validation of its constitutionality. And I took special pleasure a year later in witnessing the certification of the amendment which placed this franchise guarantee in the Constitution.

    But a voice at election time alone is not enough. Young people should have a hearing in government on a day-by-day basis. To this end, and at my direction, agencies throughout the Federal Government have stepped up their hiring of young people and have opened new youth advisory channels. We have also convened the first White House Youth Conference— a wide-open forum whose recommendations have been receiving a thorough review by the Executive departments.

    Several other reforms also mean greater freedom and opportunity for America's young people. Draft calls have been substantially reduced, as a step toward our target of reducing them to zero by mid-1973. Already the lottery system and other new procedures, and the contributions of youth advisory councils and younger members on local boards have made the draft far more fair than it was. My educational reform proposals embody the principle that no qualified student who wants to go to college should be barred by lack of money— a guarantee that would open doors of opportunity for many thousands of deserving young people. Our new career education emphasis can also be a significant springboard to good jobs and rewarding lives.

    Young America's “extra dimension” in the sixties and seventies has been a drive to help the less fortunate— an activist idealism bent on making the world a better place to live. Our new ACTION volunteer agency, building on the successful experiences of constituent units such as the Peace Corps and Vista, has already broadened service opportunities for the young— and more new programs are in prospect. The Congress can do its part in forwarding this positive momentum by assuring that the ACTION programs have sufficient funds to carry out their mission.

    The American Farmer

    As we face the challenge of competing more effectively abroad and of producing more efficiently at home, our entire Nation can take the American farmer as its model. While the productivity of our non-farm industries has gone up 60 percent during the last 20 years, agricultural productivity has gone up 200 percent, or nearly 3-1/2 times as much. One result has been better products and lower prices for American consumers. Another is that farmers have more than held their own in international markets. Figures for the last fiscal year show nearly a $900 million surplus for commercial agricultural trade.

    The strength of American agriculture is at the heart of the strength of America. American farmers deserve a fair share in the fruits of our prosperity.

    We still have much ground to cover before we arrive at that goal— but we have been moving steadily toward it. In 1950 the income of the average farmer was only 58 percent of that of his non-farm counterpart. Today that figure stands at 74 percent— not nearly high enough, but moving in the right direction.

    Gross farm income reached a record high in 1971, and for 1972 a further increase of $2 billion is predicted. Because of restraints on production costs, net farm income is expected to rise in 1972 by 6.4 percent or some $1 billion. Average income per farm is expected to go up 8 percent— to an all-time high— in the next 12 months.

    Still there are very serious farm problems— and we are taking strong action to meet them.

    I promised 3 years ago to end the sharp skid in farm exports— and I have kept that promise. In just 2 years, farm exports climbed by 37 percent, and last year they set an all-time record. Our expanded marketing programs, the agreement to sell 2 million tons of feed grains to the Soviet Union, our massive aid to South Asia under Public Law 480, and our efforts to halt transportation strikes— by doing all we can under the old law and by proposing a new and better one— these efforts and others are moving us toward our $10 billion farm export goal.

    I have also promised to expand domestic markets, to improve the management of surpluses, and to help in other ways to raise the prices received by farmers. I have kept that promise, too. A surprisingly large harvest drove corn prices down last year, but they have risen sharply since last November. Prices received by dairy farmers, at the highest level in history last year, will continue strong in 1972. Soybean prices will be at their highest level in two decades. Prices received by farmers for hogs, poultry and eggs are all expected to go higher. Expanded Government purchases and other assistance will also provide a greater boost to farm income.

    With the close cooperation of the Congress, we have expanded the farmers' freedom and flexibility through the Agricultural Act of 1970. We have strengthened the Farm Credit System and substantially increased the availability of farm credit. Programs for controlling plant and animal disease and for soil and water conservation have also been expanded. All these efforts will continue, as will our efforts to improve the legal climate for cooperative bargaining— an important factor in protecting the vitality of the family farm and in resisting excessive government management.

    Developing Rural America

    In my address to the Congress at this time 2 years ago, I spoke of the fact that one-third of our counties had lost population in the 1960's, that many of our rural areas were slowly being emptied of their people and their promise, and that we should work to reverse this picture by including rural America in a nationwide program to foster balanced growth.

    It is striking to realize that even if we had a population of one billion— nearly five times the current level— our area is so great that we would still not be as densely populated as many European nations are at present. Clearly, our problems are not so much those of numbers as they are of distribution. We must work to revitalize the American countryside.

    We have begun to make progress on this front in the last 3 years. Rural housing programs have been increased by more than 450 percent from 1969 to 1973. The number of families benefiting from rural water and sewer programs is now 75 percent greater than it was in 1969. We have worked to encourage sensible growth patterns through the location of Federal facilities. The first biennial Report on National Growth, which will be released in the near future, will further describe these patterns, their policy implications and the many ways we are responding to this challenge.

    But we must do more. The Congress can begin by passing my $1.1-billion program of Special Revenue Sharing for Rural Community Development. In addition, I will soon present a major proposal to expand significantly the credit authorities of the Farmers Home Administration, so that this agency— which has done so much to help individual farmers— can also help spur commercial, industrial and community development in rural America. Hopefully, the FHA will be able to undertake this work as a part of a new Department of Community Development.

    In all these ways, we can help ensure that rural America will be in the years ahead what it has been from our Nation's beginning— an area which looks eagerly to the future with a sense of hope and promise.

    A Commitment to Our Cities

    Our commitment to balanced growth also requires a commitment to our cities— to old cities threatened by decay, to suburbs now sprawling senselessly because of inadequate planning, and to new cities not yet born but clearly needed by our growing population. I discussed these challenges in my special message to the Congress on Population Growth and the American Future in the summer of 1969— and I have often discussed them since. My recommendations for transportation, education, health, welfare, revenue sharing, planning and management assistance, executive reorganization, the environment— especially the proposed Land Use Policy Act— and my proposals in many other areas touch directly on community development.

    One of the keys to better cities is better coordination of these many components. Two of my pending proposals go straight to the heart of this challenge. The first, a new Department of Community Development, would provide a single point of focus for our strategy for growth. The second, Special Revenue Sharing for Urban Community Development, would remove the rigidities of categorical project grants which now do so much to fragment planning, delay action, and discourage local responsibility. My new budget proposed a $300 million increase over the full year level which we proposed for this program a year ago.

    The Department of Housing and Urban Development has been working to foster orderly growth in our cities in a number of additional ways. A Planned Variation concept has been introduced into the Model Cities program which gives localities more control over their own future. HUD's own programs have been considerably decentralized. The New Communities Program has moved forward and seven projects have received final approval. The Department's efforts to expand mortgage capital, to more than double the level of subsidized housing, and to encourage new and more efficient building techniques through programs like Operation Breakthrough have all contributed to our record level of housing starts. Still more can be done if the Congress enacts the administration's Housing Consolidation and Simplification Act, proposed in 1970.

    The Federal Government is only one of many influences on development patterns across our land. Nevertheless, its influence is considerable. We must do all we can to see that its influence is good.

    Improving Transportation

    Although the executive branch and the Congress have been led by different parties during the last 3 years, we have cooperated with particular effectiveness in the field of transportation. Together we have shaped the Urban Mass Transportation Assistance Act of 1970— a 12-year, $10 billion effort to expand and improve our common carriers and thus make our cities more livable. We have brought into effect a 10-year, $3 billion ship construction program as well as increased research efforts and a modified program of operating subsidies to revamp our merchant marine. We have accelerated efforts to improve air travel under the new Airport and Airway Trust Fund and have been working in fresh ways to save and improve our railway passenger service. Great progress has also been made in promoting transportation safety and we have moved effectively against cargo thefts and skyjacking.

    I hope this strong record will be even stronger by the time the 92nd Congress adjourns. I hope that our Special Revenue Sharing program for transportation will by then be a reality— so that cities and states can make better long-range plans with greater freedom to achieve their own proper balance among the many modes of transportation. I hope, too, that our recommendations for revitalizing surface freight transportation will by then be accepted, including measures both to modernize railway equipment and operations and to update regulatory practices. By encouraging competition, flexibility and efficiency among freight carriers, these steps could save the American people billions of dollars in freight costs every year, helping to curb inflation, expand employment and improve our balance of trade.

    One of our most damaging and perplexing economic problems is that of massive and prolonged transportation strikes. There is no reason why the public should be the helpless victim of such strikes— but this is frequently what happens. The dock strike, for example, has been extremely costly for the American people, particularly for the farmer for whom a whole year's income can hinge on how promptly he can move his goods. Last year's railroad strike also dealt a severe blow to our economy.

    Both of these emergencies could have been met far more effectively if the Congress had enacted my Emergency Public Interest Protection Act, which I proposed in February of 1970. By passing this legislation in this session, the Congress can give us the permanent machinery so badly needed for resolving future disputes.

    Historically, our transportation systems have provided the cutting edge for our development. Now, to keep our country from falling behind the times, we must keep well ahead of events in our transportation planning. This is why we are placing more emphasis and spending more money this year on transportation research and development. For this reason, too, I will propose a 65 percent increase— to the $1-billion level— in our budget for mass transportation. Highway building has been our first priority— and our greatest success story— in the past two decades. Now we must write a similar success story for mass transportation in the 1970s.

    Peace at Home: Fighting Crime

    Our quest for peace abroad over the last 3 years has been accompanied by an intensive quest for peace at home. And our success in stabilizing developments on the international scene has been matched by a growing sense of stability in America. Civil disorders no longer engulf our cities. Colleges and universities have again become places of learning. And while crime is still increasing, the rate of increase has slowed to a 5-year low. In the one city for which the federal government has a special responsibility— Washington, D.C.— the picture is even brighter, for here serious crime actually fell by 13 percent in the last year. Washington was one of 52 major cities which recorded a net reduction in crime in the first nine months of 1971, compared to 23 major cities which made comparable progress a year earlier.

    This encouraging beginning is not something that has just happened by itself— I believe it results directly from strong new crime fighting efforts by this administration, by the Congress, and by state and local governments.

    Federal expenditures on crime have increased 200 percent since 1969 and we are proposing another 18 percent increase in our new budget. The Organized Crime Control Act of 1970, the District of Columbia Court Reform Act, and the Omnibus Crime Control Act of 1970 have all provided new instruments for this important battle. So has our effort to expand the federal strike force program as a weapon against organized crime. Late last year, we held the first National Conference on Corrections— and we will continue to move forward in this most critical field. I will also propose legislation to improve our juvenile delinquency prevention programs. And I again urge action on my Special Revenue Sharing proposal for law enforcement.

    By continuing our stepped-up assistance to local law enforcement authorities through the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, by continuing to press for improved courts and correctional institutions, by continuing our intensified war on drug abuse, and by continuing to give vigorous support to the principles of order and respect for law, I believe that what has been achieved in the Nation's capital can be achieved in a growing number of other communities throughout the Nation.

    Combating Drug Abuse

    A problem of modern life which is of deepest concern to most Americans— and of particular anguish to many— is that of drug abuse. For increasing dependence on drugs will surely sap our Nation's strength and destroy our Nation's character.

    Meeting this challenge is not a task for government alone. I have been heartened by the efforts of millions of individual Americans from all walks of life who are trying to communicate across the barriers created by drug use, to reach out with compassion to those who have become drug dependent. The federal government will continue to lead in this effort. The last 3 years have seen an increase of nearly 600 percent in federal expenditures for treatment and rehabilitation and an increase of more than 500 percent in program levels for research, education and training. I will propose further substantial increases for these programs in the coming year.

    In order to develop a national strategy for this effort and to coordinate activities which are spread through nine federal agencies, I asked Congress last June to create a Special Action Office for Drug Abuse Prevention. I also established an interim office by Executive order, and that unit is beginning to have an impact. But now we must have both the legislative authority and the funds I requested if this office is to move ahead with its critical mission.

    On another front, the United States will continue to press for a strong collective effort by nations throughout the world to eliminate drugs at their source. And we will intensify the worldwide attack on drug smugglers and all who protect them. The Cabinet Committee on International Narcotics Control— which I created last September— is coordinating our diplomatic and law enforcement efforts in this area.

    We will also step up our program to curb illicit drug traffic at our borders and within our country. Over the last 3 years federal expenditures for this work have more than doubled, and I will propose a further funding increase next year. In addition, I will soon initiate a major new program to drive drug traffickers and pushers off the streets of America. This program will be built around a nationwide network of investigative and prosecutive units, utilizing special grand juries established under the Organized Crime Control Act of 1970, to assist state and local agencies in detecting, arresting, and convicting those who would profit from the misery of others.

    Strengthening Consumer Protection

    Our plans for 1972 include further steps to protect consumers against hazardous food and drugs and other dangerous products. These efforts will carry forward the campaign I launched in 1969 to establish a “Buyer's Bill of Rights” and to strengthen consumer protection. As a part of that campaign, we have established a new Office of Consumer Affairs, directed by my Special Assistant for Consumer Affairs, to give consumers greater access to government, to promote consumer education, to encourage voluntary efforts by business, to work with state and local governments, and to help the federal government improve its consumer-related activities. We have also established a new Consumer Product Information Coordinating Center in the General Services Administration to help us share a wider range of federal research and buying expertise with the public.

    But many of our plans in this field still await congressional action, including measures to insure product safety, to fight consumer fraud, to require full disclosure in warranties and guarantees, and to protect against unsafe medical devices.

    Reforming and Renewing Education

    It was nearly 2 years ago, in March of 1970, that I presented my major proposals for reform and renewal in education. These proposals included student assistance measures to ensure that no qualified person would be barred from college by a lack of money, a National Institute of Education to bring new energy and new direction to educational research, and a National Foundation for Higher Education to encourage innovation in learning beyond high school. These initiatives are still awaiting final action by the Congress. They deserve prompt approval.

    I would also underscore my continuing confidence that Special Revenue Sharing for Education can do much to strengthen the backbone of our educational system, our public elementary and secondary schools. Special Revenue Sharing recognizes the nation's interest in their improvement without compromising the principle of local control. I also call again for the enactment of my $1.5 billion program of Emergency School Aid to help local school districts desegregate wisely and well. This program has twice been approved by the House and once by the Senate in different versions. I hope the Senate will now send the legislation promptly to the conference committee so that an agreement can be reached on this important measure at an early date.

    This bill is designed to help local school districts with the problems incident to desegregation. We must have an end to the dual school system, as conscience and the Constitution both require— and we must also have good schools. In this connection, I repeat my own firm belief that educational quality— so vital to the future of all of our children— is not enhanced by unnecessary busing for the sole purpose of achieving an arbitrary racial balance.

    Financing Our Schools

    I particularly hope that 1972 will be a year in which we resolve one of the most critical questions we face in education today: how best to finance our schools.

    In recent years the growing scope and rising costs of education have so overburdened local revenues that financial crisis has become a way of life in many school districts. As a result, neither the benefits nor the burdens of education have been equitably distributed.

    The brunt of the growing pressures has fallen on the property tax— one of the most inequitable and regressive of all public levies. Property taxes in the United States represent a higher proportion of public income than in almost any other nation. They have more than doubled in the last decade and have been particularly burdensome for our lower and middle income families and for older Americans.

    These intolerable pressures— on the property tax and on our schools— led me to establish the President's Commission on School Finance in March of 1970. I charged this Commission with the responsibility to review comprehensively both the revenue needs and the revenue resources of public and non-public elementary and secondary education. The Commission will make its final report to me in March.

    At the same time, the Domestic Council— and particularly the Secretaries of the Treasury and of Health, Education and Welfare— have also been studying this difficult and tangled problem. The entire question has been given even greater urgency by recent court decisions in California, Minnesota and Texas, which have held the conventional method of financing schools through local property taxes discriminatory and unconstitutional. Similar court actions are pending in more than half of our states. While these cases have not yet been reviewed by the Supreme Court, we cannot ignore the serious questions they have raised for our states, for our local school districts, and for the entire nation.

    The overhaul of school finance involves two complex and interrelated sets of problems: those concerning support of the schools themselves, and also the basic relationships of Federal, State and local governments in any program of tax reform.

    We have been developing a set of comprehensive proposals to deal with these questions. Under the leadership of the Secretary of the Treasury, we are carefully reviewing the tax aspects of these proposals; and I have this week enlisted the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations in addressing the intergovernmental relations aspects. Members of the Congress and of the executive branch, Governors, state legislators, local officials and private citizens comprise this group.

    Later in the year, after I have received the reports of both the President's Commission on School Finance and the Advisory Council on Intergovernmental Relations, I shall make my final recommendations for relieving the burden of property taxes and providing both fair and adequate financing for our children's education— consistent with the principle of preserving the control by local school boards over local schools.

    A New Emphasis on Career Education

    Career Education is another area of major new emphasis, an emphasis which grows out of my belief that our schools should be doing more to build self-reliance and self-sufficiency, to prepare students for a productive and fulfilling life. Too often, this has not been happening. Too many of our students, from all income groups, have been “turning off” or “tuning out” on their educational experiences. And— whether they drop out of school or proceed on to college— too many young people find themselves unmotivated and ill equipped for a rewarding social role. Many other Americans, who have already entered the world of work, find that they are dissatisfied with their jobs but feel that it is too late to change directions, that they already are “locked in.”

    One reason for this situation is the inflexibility of our educational system, including the fact that it so rigidly separates academic and vocational curricula. Too often vocational education is foolishly stigmatized as being less desirable than academic preparation. And too often the academic curriculum offers very little preparation for viable careers. Most students are unable to combine the most valuable features of both vocational and academic education; once they have chosen one curriculum, it is difficult to move to the other.

    The present approach serves the best interests of neither our students nor our society. The unhappy result is high numbers of able people who are unemployed, underemployed, or unhappily employed on the one hand— while many challenging jobs go begging on the other.

    We need a new approach, and I believe the best new approach is to strengthen career education.

    Career Education provides people of all ages with broader exposure to and better preparation for the world of work. It not only helps the young, but also provides adults with an opportunity to adapt their skills to changing needs, changing technology, and their own changing interests. It would not prematurely force an individual into a specific area of work but expand his ability to choose wisely from a wider range of options. Neither would it result in a slighting of academic preparation, which would remain a central part of the educational blend.

    Career Education is not a single specific program. It is more usefully thought of as a goal— and one that we can pursue through many methods. What we need today is a nationwide search for such methods— a search which involves every area of education and every level of government. To help spark this venture, I will propose an intensified Federal effort to develop model programs which apply and test the best ideas in this field.

    There is no more disconcerting waste than the waste of human potential. And there is no better investment than an investment in human fulfillment. Career Education can help make education and training more meaningful for the student, more rewarding for the teacher, more available to the adult, more relevant for the disadvantaged, and more productive for our country.

    Manpower Programs: Tapping our Full Potential

    Our trillion dollar economy rests in the final analysis on our 88 million member labor force. How well that force is used today, how well that force is prepared for tomorrow— these are central questions for our country.

    They are particularly important questions in a time of stiff economic challenge and burgeoning economic opportunity. At such a time, we must find better ways to tap the full potential of every citizen.

    This means doing all we can to open new education and employment opportunities for members of minority groups. It means a stronger effort to help the veteran find useful and satisfying work and to tap the enormous talents of the elderly. It means helping women— in whatever role they choose— to realize their full potential. It also means caring for the unemployed— sustaining them, retraining them and helping them find new employment.

    This administration has grappled directly with these assignments. We began by completely revamping the Manpower Administration in the Department of Labor. We have expanded our manpower programs to record levels. We proposed— and the Congress enacted— a massive reform of unemployment insurance, adding 9 million workers to the system and expanding the size and duration of benefits. We instituted a Job Bank to match jobs with available workers. The efforts of the National Alliance of Businessmen to train and hire the hard-core unemployed were given a new nationwide focus. That organization has also joined with our Jobs for Veterans program in finding employment for returning servicemen. We have worked to open more jobs for women. Through the Philadelphia Plan and other actions, we have expanded equal opportunity in employment for members of minority groups. Summer jobs for disadvantaged youths went up by one-third last summer. And on July 12 of last year I signed the Emergency Employment Act of 1971, providing more than 130,000 jobs in the public sector.

    In the manpower field, as in others, there is also an important unfinished agenda. At the top of this list is my Special Revenue Sharing program for manpower— a bill which would provide more Federal dollars for manpower training while increasing substantially the impact of each dollar by allowing States and cities to tailor training to local labor conditions. My welfare reform proposals are also pertinent in this context, since they are built around the goal of moving people from welfare rolls to payrolls. To help in this effort, HR 1 would provide transitional opportunities in community service employment for another 200,000 persons. The Career Education program can also have an important long-range influence on the way we use our manpower. And so can a major new thrust which I am announcing today to stimulate more imaginative use of America's great strength in science and technology.

    Marshalling Science and Technology

    As we work to build a more productive, more competitive, more prosperous America, we will do well to remember the keys to our progress in the past. There have been many, including the competitive nature of our free enterprise system; the energy of our working men and women; and the abundant gifts of nature. One other quality which has always been a key to progress is our special bent for technology, our singular ability to harness the discoveries of science in the service of man.

    At least from the time of Benjamin Franklin, American ingenuity has enjoyed a wide international reputation. We have been known as a people who could “build a better mousetrap”— and this capacity has been one important reason for both our domestic prosperity and our international strength.

    In recent years, America has focused a large share of its technological energy on projects for defense and for space. These projects have had great value. Defense technology has helped us preserve our freedom and protect the peace. Space technology has enabled us to share unparalleled adventures and to lift our sights beyond earth's bounds. The daily life of the average man has also been improved by much of our defense and space research— for example, by work on radar, jet engines, nuclear reactors, communications and weather satellites, and computers. Defense and space projects have also enabled us to build and maintain our general technological capacity, which— as a result— can now be more readily applied to civilian purposes.

    America must continue with strong and sensible programs of research and development for defense and for space. I have felt for some time, however, that we should also be doing more to apply our scientific and technological genius directly to domestic opportunities. Toward this end, I have already increased our civilian research and development budget by more than 40 percent since 1969 and have directed the National Science Foundation to give more attention to this area.

    I have also reoriented our space program so that it will have even greater domestic benefits. As a part of this effort, I recently announced support for the development of a new earth orbital vehicle that promises to introduce a new era in space research. This vehicle, the space shuttle, is one that can be recovered and used again and again, lowering significantly both the cost and the risk of space operations. The space shuttle would also open new opportunities in fields such as weather forecasting, domestic and international communications, the monitoring of natural resources, and air traffic safety.

    The space shuttle is a wise national investment. I urge the Congress to approve this plan so that we can realize these substantial economies and these substantial benefits.

    Over the last several months, this administration has undertaken a major review of both the problems and the opportunities for American technology. Leading scientists and researchers from our universities and from industry have contributed to this study. One important conclusion we have reached is that much more needs to be known about the process of stimulating and applying research and development. In some cases, for example, the barriers to progress are financial. In others they are technical. In still other instances, customs, habits, laws, and regulations are the chief obstacles. We need to learn more about all these considerations— and we intend to do so. One immediate step in this effort will be the White House Conference on the Industrial World Ahead which will convene next month and will devote considerable attention to research and development questions.

    But while our knowledge in this field is still modest, there are nevertheless a number of important new steps which we can take at this time. I will soon present specific recommendations for such steps in a special message to the Congress. Among these proposals will be an increase next year of $700 million in civilian research and development spending, a 15 percent increase over last year's level and a 65 percent increase over 1969. We will place new emphasis on cooperation with private research and development, including new experimental programs for cost sharing and for technology transfers from the public to the private sector. Our program will include special incentives for smaller high technology firms, which have an excellent record of cost effectiveness.

    In addition, our Federal agencies which are highly oriented toward technology— such as the Atomic Energy Commission and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration— will work more closely with agencies which have a primary social mission. For example, our outstanding capabilities in space technology should be used to help the Department of Transportation develop better mass transportation systems. As has been said so often in the last 2 years, a nation that can send three people across 240,000 miles of space to the moon should also be able to send 240,000 people 3 miles across a city to work.

    Finally, we will seek to set clear and intelligent targets for research and development, so that our resources can be focused on projects where an extra effort is most likely to produce a breakthrough and where the breakthrough is most likely to make a difference in our lives. Our initial efforts will include new or accelerated activities aimed at:

    • Creating new sources of clean and abundant energy;
    • Developing safe, fast, pollution-free transportation;
    • Reducing the loss of life and property from earthquakes, hurricanes and other natural disasters;
    • Developing effective emergency health care systems which could lead to the saving of as many as 30,000 lives each year;
    • Finding new ways to curb drug traffic and rehabilitate drug users.

    And these are only the beginning.

    I cannot predict exactly where each of these new thrusts will eventually lead us in the years ahead. But I can say with assurance that the program I have outlined will open new employment opportunities for American workers, increase the productivity of the American economy, and expand foreign markets for American goods. I can also predict with confidence that this program will enhance our standard of living and improve the quality of our lives.

    Science and technology represent an enormous power in our life— and a unique opportunity. It is now for us to decide whether we will waste these magnificent energies— or whether we will use them to create a better world for ourselves and for our children.

    A Growing Agenda for Action

    The danger in presenting any substantial statement of concerns and requests is that any subject which is omitted from the list may for that reason be regarded as unimportant. I hope the Congress will vigorously resist any such suggestions, for there are many other important proposals before the House and the Senate which also deserve attention and enactment.

    I think, for example, of our program for the District of Columbia. In addition to proposals already before the Congress, I will soon submit additional legislation outlining a special balanced program of physical and social development for the nation's capital as part of our Bicentennial celebration. In this and other ways, we can make that celebration both a fitting commemoration of our revolutionary origins and a bold further step to fulfill their promise.

    I think, too, of our program to help small businessmen, of our proposals concerning communications, of our recommendations involving the construction of public buildings, and of our program for the arts and humanities— where the proposed new budget is 6 times the level of 3 years ago.

    In all, some 90 pieces of major legislation which I have recommended to the Congress still await action. And that list is growing longer. It is now for the Congress to decide whether this agenda represents the beginning of new progress for America— or simply another false start.

    The Need for Reason and Realism

    I have covered many subjects in this message. Clearly, our challenges are many and complex. But that is the way things must be for responsible government in our diverse and complicated world.

    We can choose, of course, to retreat from this world, pretending that our problems can be solved merely by trusting in a new philosophy, a single personality, or a simple formula. But such a retreat can only add to our difficulties and our disillusion.

    If we are to be equal to the complexity of our times we must learn to move on many fronts and to keep many commitments. We must learn to reckon our success not by how much we start but by how much we finish. We must learn to be tenacious. We must learn to persevere.

    If we are to master our moment, we must first be masters of ourselves. We must respond to the call which has been a central theme of this message— the call to reason and to realism.

    To meet the challenge of complexity we must also learn to disperse and decentralize power— at home and abroad— allowing more people in more places to release their creative energies. We must remember that the greatest resource for good in this world is the power of the people themselves— not moving in lockstep to the commands of the few— but providing their own discipline and discovering their own destiny.

    Above all, we must not lose our capacity to dream, to see, amid the realities of today, the possibilities for tomorrow. And then— if we believe in our dreams— we also must wake up and work for them.



    (Dates of service are inclusive, starting in year of service and ending as service ends, which usually is Jan. 3 of given year.)

    The names in this index include, alphabetically, all Senators and Representatives who served in Congress from Jan. 3, 1945, through Jan. 3, 1973—the 79th through 92nd Congresses. The material is organized as follows: Name, Party, State (of service), Date of birth, Date of death (if applicable), Congressional service. Other important offices held or services rendered, such as Governor, Cabinet member, etc. Where names may cause confusion, relationship is cited. Where service dates are left open, members were still serving in 1973. Where dashes appear (—) for date of birth or death, information was unavailable.


    Fred George (R N.D.), April 9, 1897-April 7, 1966; House 1951-53; Gov. 1945-50


    Watkins Moorman (D Va.) May 21, 1908; House Feb. 17, 1948-73


    Hazel Hempell (R Neb.) July 10, 1888-July 30, 1966; Senate Nov. 8, 1954-Dec. 31, 1954


    Home E. (R Ohio) Nov. 21, 1916; House 1963-65


    Thomas Gerstle (D Miss.) May 16, 1903; House 1943-1973


    James G. (D S.D.) Feb. 24, 1931; House 1971-73; Senate 1973-


    Bella S. (D N.Y.) July 24, 1920; House 1971-


    Edwin Ross (R Ind.) Dec. 14, 1907; House 1951-71


    Brock (D Wash.) Jan. 13, 1927; House 1965-


    Sherman (R N.H.) Jan. 8, 1899; House 1945-47; Governor 1949-53


    Joseph P. (D N.Y.) March 17, 1925; House 1961-


    Hugh Joseph (D N.J.) Jan. 31, 1914; House 1949-62


    George David (R Vt.) Aug. 20, 1892; Senate Jan. 10, 1941-; Gov. 1937-41


    Carl (D Okla.) May 10, 1908; House 1947-; Speaker 1971-


    Hugh Quincy (D N.C.) August 7, 1911; House 1953-63


    William Vollie Jr. (D Ark.) Jan. 16, 1934; House 1969-


    Thomas Dale (D Ark.) Jan. 28, 1916; House 1959-63


    Bruce Reynolds (R Texas) June 12, 1918; House 1955-65


    Asa Leonard (D La.) Jan. 5, 1891-Jan. 5, 1969; House 1937-53


    James Browning (D Ala.) Dec. 28, 1912; Senate 1969-


    John Joseph, Jr. (R Calif.) Nov. 27, 1899; House 1947-59


    Leo Elwood (R Ill.) Oct. 5, 1898; House 1933-61


    Gordon Llewellyn (R Colo.) Jan. 2, 1907; Senate 1955-1973


    James Lindsay, Jr. (D Va.) June 15, 1898; House Jan. 22, 1946-April 17, 1948; Gov. 1958-62


    Herman Carl (R Minn.) Jan. 27, 1897; House 1939-63


    Clinton Presba (D N.M.) Oct. 23, 1895; House 1941-June 30, 1945; Senate 1949-1973; Secy. of Agriculture 1945-48


    Glenn M. (D Calif.) Feb. 21, 1913; House 1969-


    John B. (R Ill.) Feb. 15, 1922; House 1961-


    John Zuinglius (R Calif.) March 22, 1904; House 1939-53


    LeRoy Hagen (D Mont.) Feb. 2, 1906; House 1957-61


    William Robert (D Tenn.) June 17, 1921; House 1965-1973


    August Herman (R Minn.) Oct. 11, 1890-Jan. 14, 1958; House 1925-33 and 1935-Jan. 14, 1958


    Charles Oscar (D Fla.) March 7, 1877-Sept. 18, 1946; Senate Nov. 4, 1936-Sept. 18, 1946


    George William (D Ala.) Dec. 12, 1906-Dec. 25, 1971; House March 14, 1944-Dec. 25, 1971


    Glenn (R Ala.) Jan. 15, 1909; House 1965-67


    Mark (R N.D.) May 19, 1926; House Oct. 22, 1963-


    Walter Gresham (R N.Y.) July 16, 1889-March 5, 1949; House 1931-49


    Victor L'Episcopo (D N.Y.) March 10, 1905-Dec. 28, 1966; House 1951-53 and 1955-63


    Homer Daniel (R Ore.) Jan. 12, 1875-March 31, 1968; House 1939-55


    Frank (D Ill.) Jan. 12, 1915; House 1965-


    William R., Jr. (R Texas) March 22, 1928; House 1971-


    Leslie Cornelius (R Ill.) Sept. 27, 1895; House 1935-


    Orland Kay (R Mo.) Oct. 2, 1893; House 1951-53


    Samuel Washington (R Mo.) Sept. 21, 1879-Dec. 18, 1961; House 1943-49


    John Milan (R Ohio) Sept. 21, 1928; House 1961-


    Thomas William Ludlow (D Ohio) Jan. 11, 1923; House 1955-


    Robert Thomas (D S.C.) Feb. 22, 1904; House June 2, 1953-69


    Les (D Wis.) July 21, 1938; House 1971-


    Wayne Norviel (D Colo.) April 3, 1896; House 1949-1973


    James Coats (R N.J.) Jan. 19, 1885; House 1943-65


    Warren Robinson (R Vt.) Nov. 12, 1877-Dec. 25, 1962; Senate April 1, 1931-Aug. 2, 1946.


    William Henry (R Kan.) Aug. 11, 1911; House 1955-65; Gov. 1965-67


    William Hanes (R Ohio) Feb. 5, 1916; House 1951-71


    Herman (D N.Y.) Aug. 21, 1929; House 1971-


    Cleveland Monroe (D W.Va.) July 15, 1886-July 13, 1965; House 1945-47 and 1949-63


    Josiah William (D N.C.) Sept. 14, 1873-Dec. 15, 1946; Senate 1931-Dec. 15, 1946


    Howard Henry (husband of Irene B. Baker, father of Howard Henry Baker, Jr.) (R Tenn.) Jan. 12, 1902-Jan. 7, 1964; House 1951-64


    Howard Henry, Jr. (son of Howard Henry Baker and Irene B. Baker, son-in-law of Everett McKinley Dirksen) (R Tenn.) Nov. 15, 1925; Senate 1967-


    Irene B. (widow of Howard Henry Baker and mother of Howard Henry Baker, Jr.) (R Tenn.) Nov. 17, 1901; House March 10, 1964-65


    LaMar (R Tenn.) Dec. 19, 1915; House 1971-


    Claude Ignatius (R Mo.) Aug. 9, 1912; House 1947-49 and March 9, 1951-53


    Harry Streett (D Md.) Aug. 21, 1894-Oct. 19, 1952; House 1943-47


    John Finley, Jr. (R Calif.) June 28, 1915-March 9, 1966; House 1955-March 9, 1966


    Joseph Clark (R N.Y.) Jan. 11, 1897-Oct. 27, 1957; House March 11, 1941-47


    Raymond Earl (R Conn.) Aug. 31, 1893; Senate Dec. 27, 1946-Dec. 16, 1949; Gov. 1939-40; 1943-46


    Joseph Hurst (R Minn.) Nov. 3, 1905; Senate Oct. 14, 1940-Nov. 17, 1942, 1943-49


    Bert (D Iowa) Jan. 25, 1922; House 1965-67


    John Hollis 2d (D Ala.) July 8, 1872-June 12, 1946; Senate 1931-June 12, 1946


    Parke Monroe (R Mo.) Nov. 21, 1891-May 12, 1970; House 1947-49


    Walter Stephan (D Nev.) Sept. 9, 1911; House 1949-53, 1957-1973


    Alben William (D Ky.) Nov. 24, 1877-April 30, 1956; House 1913-27; Senate 1927-Jan. 19, 1949, 1955-April 30, 1956; Vice President 1949-53


    Joseph Walker (D Ind.) January 17, 1918; House 1959-61; Secy. of the Treasury 1968-69


    Frank A. (R Wyo.) Nov. 10, 1892-May 30, 1962; House 1943-Dec. 31, 1950; Senate 1953-59; Gov. 1951-53


    William A. (D Pa.) Aug. 14, 1896; House 1945-47, 1949-


    Robert Raymond (R N.Y.) May 15, 1915; House 1959-65


    William Bernard (D N.Y.) July 21, 1902-Oct. 20, 1946; House Nov. 5, 1935-Oct. 20, 1946


    Edward Lewis (Bob) (D Alaska) April 20, 1904-Dec. 11, 1968; House (Terr. Del.) 1945-59; Senate 1959-Dec. 11, 1968


    Perkins (R N.H.) Oct. 6, 1912; House 1955-63


    Ross (D Tenn.) March 17, 1918; House 1955-Nov. 4, 1964; Senate Nov. 4, 1964-67


    George Joseph (R Mass.) Feb. 25, 1891-Nov. 1, 1949; House 1937-Nov. 1, 1949


    William Henry (R Mass.) April 26, 1917-June 22, 1969; House Feb. 14, 1950-June 22, 1969


    Joseph B. (D Ky.) Oct. 29, 1893-Sept. 10, 1965; House 1938-53


    James F. (R Mont.) Feb. 13, 1925; House 1961-Feb. 27, 1969


    Laurie Calvin (D Ala.) May 10, 1912; House 1947-55


    Albert David, Jr. (R Ohio) June 15, 1908; House 1941-Sept. 2, 1942, 1955-61


    Birch E. (D Ind.) Jan. 22, 1928; Senate 1963-


    James Glenn (father of James Glenn Beall, Jr.) (R Md.) June 5, 1894-Jan. 14, 1971; House 1943-53; Senate 1953-65


    James Glenn, Jr. (R Md.) June 19, 1927; House 1969-71; Senate 1971-


    Frank John (R N.Y.) Aug. 27, 1899; House 1953-65


    Lindley Gary (D Texas) June 30, 1913; House 1939-53, 1957-67


    Ralph F. (R Neb.) Aug. 13, 1912; House 1961-65


    Nicholas J. (D Alaska) April 6, 1932-Oct. 16, 1972; House 1971-Oct. 16, 1972


    Page Henry (R Okla.) April 21, 1899; House 1951-1973


    Alphonzo (R Calif.) Sept. 19, 1914; House 1961-


    Charles Jasper (D Mo.) Jan. 16, 1885; House 1935-49


    John Junior (D Texas) May 15, 1910-Jan. 24, 1963; House 1955-57


    Henry (R Okla.) Sept. 3, 1921; Senate 1969-; Gov. 1963-67


    George Harrison (R Ohio) Sept. 29, 1896-June 18, 1961; House 1939-49, 1951-Dec. 15, 1954; Senate Dec. 16, 1954-57


    Augustus Witschief (R N.Y.) Oct. 7, 1897; House 1945-47


    Charles Edward (D Fla.) Dec. 2, 1910; House 1949-


    John Bonifas (R Mich.) Jan. 10, 1904-Aug. 9, 1964; House 1943-45, 1947-Aug. 10, 1964


    Marion Tinsley (R Mo.) June 6, 1914; House Jan. 12, 1943-49


    Wallace Foster (R Utah) Nov. 13, 1898; Senate 1951-


    Alvin Morell (R Mich.) Aug. 30, 1918-April 10, 1969; House 1953-61


    William (D Conn.) April 1, 1900; Senate Dec. 17, 1949-53


    Lloyd Millard, Jr. (D Texas) Feb. 11, 1921; House Dec. 4, 1948-55; Senate 1971-


    Bob (D Minn.) July 31, 1928; House 1971-


    Ellis Yarnal (R S.D.) Oct. 6, 1902; House 1951-71


    Jackson Edward (R Ohio) May 26, 1904; House 1951-


    Tom (D Ala.) March 27, 1921; House 1967-


    Mario (D N.Y.) Oct. 26, 1917; House 1969-


    Alan Harvey (D Nev.) Nov. 20, 1909; Senate Dec. 2, 1954-


    Andrew John (D Wis.) July 23, 1906; House 1945-47, 1949-51


    Edward G., Jr. (R Pa.) Jan. 5, 1931; House 1967-


    Jonathan B. (D N.Y.) April 24, 1914; House 1965-


    Cecil William (Runt) (R Ill.) June 29, 1890-Sept. 21, 1971; House 1941-55


    Benjamin B. (R Ga.) Feb. 14, 1927; House 1967-


    William Wallace (R Mich.) Aug. 28, 1876-March 14, 1963; House 1935-37, 1939-53


    William A. (D Texas) Nov. 17, 1898; Senate Jan. 15-April 28, 1957, Jan. 3-June 14, 1961


    Schuyler Otis (D Va.) May 4, 1872-Feb. 16, 1950; House July 2, 1918-Feb. 16, 1950


    Leonard Ray (D Tenn.) April 10, 1930; House 1967-1973


    John Anton (D Minn.) Aug. 17, 1911; House 1947-


    Iris Faircloth (D Ga.) April 25, 1912; House 1955-63


    Sol (D N.Y.) March 9, 1870-March 7, 1949; House 1923-March 7, 1949


    James Caleb (R Del.) May 15, 1909; House 1947-53; Senate 1961-1973; Gov. 1953-60


    Thomas Hale (D La.) Feb. 15, 1914; House 1941-43, 1947-Oct. 16, 1972


    Edward Patrick (D Mass.) Oct. 1, 1911; House 1953-


    Richard Walker (D Mo.) May 17, 1916; House 1949-


    Frances Payne (mother of Oliver P. Bolton) (R Ohio) March 29, 1885; House 1940-69


    Oliver Payne (son of Frances Payne Bolton) (R Ohio) Feb. 22, 1917-Dec. 13, 1972; House 1953-57, 1963-65


    William P. (D Md.) July 2, 1885-Nov. 22, 1964; House 1949-51


    Edward John (R Pa.) Dec. 23, 1904; House 1953-55


    Herbert Covington (D N.C.) May 16, 1891-Nov. 7, 1965; House Nov. 5, 1940-Nov. 7, 1965


    Lyle H. (D Okla.) May 11, 1909; House 1937-47


    Albert Henry (R N.Y.) Oct. 30, 1908; House 1953-Dec. 31, 1960


    Reva Zilpha Beck (D Utah)—-—; House 1949-53


    Joe H. (R S.D.) Aug. 7, 1903; Senate July 11, 1962-63


    Frank Townsend (R Ohio) Feb. 20, 1901-Nov. 13, 1972; House 1951-Nov. 13, 1972


    James Bernard (D Ill.) Feb. 5, 1875-July 18, 1957; House July 7, 1953-July 18, 1957


    Chester Bliss (D Conn.) April 5, 1901; House 1959-61; Gov. 1949-51


    Eva Kelly (R Neb.) Jan. 9, 1892; Senate April 16-Nov. 7, 1954


    Frank William (D Ala.) Feb. 21, 1885-March 12, 1969; House July 30, 1935-63


    Charles Augustus (D Ill.) Aug. 13, 1907-Nov. 4, 1959; House 1955-Nov. 4, 1959


    John (D Ind.) March 2, 1927; House 1959-


    Frederick Van Ness (R Mich.) April 12, 1898-May 24, 1947; House 1939-May 24, 1947


    Michael Joseph (D Pa.) May 24, 1897; House 1937-47


    Willis Winter (R Calif.) June 28, 1884-Aug. 27, 1954; House 1947-49


    Ernest King (R Calif.) April 25, 1901-Dec. 27, 1966; House 1947-55


    Frank J. (D N.Y.) Oct. 15, 1932; House 1967-


    William Gilmer (R Ind.) April 17, 1903; House 1951-


    John B. (D La.) March 1, 1944; House Oct. 12, 1972-


    James Floyd (D Kan.) Sept. 28, 1901; House 1957-63


    Edward F. (D Ohio) June 10, 1908; House 1949-Oct. 1, 1951


    Walter Ellsworth (R Ohio) May 25, 1892; House 1943-53


    Daniel Baugh (D Md.) Nov. 23, 1923; House 1959-63; Senate 1963-69


    John William (R Ohio) Sept. 6, 1893; Senate 1947-59; Gov. 1939-45


    Frank Parks (D Mo.) Feb. 25, 1894; Senate Jan. 18, 1945-47


    Jack Thomas (D Ga.) Dec. 22, 1930; House 1967-


    Lawrence (D Neb.) Aug. 16, 1906-Aug. 28, 1968; House 1959-61


    William Emerson, III (R Tenn.) Nov. 23, 1930; House 1963-71; Senate 1971-


    James E. (R Iowa) March 26, 1920; House 1961-65


    Edward W. (R Mass.) Oct. 26, 1919; Senate 1967-


    Charles Wayland (R Ill.) March 8, 1897-Jan. 14, 1957; Senate Nov. 22, 1940-49


    Jack Bascom (D Texas) Dec. 18, 1922; House 1953-


    Overton (D La.) Dec. 21, 1897-Sept. 16, 1961; House 1937-Sept. 16, 1961


    William S. (R Mich.) April 28, 1922; House 1957-1973


    John Charles (R Wis.) Oct. 8, 1901; House 1947-49


    Donald G. (R Colo.) June 28, 1922; House 1963-65, 1967-


    Joseph Melville (D N.C.) Nov. 17, 1888-March 6, 1949; Senate Dec. 31, 1948-March 6, 1949; Gov. 1941-45


    Charles Harrison (D Mo.) Oct. 22, 1920, House 1957-61


    Clarence J. (father of Clarence J. Brown, Jr.) (R Ohio) July 14, 1893-Aug. 23, 1965; House 1939-Aug. 23, 1965


    Clarence J., Jr. (son of Clarence J. Brown) (R Ohio) June 18, 1927; House Nov. 2, 1965-


    Ernest S. (R Nev.) Sept. 25, 1903-July 23, 1965; Senate Oct. 1-Dec. 1, 1954


    Garry E. (R Mich.) Aug. 12, 1923; House 1967-


    George E., Jr. (D Calif.) March 6, 1920; House 1963-71


    Gordon (D Tenn.) Nov. 22, 1889; House 1923-35; Gov. 1937-39, 1949-53


    Charles Bruce (R Ind.) Feb. 5, 1914; House 1951-59


    James T. (R N.C.) Aug. 19, 1927; House 1963-


    Joel Thomas (R Va.) Nov. 4, 1919; House 1953-


    Donald C. (R Ind.) April 27, 1921-Aug. 31, 1969; House 1961-65


    David Emmert (R Pa.) Oct. 8, 1894; House Nov. 2, 1943-47


    Clarence Norman (R N.D.) July 9, 1891; Senate Nov. 19, 1959-Aug. 7, 1960; Gov. 1951-57


    Joseph Raleigh (D S.C.) January 18, 1893-March 10, 1953; House 1939-March 10, 1953


    Frank (husband of Vera Daerr Buchanan) (D Pa.) Dec. 1, 1902-April 27, 1951; House May 21, 1946-April 27, 1951


    John H. (R Ala.) March 19, 1928; House 1965-


    Vera Daerr (wife of Frank Buchanan) (D Pa.) July 20, 1902-Nov. 26, 1955; House July 24, 1951-Nov. 26, 1955


    Ellsworth Brewer (R N.Y.) July 3, 1892-Aug. 14, 1970; House June 6, 1944-49


    Charles Anthony (D N.Y.) June 23, 1890-Jan. 22, 1967; House 1935-65


    James L. (Conservative-R N.Y.) March 9, 1923; Senate 1971-


    James Vincent (D Ill.) May 15, 1894-July 30, 1954; House 1949-51


    Hamer Harold (R Idaho) Nov. 21, 1910; House 1951-61


    Howard Homan (R Nev.) Aug. 13, 1903-April 29, 1964; House 1943-49, 1951-53


    Alfred Lee (D N.C.) April 21, 1883-Aug. 31, 1950; House 1921-29, 1931-Aug. 31, 1950


    Berkeley Lloyd (D Nev.) Aug. 12, 1906; Senate Nov. 27, 1940-Dec. 6, 1942; House 1945-47


    Thomas Granville (D Va.) July 3, 1869-March 20, 1951; House 1931-May 31, 1946; Senate May 31-Nov. 5, 1946


    Quentin Northrop (son of Usher L. Burdick and brother-in-law of Robert W. Levering) (D N.D.) June 19, 1908; House 1959-Aug. 8, 1960; Senate Aug. 8, 1960-


    Usher Lloyd (father of Quentin N. Burdick and father-in-law of Robert W. Levering) (R N.D.) Feb. 21, 1879-Aug. 19, 1960; House 1935-45, 1949-59


    William Olin (D N.C.) July 28, 1877-April 11, 1946; House 1939-April 11, 1946


    Frank Welsh (D Ky.) June 1, 1920; House 1959-63


    James Anthony (D Mass.) March 30, 1910; House 1959-


    J. Herbert (R Fla.) Jan. 14, 1913; House 1967-


    Thomas A. (D Ohio) Oct. 30, 1898-Dec. 5, 1971; Senate Nov. 10, 1953-Dec. 2, 1954


    Thomas Henry (D Ohio) May 6, 1904-Sept. 12, 1959; House 1949-51


    Everett G. (D Calif.) Jan. 19, 1897; House 1963-65


    Omar Truman (D Texas) March 19, 1906; House 1947-


    Bill D (D Mo.) March 15, 1931; House 1969-


    John Anthony (D Hawaii) March 30, 1909; House (Terr. Del.) 1957-Aug. 21, 1959; Gov. 1963-


    Maurice Gwinn (D W. Va.) Aug. 23, 1902; House 1949-53, 1955-57


    Clarence Godber (D Va.) Dec. 14, 1886; House Nov. 2, 1948-53


    Harold Hitz (R Ohio) June 22, 1888-Oct. 28, 1964; Senate 1941- Sept. 30, 1945; Assoc. Justice of the Supreme Court 1945-58


    Laurence J. (R Utah) Oct. 30, 1926; House 1963-71


    Phillip (D Calif.) June 1, 1926; House Feb. 18, 1964-


    Fred Ernst (R Ill.) Feb. 8, 1895-Feb. 11, 1966; House 1943-45, 1947-49, 1951-55


    Alvin Ray (R Pa.) June 4, 1893-Nov. 5, 1959; House 1951-Nov. 5, 1959


    George Herbert Walker (son of Prescott S. Bush) (R Texas) June 12, 1924; House 1967-71


    Prescott Sheldon (father of George Herbert Walker Bush) (R Conn.) May 15, 1895-Oct. 8, 1972; Senate Nov. 4, 1952-63


    Harlan John (husband of Vera C. Bushfield) (R S.D.) Aug. 6, 1882-Sept. 27, 1948; Senate 1943-Sept. 27, 1948; Gov. 1939-42


    Vera Cahalan (widow of Harlan J. Bushfield) (R S.D.) Aug. 9, 1889; Senate Oct. 6-Dec. 26, 1948


    Hugh Alfred (R Neb.) Feb. 28, 1878-July 1, 1954; Senate 1941-July 1, 1954


    John Cornelius (R N.Y.) July 2, 1887-Aug. 13, 1953; House April 22, 1941-49, 1953-53


    John Marshall (R Md.) July 21, 1897; Senate 1951-63


    Daniel E. (R N.Y.) Nov. 1, 1917; House 1967-71


    Harry Flood (father of Harry F. Byrd, Jr.) (D Va.) June 10, 1887-Oct. 20, 1966; Senate 1933-Nov. 10, 1965; Gov. 1926-30


    Harry F., Jr. (son of Harry Flood Byrd) (D Va.) Dec. 20, 1914; Senate Nov. 12, 1965-1970; Senate Independent) 1970-


    Robert Carlyle (D W.Va.) Jan. 15, 1918; House 1953-59; Senate 1959-


    Emmet Francis (R Ill.) Dec. 6, 1896; House 1957-59


    James Aloysius (D Pa.) June 22, 1906; House 1953-73


    William Thomas (D N.Y.) March 6, 1876-Jan. 27, 1952; House 1937-Jan. 27, 1952


    John William (R Wis.) June 12, 1913; House 1945-73


    Goodloe E. (D Md.) June 22, 1929; House 1971-


    Earle (D Texas) Oct. 27, 1906; House 1965-73


    Patrick Thomson (D La.) July 6, 1932; House 1969-73


    William Thomas (R N.J.) June 25, 1912; House 1959-Jan. 19, 1970; Gov. 1970-


    Harry Pulliam (R Wash.) Jan. 10, 1906; Senate Dec. 26, 1946-53


    Clair Armstrong (D Neb.) March 20, 1920; House 1965-67


    Howard H. (Bo) (R Ga.) May 2, 1927; House 1965-67


    Ronald Brooks (D Calif.) Aug. 16, 1927; House 1963-67


    Albert Sidney (D Ga.) July 26, 1892-July 24, 1954; House Aug. 1, 1939-July 24, 1954


    John N. Happy (R Okla.) May 11, 1908; House 1969-


    Courtney Warren (D Fla.) April 29, 1895-Dec. 22, 1971; House 1953-55


    Howard Edmond (R Pa.) Jan. 4, 1890; House 1945-47


    Gordon (R N.J.) April 15, 1898-June 20, 1972; House 1941-61


    Arthur Patrick (D Fla.) May 22, 1904-Jan. 23, 1966; House 1939-47


    Clarence (D Mo.) April 11, 1879-May 12, 1964; House 1923-May 12, 1964


    Howard Walter (D Nev.) Jan. 26, 1912; Senate 1959-


    Homer Earl (R Ind.) June 6, 1897; Senate 1945-63


    Hugh L. (D N.Y.) April 11, 1919; House 1961-


    Frank (R Kan.) Jan. 23, 1893; House 1935-47; Senate Nov. 29, 1950-69; Gov. 1947-50


    Frank Ertel (D N.C.) April 7, 1897-Oct. 2, 1960; House 1949-57


    Albert Sidney Johnson (D Mo.) Jan. 9, 1897-March 24, 1968; House 1945-47, 1949-61


    Charles J. (D Ohio) April 17, 1913; House Nov. 3, 1970-


    Joseph Leonard (R Pa.) Feb. 23, 1901; House Nov. 6, 1951-59


    John Albert (D Colo.) July 30, 1901; House 1947-51; Senate 1957-63


    Henderson Haverfield (R Ohio) Oct. 25, 1893-Oct. 5, 1971; House 1943-45, 1947-49


    Steven V. (D Iowa) Oct. 8, 1915-Nov. 4, 1959; House Jan. 3-Nov. 4, 1959


    Tim Lee (R Ky.) Sept. 2, 1910; House 1965-


    Edward Peter (D Nev.) May 14, 1885-June 27, 1956; Senate July 25, 1945-47; Gov. 1939-45


    Clifford Philip (R N.J.) April 16, 1904; House 1945-Aug. 16, 1953; Senate 1955-


    Francis Higbee (R S.D.) Dec. 9, 1896-June 22, 1962; House 1937-51; Senate 1951-June 22, 1962


    Robert Randolph (Bob) (D Texas) July 27, 1915; House 1959-


    Anthony (D Pa.) Feb. 6, 1897-Oct. 29, 1966; House 1949-51


    Elford Alfred (R Mich.) March 6, 1918; House 1953-


    Emanuel (D N.Y.) May 6, 1888; House 1923-73


    E. Wallace (R Pa.) Jan. 17, 1884-Aug. 18, 1969; House 1947-49


    Charles Ernest (R Mich.) July 22, 1917; House 1957-


    Albert Benjamin (D Ky.) July 14, 1898; Senate Oct. 10, 1939-Nov. 1, 1945; Gov. 1935-39, 1955-59


    Virgil Munday (D Ky.) March 15, 1895-March 8, 1951; House 1925-29, 1931-49; Senate 1949-March 8, 1951


    William V., Jr. (D Fla.) Feb. 3, 1922; House 1969-


    Jackson Burton (R Neb.) Aug. 19, 1890; House 1955-57


    Richard Thurmond (D N.C.) Aug. 16, 1896-Feb. 5, 1957; House 1949-57


    Dennis (D N.M.) April 8, 1899-Nov. 18, 1962; House 1931-35; Senate May 11, 1935-Nov. 18, 1962


    Frank Leslie (D Ky.) Sept. 22, 1907; House 1945-67


    John Edgar (R Colo.) Aug. 17, 1897; House 1941-49, 1951-65


    Chester Anton (D Ill.) March 9, 1916; House 1949-51


    Lawton (D Fla.) April 3, 1930; Senate 1971-


    Robert Bruce (R Ill.) Nov. 20, 1899-April 9, 1971; House 1939-63


    Shirley (D N.Y.) Nov. 30, 1924; House 1969-


    George Henry (D Mo.) Dec. 9, 1888-Jan. 23, 1959; House 1949-51, 1955-Jan. 23, 1959


    Earl (D Pa.) Nov. 16, 1907; House 1949-Jan. 5, 1958


    Frank Forrester (D Idaho) July 25, 1924; Senate 1957-


    Marguerite Stitt (widow of Ralph Edwin Church) (R Ill.) Sept. 13, 1892; House 1951-63


    Ralph Edwin (husband of Marguerite Stitt Church) (R Ill.) May 5, 1883-March 21, 1950; House 1935-41; 1943-March 21, 1950


    Donald D. (R Ohio) July 24, 1921; House 1961-


    Kit Francis (R Mich.) June 17, 1892-Sept. 5, 1961; House 1953-55


    David Worth (D Idaho) April 2, 1902-June 19, 1955; House 1935-39; Senate 1939-45


    Frank Monroe (D Pa.) Dec. 24, 1915; House 1955-


    Jerome Bayard (D N.C.) April 5, 1882-Aug. 26, 1959; House 1929-49


    Joseph Sill (D Pa.) Oct. 21, 1901; Senate 1957-69


    Charles Russell (R Mass.) Sept. 3, 1890; House 1937-49


    Don H. (R Calif.) April 27, 1923; House Jan. 22, 1963-


    Delwin (Del) Morgan (R Calif.) Jan. 11, 1914; House June 11, 1963-


    William (D Mo.) April 30, 1931; House 1969-


    Louis Gary (D N.Y.) June 10, 1908-May 13, 1968; House 1949-53


    Earle C. (D Ky.) Oct. 22, 1896; House 1945-Jan. 6, 1948; Senate Nov. 27, 1950-57; Gov. Jan. 1948-Nov., 1950


    James C. (R N.H.) June 13, 1920; House 1963-


    Cliff (R Ohio) Aug. 20, 1885-Dec. 13, 1960; House 1939-59


    Raymond F. (D Mich.) June 6, 1926; House 1965-67


    Roy (R Ill.) Jan. 13, 1886-Dec. 24, 1962; House Nov. 6, 1945-49


    Merwin (D Iowa) Sept. 28, 1924; House 1957-63


    John Joseph (D Mo.) Mo.) Aug. 11, 1880-March 6, 1947; House Nov. 2, 1926-47


    John Main (D Wash.) Jan. 23, 1897; House 1937-47


    Robert Lewis, Jr. (D Pa.) Oct. 21, 1918-April 20, 1949; House Jan. 3-April 20, 1949


    Frank Morey (D Maine) July 11, 1919; House 1957-61


    Howard Aldridge (R Mich.) June 11, 1877-Feb. 28, 1956; House 1947-49


    Jeffery (D Calif.) June 24, 1914; House 1959-71


    Albert McDonald (R Kan.) Oct. 13, 1901; House 1945-53


    William Clay (R Mo.) Aug. 29, 1897-Sept. 23, 1965; House 1943-49, 1953-55


    William Sterling (R N.Y.) April 18, 1904; House 1935-Dec. 1, 1957


    Harold Reginald (R Ill.) Dec. 12, 1915; House 1957-


    George W. (D Ill.) March 5, 1925-Dec. 8, 1972; House Nov. 3, 1970-Dec, 8, 1972


    James M. (R Texas) April 29, 1916; House Aug. 24, 1968-


    William Meyers (D Miss.) Feb. 11, 1890; House 1933-73


    Jesse Martin (D Texas) July 7, 1889-Aug. 21, 1953; House 1945-53


    Barber B., Jr. (R N.Y.), Nov. 2, 1922; House 1965-


    Robert Likens (D Calif.) Nov. 10, 1912; House 1953-55


    Thomas Terry (Tom) (D Texas) Aug. 19, 1877-Oct. 28, 1963; House 1917-29; Senate 1929-53


    Silvio Otto (R Mass.) Nov. 9, 1921; House 1959-


    John, Jr. (D Mich.) May 16, 1929; House 1965-


    Marlow W. (R Ky.) July 27, 1926; Senate Dec. 16, 1968-


    Robert Eugene (D Ohio) May 19, 1920; House 1959-63


    Harold Dunbar (D N.C.) July 26, 1897; House July 7, 1934-66


    Samuel Harrison (R Ore.) April 15, 1903; House 1953-57


    Jere (D Tenn.) July 20, 1893-Dec. 18, 1957; House 1929-Dec. 18, 1957


    John Sherman (R Ky.) Aug. 23, 1901; Senate Nov. 6, 1946-49, Nov. 5, 1952-55, Nov. 7, 1956-73


    Robert James (R Pa.) Aug. 25, 1905-April 25, 1971; House 1939-41, 1945-April 25, 1971


    Guy (R Ore.) April 24, 1890-June 8, 1969; Senate March 4, 1944-55


    Jorge Luis (New Progressive P.R.) April 20, 1907; House (Res. Comm.) 1969-73


    James C. (D Calif.) Oct. 20, 1920; House 1961-


    William R. (D Conn.) July 18, 1926; House 1971-


    Norris (R N.H.) May 11, 1900; House 1947-Nov. 7, 1954; Senate Nov. 8, 1954-


    James La Fayette (D Ala.) Aug. 25, 1808-Sept. 7, 1885; House Dec. 7, 1946-47


    Frederic Rene, Jr. (R N.Y.) May 7, 1898-May 21, 1972; House 1947-59


    R. Lawrence (R Pa.) April 11, 1929; House 1969-


    William Wirt (D Tenn.) Sept. 7, 1889-April 6, 1961; House May 11, 1939-49


    William O. (R Ky.) Jan. 1, 1922-Oct. 2, 1971; House 1967-71


    Edward Eugene (D Ga.) April 3, 1880-Dec. 24, 1952; House 1925-Dec. 24, 1952


    Nathaniel Nieman, Jr. (D Pa.) Nov. 17, 1927; House 1965-67


    William Cato (R Fla.) Aug. 4, 1922; House 1955-71


    Philip M. (R Ill.) Nov. 3, 1930; House Nov. 25, 1969-


    Alan (D Calif.) June 19, 1914; Senate 1969-


    William Fadijo (D Ark.) Feb. 15, 1889; House Sept. 12, 1939-49


    Fred Lewis (R Mich.) May 5, 1888-April 13, 1957; House 1935-53


    Albert William (R Conn.) April 22, 1897; House 1953-59


    Edward David (R Wyo.) April 8, 1899-Oct. 20, 1960; Senate June 24-Nov. 28, 1954


    Thurman Charles (D Ind.) July 18, 1891; House 1949-51


    Robert (D Ohio) June 7, 1874-June 3, 1957; House 1913-19, 1923-55


    William Josiah (R Pa.) Jan. 22, 1902; House 1947-49


    Shepard J., Jr. (R Ind.) Feb. 13, 1917; House 1951-57


    John C. (D Iowa) Aug. 8, 1932; House 1965-


    Glenn Clarence (R Neb.) Sept. 10, 1912; House 1957-71


    Paul Harvey (R Iowa) June 15, 1890-July 16, 1961; House 1941-59


    William P. Jr. (D Wis.) Nov. 30, 1933; House Dec. 6, 1971-73


    Willard Sevier (R Pa.) Nov. 28, 1905; House 1957-67


    Carl Thomas (R Neb.) March 15, 1905; House 1939-Dec. 31, 1954, Senate Jan. 1, 1955-


    Laurence (R Mass.) Sept. 3, 1893-—; House 1953-63


    Thomas Bradford (R Mo.) May 14, 1911; House 1951-69


    Emilio Quincy (D Conn.) Sept. 24, 1918; House 1959-71


    Paul Bartram (R Pa.) May 19, 1898-—; House 1947-67


    Thomas, Jr. (D Md.) Aug. 1, 1903; House 1939-May 16, 1947


    John Anthony (R Conn.) Jan. 9, 1899-—; Senate 1939-45


    Charles Ezra (D S.C.) Nov. 11, 1895-Sept. 13, 1964; Senate Sept. 6-Dec. 23, 1954


    Price Marion (D Texas) Oct. 10, 1910; Senate 1953-Jan. 14, 1957; Gov. 1957-63


    W. C. (Dan) (D Va.) May 12, 1914; House 1969-


    Dominick V. (D N.J.) Oct. 18, 1908; House 1959-


    George E. (D Calif.) Feb. 20, 1915; House 1971-


    Harry (R Kan.) Jan. 23, 1895-—; Senate Dec. 2, 1949-Nov. 28, 1950


    Ralph Hunter (D Va.) Sept. 23, 1885-Dec. 22, 1958; House Nov. 7, 1944-47


    Harry James (D Pa.) Aug. 28, 1902; House 1949-51


    Irwin Delmore (D/Liberal N.Y.) Jan. 2, 1906; House 1955-Dec. 31, 1956


    John Clay (D N.Y.) May 1, 1920; House 1949-51


    Clifford (D Tenn.) Nov. 18, 1897-June 8, 1970; House Feb. 15, 1940-65


    Glenn R. (R Wis.) Oct. 28, 1914; House April 22, 1947-57, 1965-


    James Curran (D Ga.) May 17, 1895-—; House 1947-63


    John William (D Ga.) Sept. 12, 1916; House 1961-


    Mendel J. (D S.C.) Oct. 23, 1942; House April 29, 1971-


    William Adams (R Utah) Nov. 5, 1903; House 1947-49; 1953-59


    William Levi (D Ill.) April 26, 1886-Nov. 9, 1970; House 1943-Nov. 9, 1970


    Charles Bennett (D N.C.) Nov. 1, 1898-Nov. 24, 1969; House 1947-57


    Emerson Hugh (D Wash.) May 9, 1910; House 1945-47

    de la GARZA

    Eligio (D Texas) Sept. 22, 1927; House 1965-


    James Joseph (D N.Y.) March 19, 1901; House 1945-47, 1949-


    John Joseph (D N.Y.) Aug. 21, 1878-Nov. 18, 1948; House March 5, 1918-19, 1931-Nov. 18, 1948


    Vincent John (D N.J.) June 23, 1907; House 1957-59 (1957 (R), 1958 (D))


    John R. (R Ore.) Nov. 6, 1918; House 1967-


    Ronald V. (D Calif.) Nov. 24, 1935; House 1971-


    John Joseph (D N.M.) June 22, 1879-March 11, 1958; House 1935-41, 1951-March, 1958; Gov. 1943-47


    Frank E. (D S.C.) Nov. 29, 1923; House 1971-


    Robert V. (R Neb.) April 11, 1916; House 1967-71


    David W. (R Ind.) June 7, 1912; House 1969-


    David Short (R Ohio) July 29, 1918; House 1957-59


    Harmar Denny, Jr. (R Pa.) July 2, 1886-Jan. 6, 1966; House 1951-53


    John Herman (D Pa.) March 10, 1908; House Jan. 21, 1958-


    Winfield Kirkpatrick (D Ind.) Oct. 28, 1896-Nov. 2, 1971; House 1949-53, 1955-Dec. 30, 1966


    Steven Boghos (R N.Y.) April 6, 1918; House 1953-65


    Edward Joseph (R Ill.) Sept. 15, 1926; House 1959-


    James Patrick Sinnott (R Md.) Feb. 20, 1903; House 1951-59


    Samuel Leeper (R Ohio) Dec. 21, 1915; House 1959-


    Edward James (R Minn.) May 5, 1911; House 1947-49


    Wesley Abner (R Mont.) Oct. 1, 1899; House June 5, 1945-55


    William Louis (R Ala.) June 5, 1925; House 1965-


    Samuel (D N.Y.) Feb. 5, 1885-April 22, 1954; House 1923-Dec. 23, 1945


    Martin, Jr. (D Texas) Nov. 5, 1900-Nov. 14, 1972; House 1931-45, 1953-59


    Charles Coles, Jr. (D Mich.) Dec. 2, 1922; House 1955-


    John David (father of John David Dingell, Jr.) (D Mich.) Feb. 2, 1894-Sept. 19, 1955; House 1933-Sept. 19, 1955


    John David, Jr. (son of John Dingell) (D Mich.) July 8, 1926; House Dec. 13, 1955-


    Everett McKinley (R Ill.) Jan. 4, 1896-Sept. 7, 1969; House 1933-49; Senate 1951-Sept. 7, 1969


    Henry Aldous (R Utah) June 29, 1890-Jan. 22, 1967; House 1955-61


    Thomas Joseph (D Conn.) May 15, 1907-May 24, 1971; House 1953-57; Senate 1959-71


    Robert J. (R Kan.) July 22, 1923; House 1961-69; Senate 1969-


    Isidore (D N.Y.) Nov. 13, 1903; House 1949-Dec. 31, 1959


    James Isaac (R Iowa) Aug. 31, 1894-—; House 1945-57


    James (D La.) Jan. 6, 1907; House 1941-April 15, 1944; Nov. 7, 1944-49


    Peter H. (R Colo.) July 7, 1915; House 1961-63; Senate 1963-


    George Anthony (R Mich.) Dec. 16, 1883-Jan. 29, 1968; House 1933-57


    Forrest C. (R Mo.) Aug. 20, 1884-—; Senate 1945-51; Gov. 1941-45


    Harold Daniel (D Mass.) June 18, 1901; House 1947-


    James George (D/R Liberal N.Y.) Dec. 15, 1898-—; House 1951-57


    Edwin Benedict (R N.Y.) April 13, 1905; House 1957-63


    Francis Edwin (R N.Y.) April 18, 1911; House 1953-61


    William Jennings Bryan (D S.C.) April 14, 1916; House 1947-49; 1951-


    Robert Lee (D N.C.) Nov. 7, 1863-Oct. 1, 1954; House 1911-53


    Emily Taft (wife of Senator Paul H. Douglas) (D Ill.) April 10, 1899; House 1945-47


    Fred James (R N.Y.) Sept. 14, 1869-Jan. 1, 1949; House 1937-45.


    Helen Gahagan (D Calif.) Nov. 25, 1900; House 1945-51


    Paul Howard (husband of Emily Taft Douglas) (D Ill.) March 26, 1892; Senate 1949-67


    John Goodchild (D N.Y.) May 6, 1905; House 1965-69; 1971-73


    John Vernard (D Texas) Feb. 11, 1912; House Sept. 23, 1952-73


    Sheridan (D Calif.) March 11, 1884-Oct. 25, 1961; Senate 1939-Nov. 30, 1950


    Thomas Nelms (D Va.) Feb. 1, 1919; House 1959-


    Clyde Gilman (D Calif.) July 11, 1887-March 14, 1963; House 1945-47, 1949-March 14, 1963


    Patrick Henry (D Va.) May 24, 1875-Dec. 21, 1947; House April 27, 1920-Dec. 21, 1947


    Robert F. (D Mass.) Nov. 15, 1920; House 1971-


    James Henderson (R Pa.) Jan. 21, 1883-Dec. 20, 1969; Senate Jan. 16, 1951-57; Gov. 1947-51


    John Foster (R N.Y.) Feb. 25, 1888-May 24, 1959; Senate July 7-Nov. 8, 1949; Secy. of State 1953-59


    Thaddeus J. (D N.Y.) Sept. 27, 1915; House 1959-


    John J. (R Tenn.) March 24, 1919; House 1965-


    Robert B. (D Ore.) Dec. 4, 1920; House 1963-67

    du PONT

    Pierre S., IV (R Del.) Jan. 22, 1935; House 1971-


    Edwin R. (R Ore.) Jan. 26, 1899; House 1961-63


    Henry Clarence (R Idaho) Aug. 29, 1894-July 23, 1962; House 1939-Nov. 5, 1946; Senate Nov. 6, 1946-49, Oct. 14, 1949-July 23, 1962


    Florence Price (R N.J.) July 4, 1902; House 1957-1973


    Kenneth Warren (D Calif.) July 9, 1910; House 1965-67


    Thomas F. (D Mo.) Sept. 4, 1929; Senate Dec. 28, 1968-


    Harold Henderson (D Tenn.) April 13, 1900; House 1945-47


    James Oliver (D Miss.) Nov. 28, 1904; Senate June 30-Sept. 18, 1941; 1943-


    Charles Aubrey (R N.J.) March 29, 1868-Jan. 23, 1953; House 1925-53


    Herman Peter (D Pa.) April 29, 1892-Sept. 9, 1958; House 1937-Sept. 9, 1958


    Bob (D Texas) July 16, 1913; House 1967-


    Zales Nelson (R Mont.) April 1, 1898-March 3, 1961; Senate 1947-53


    Edmond Augustus (brother of J. Howard Edmondson) (D Okla.) April 7, 1919; House 1953-73


    J. Howard (brother of Edmond Augustus Edmondson) (D Okla.) Sept. 27, 1925-Nov. 17, 1971; Senate Jan. 9, 1963-Nov. 3, 1964; Gov. 1959-63


    Don (D Calif.) Jan. 6, 1915; House 1963-


    Edwin W. (D La.) Aug. 7, 1927; House Oct. 2, 1965-May 1972; Gov. May 1972-


    Elaine S. (D La.) March 8, 1929; Senate August 1, 1972-73


    Jack (R Ala.) Sept. 20, 1928; House 1965-


    Joshua (D Pa.) Feb. 12, 1921; House 1967-


    Allen Joseph (D La.) Sept. 24, 1891-July 27, 1972; Senate 1937-1972; President pro tempore 1971-72


    Alfred James (D Calif.) June 1, 1895-—; House May 4, 1937-49


    Carl Atwood (D Ala.) Dec. 20, 1913; House 1949-65


    Douglas Hemphill (R Pa.) June 3, 1921-June 19, 1960; House April 26-June 19, 1960


    Hubert Summers (R W.Va.) July 6, 1887-Dec. 3, 1959; House 1943-49


    Matthew Harris (R Ore.) Sept. 17, 1899-—; House 1943-57


    Robert F. (R Kan.) June 11, 1926; House 1961-67


    Edward Julius (R N.Y.) March 10, 1904; House 1945-49


    Charles Henry (R Ohio) Aug. 1, 1891-—; House 1939-53


    Albert Joseph (R Mich.) Jan. 1, 1888-Dec. 2, 1959; House 1935-51


    Clair (D Calif.) Sept. 21, 1911-July 30, 1964; House Aug. 31, 1943-59; Senate 1959-July 30, 1964


    John N. (R Ill.) Feb. 8, 1927; House 1965-


    Joseph Wilson (brother of Samuel James Ervin, Jr.) (D N.C.) March 3, 1901-Dec. 25, 1945; House Jan. 3-Dec. 25, 1945


    Samuel James, Jr. (brother of Joseph Wilson Ervin) (D N.C.) Sept. 27, 1896; House Jan. 22, 1946-47; Senate June 5, 1954-


    Marvin L. (R Mich.) Aug. 4, 1927; House 1967-


    Edwin D. (R Pa.) Dec. 4, 1920; House 1967-


    Frank Edwards (D Colo.) Sept. 6, 1923; House 1965-


    Robert Ashton (D Tenn.) Feb. 24, 1915-Jan. 26, 1969; House Feb. 1, 1958-Jan. 26, 1969


    Joseph Landon (Joe) (D Tenn.) Oct. 24, 1910; House 1947-


    George Hyde (D Md.) July 24, 1902; House 1945-71


    Paul Jones (R Ariz.) Jan. 29, 1907; Senate 1965- ; Gov. 1958-64


    Leonard (D N.Y.) Oct. 12, 1902; House 1957-71


    Charles Rowland Peaslee (D Ky.) March 28, 1907; House 1965-67


    Billie Sunday (D Mich.) April 11, 1916; House 1965-67


    Joseph Rider (husband of Mary Elizabeth Pruett Farrington) (R Hawaii) Oct. 15, 1897-June 19, 1954; House (Terr. Del.) 1943-June 19, 1954


    Mary Elizabeth Pruett (widow of Joseph Rider Farrington) (R Hawaii) May 30, 1898-—; House (Terr. Del.) July 31, 1954-57


    Dante Bruno (D Fla.) March 9, 1917; House 1955-


    Walter E. (D D.C.) Feb. 6, 1933; House Delegate, March 23, 1971-


    William Crosson (D La.) June 10, 1895-March 16, 1965; Senate May 18-Dec. 30, 1948


    Michael Aloysius (D Ohio) Feb. 16, 1905; House 1943-71


    Frank (R Maine) Nov. 7, 1889-Aug. 27, 1951; House 1941-Aug. 27, 1951


    Ivor David (R Pa.) Aug. 3, 1889-—; House 1939-63


    Homer (R Mich.) Feb. 25, 1889-—; Senate 1943-55


    Antonio Manuel (D N.M.) Jan. 17, 1902-Nov. 7, 1956; House 1943-Nov. 7, 1956


    Antonio (Progressive Democrat P.R.) May 10, 1895-—; House (Res Comm.) Sept. 11, 1946-65


    Paul (R Ill.) June 23, 1921; House 1961-


    Sidney Asher (D N.Y.) Sept. 14, 1903; House 1951-Jan. 2, 1956


    Edward R. (D Ill.) June 5, 1905-Feb. 2, 1971; House 1961-Dec. 6, 1964


    Paul Albert (R N.Y.) Dec. 15, 1913, House 1953-Dec. 31, 1968


    Hamilton, Jr. (R N.Y.) June 3, 1926; House 1969-


    Ovie Clark (D Texas) Nov. 22, 1903; House 1943-


    Orvin Benonie (R Mont.) April 16, 1918; House 1955-57


    Ralph Edward (R Vt.) Sept. 28, 1880-Feb. 19, 1970; Senate Nov. 1, 1946-59


    John William, Jr. (D Va.) Feb. 20, 1885-April 27, 1955; House 1931-49


    Charles Kimball (R Calif.) Dec. 15, 1902; House 1947-49


    Daniel John (D Pa.) Nov. 26, 1903; House 1945-47, 1949-53, 1955-


    Walter (D Ala.) April 12, 1933; House 1969-


    Gerald Thomas (D Wis.) Oct. 7, 1910; House 1959-61


    John James, Jr. (D Ga.) Nov. 8, 1914; House Nov. 2, 1954-


    John Edward (D R.I.) March 23, 1913-Jan. 10, 1967; House 1941-Dec. 7, 1944; 1945-Jan. 10, 1967


    John Robert (D Md.) Oct. 16, 1917; House 1959-61


    Thomas Stephen (D Wash.) March 6, 1929; House 1965-


    John Hamlin (D N.C.) Dec. 18, 1880-July 19, 1963; House June 14, 1941-49


    Hiram Leon (R Hawaii) Oct. 1, 1907; Senate Aug. 21, 1959-


    Ellsworth Bishop (R Conn.) Jan. 12, 1898; House 1947-49


    Aime Joseph (D R.I.) May 23, 1895-Jan. 18, 1971; House 1937-39, 1941-61


    Gerald R. Jr. (R Mich.) July 14, 1913; House 1949-


    William D. (D Mich.) Aug. 6, 1927; House 1965-


    Ed (R Texas/N.M.) Dec. 22, 1933; House 1963-65 (Texas), 1969-71 (N.M.)


    Edwin B. (R N.J.) Jan. 17, 1916; House Nov. 3, 1970-


    Lawrence H. (D N.C.) April 23, 1913; House 1953-


    Donald MacKay (Democrat Farmer Labor Minn.) Feb. 20, 1924; House 1963-


    James Beriah, Jr. (D Tenn.) June 23, 1890; House 1949-63


    Joseph Allen Jr. (D Del.) March 7, 1903; Senate 1949-61


    Peter Hood Ballantine (R N.J.) Jan. 17, 1916; House 1953-


    William E. (R Minn.) July 31, 1928; House 1971-


    Louis, Jr. (R Fla.) Jan. 11, 1934; House 1969—


    Samuel Nathaniel (D Md.) April 18, 1898; House 1953-71


    Thomas Bacon (D Va.) April 10, 1899; House 1949-53


    James William (D Ark.) April 9, 1905; House 1943-45; Senate 1945-


    Hadwen Carlton (R N.Y.) Aug. 28, 1895; House Nov. 2, 1943-49


    James Grove (R Pa.) March 1, 1903-Oct. 6, 1971; House Feb. 2, 1945-Oct. 6, 1971


    Richard (D Tenn.) Jan. 27, 1927; House 1963-


    Don (D Fla.) Aug. 20, 1933; House 1963-


    Foster (D Mass.) July 29, 1911; House 1949-Sept. 30, 1952; Gov. 1957-61


    Nick (D N.C.) July 22, 1928; House 1967-73


    Cornelius Edward (D N.J.) March 2, 1921; House 1959-73


    James A. (R Pa.) Jan. 16, 1869-Dec. 8, 1957; House 1943-45, 1947-49


    William James (D Minn.) May 13, 1875-Aug. 13, 1946; House 1945-Aug. 13, 1946


    Ralph Abernethy (R N.Y.) May 6, 1885-March 4, 1959; House Nov. 2, 1937-57


    David Henry (D Ga.) Dec. 20, 1929; Senate Feb. 2, 1971-73


    Edward Joseph (D Ohio) Aug. 7, 1898-Dec. 7, 1950; House 1945-47


    James Carson (R N.C.) April 8, 1933; House 1967-69


    Peter Adams (R Maine) June 16, 1923; House 1961-63


    Edward Alexander (D Md.) Feb. 7, 1903; House July 15, 1947-73


    Julian Vaughan (D Va.) Feb. 25, 1892-—; House March 6, 1945-65


    Ezekiel Candler (D Ark.) Nov. 10, 1903; House 1939-69


    Leon Harry (R Pa.) Feb. 25, 1893-Sept. 15, 1963; House 1943-Sept. 15, 1963


    Joseph M. (D Pa.) July 3, 1926; House Nov. 5, 1968-


    Bertrand Wesley (R Calif.) May 31, 1890-Oct. 11, 1955; House 1935-49


    James Patrick (D Conn.) Aug. 11, 1901; House 1945-47


    Brady Preston (D Texas) March 25, 1896-Nov. 9, 1966; House 1953-57


    Myron Virgil (R Kan.) Jan. 6, 1900-April 11, 1972; House Nov. 7, 1950-59


    Newell A. (D Kan.) Sept. 24, 1904; House 1959-61


    Walter Franklin (D Ga.) Jan. 19, 1878-Aug. 4, 1957; Senate Nov. 22, 1922-57


    Charles Lewis (R Pa.) Sept. 14, 1895-May 5, 1947; House 1939-May 5, 1947


    Peter Goelet (D R.I.) Sept. 18, 1879-Oct. 31, 1957; House 1913-15; Senate 1917-29; 1935-47


    Thomas Smithwick (D S.C.) June 19, 1912; House Nov. 3, 1964-


    Robert Nicholas (D Conn.) Oct. 15, 1919; House 1959-


    Sam M. (D Fla.) Jan. 20, 1920; House 1963-


    Ernest William (R Vt.) March 6, 1901-Nov. 4, 1969; Senate June 24, 1940-41; Gov. 1947-50


    John Strickland (D Ga.) Jan. 3, 1893-Oct. 19, 1960; House 1941-47


    Charles Laceille (R Mass.) March 15, 1871-Aug. 23, 1947; House Nov. 7, 1922-Aug. 23, 1947


    Jacob H. (D N.Y.) June 17, 1920; House March 8, 1960-71


    Thomas P. (D Hawaii) April 21, 1922; House 1963-65


    Dean Milton (R Colo.) May 3, 1884-Feb. 2, 1949; House March 7, 1944-47


    Guy Mark (D Iowa) Feb. 3, 1879-—; House 1933-Nov. 3, 1936; Senate Nov. 4, 1936-45; 1949-55


    Wilson Darwin (R Pa.) July 1, 1880-Aug. 7, 1951; House Nov. 4, 1941-Aug. 7, 1951


    George W. (R Ind.) Aug. 15, 1880-July 3, 1963; House 1939-49


    John J. (D Ohio) March 22, 1921; House 1965-67; Gov. 1971-


    William Franklin (Dixie) (D Okla.) June 7, 1901-June 9, 1954; House 1949-51


    Milton Willits (R N.J.) June 18, 1903-Dec. 14, 1967; House Nov. 5, 1957-65


    Abe McGregor (R Idaho) Dec. 21, 1899-—; House 1947-1949


    James Stephen (R Ky.) Sept. 10, 1891-Sept. 6, 1971; House 1949-55


    Barry Morris (father of Barry M. Goldwater Jr.) (R Ariz.) Jan. 1, 1909; Senate 1953-65, 1969-


    Barry M. Jr. (son of the preceding) (R Calif.) July 15, 1938; House April 29, 1969-


    Henry B. (D Texas) May 3, 1916; House Nov. 4, 1961-


    Charles Ellsworth (R N.Y.) March 16, 1926; House May 26, 1959-Sept. 10, 1968; Senate Sept. 10, 1968-71


    George A. (R Pa.) Sept. 26, 1896; House 1961-65, 1967-


    Angier Louis (R Mass.) Jan. 30, 1881-—; House 1943-55


    Albert Arnold (D Tenn.) Dec. 26, 1907; House 1939-Dec. 4, 1944, 1945-53; Senate 1953-71


    Chester Charles (D N.Y.) June 22, 1906; House 1949-51


    Martin, (D Ill.) Oct. 30, 1886-Dec. 4, 1949; House 1943-Dec. 4, 1949


    Charles Clinton (D Idaho) Sept. 2, 1888-—; Senate Nov. 17, 1945-1947; Gov. Jan.-Nov. 16, 1945


    Bernard F. (D Conn.) June 11, 1923; House 1963-67


    Frank Porter (D N.C.) Oct. 14, 1886-Feb. 16, 1972; Senate March 29, 1949-Nov. 26, 1950


    Louis Edward (R Pa.) Aug. 4, 1880-Nov. 9, 1965; House 1939-55


    Kathryn Elizabeth (widow of William Thomas Granahan) (D Pa.) Dec. 7, 1906-—; House Nov. 6, 1956-63


    William Thomas (husband of Kathryn Elizabeth Granahan) (D Pa.) July 26, 1895-May 25, 1956; House 1945-47; 1949-May 25, 1956


    Walter Kiel (D Utah) Oct. 11, 1888-—; House 1941-53


    George McInvale (D Ala.) July 11, 1897-—; House June 14, 1938-65


    Robert Allen (R Ind.) July 31, 1905; House 1939-49


    Ella T. (D Conn.) May 10, 1919; House 1971-


    Mike (D Alaska) May 13, 1930; Senate 1969-


    Kenneth James (D Ill.) Nov. 14, 1924; House 1955-


    Edith (D Ore.) Jan. 17, 1910; House 1955-


    William Joseph, Jr. (D Pa.) March 5, 1910-Dec. 21, 1963; House 1945-47; 1949-Dec. 21, 1963


    William J. III (son of the preceding) (D Pa.) June 24, 1938; House April 28, 1964-


    Ernest (D N.Y.) Nov. 25, 1884-June 15, 1955 House 1951-53


    Noble Jones (D Ky.) Aug. 30, 1897-Sept. 26, 1971; House 1937-59


    Stanley Lloyd (D Iowa) May 7, 1931; House 1965-67


    George William (D Tenn.) Oct. 1, 1912; House 1965-67


    Charles H. (D Miss.) May 9, 1926; House March 12, 1968-1973


    Robert Paul (R Mich.) Nov. 6, 1923; House 1957-May 10, 1966; Senate May 11, 1966-


    Martha Wright (D Mich.) Jan. 29, 1912; House 1955-


    Percy Wilfred (R Ohio) March 30, 1893-—; House 1943-49


    Dwight Palmer (R Neb.) Nov. 27, 1893-April 12, 1954; Senate Nov. 5, 1952-April 12, 1954; Gov. 1941-46


    Chester Heilman (R Pa.) Oct. 13, 1888-—; House 1939-41; 1943-49


    Harold Royce (R Iowa) June 30, 1899-—; House 1949-


    James R. Jr. (R N.Y.) March 5, 1919; House 1963-


    Ernest (D Alaska) Feb. 6, 1887-—; Senate 1959-69; Gov. (Terr.) 1939-53


    Charles Samuel (R Calif.) Feb. 1, 1916; House 1953-


    Gilbert (R Md.) March 9, 1923; House 1967-


    Joseph F. (D Pa.) Dec. 29, 1870-March 6, 1959; Senate 1935-47


    Ben Hugh (R Texas) Sept. 8, 1909; House May 6, 1950-51


    Chan (John Chandler) (R S.D.) May 21, 1896-—; Senate 1939-51


    Edward John (R Fla.) Jan. 12, 1914; House 1963-69; Senate 1969-


    Ralph Waldo (R N.Y.) March 29, 1884; House 1945-59


    G. Elliott (D Ga.) May 24, 1916; House 1961-1973


    Harlan Francis (D Calif.) Oct. 8, 1914; House 1953-67


    Harold Christian (R Minn.) Nov. 10, 1901-March 19, 1957; House 1943-45 (Farmer-Labor); 1945-55 (R)


    Robert (R Maine) Nov. 29, 1889-—; House 1943-59


    James Andrew (D Fla.) Jan. 4, 1899; House 1953-


    David McKee (D N.C.) May 16, 1819-Jan. 29, 1960; House 1959-Jan. 29, 1960


    Durward Gorham (R Mo.) Sept. 14, 1910; House 1961-1973


    Edwin Arthur (R N.Y.) Feb. 11, 1909; House Nov. 7, 1939-53


    Leonard Wood (R N.Y.) Oct. 2, 1900; House 1939-Dec. 31, 1952; 1952-57


    Charles Abraham (R Ind.) Aug. 22, 1900; House Jan. 29, 1935-69


    Seymore (R N.Y.) Nov. 19, 1913; House 1959-73


    Lee Herbert (D Ind.) April 20, 1931; House 1965-


    John Paul (R Ark.) May 4, 1922; House 1967-


    Clarence Eugene (R N.Y.) Feb. 13, 1885-Jan. 3, 1948; House Nov. 8, 1927-47


    Thomas Millet (R N.J.) July 7, 1902-Dec. 26, 1956; House 1945-Dec. 26, 1956


    James M. (D N.Y.) July 19, 1913; House 1959-73


    Richard T. (D Calif.) June 9, 1914; House 1963-


    Clifford Peter (R Wyo.) Oct. 16, 1912; Senate 1967-; Gov. 1963-67


    George Vernon (R Idano) Sept. 14, 1930; House 1965-69


    John Robert (D Iowa) Aug. 24, 1901; House 1965-67


    Julia Butler (D Wash.) June 14, 1907; House Nov. 8, 1960-


    Orval (R Idaho) Aug. 3, 1926; House 1969-


    Cecil Murray (R Ind.) Nov. 21, 1894-—; House 1949-59


    Ralph R. (D Idaho) Sept. 9, 1929; House 1961-65


    Porter, Jr. (D Va.) June 1, 1903; House 1947-69


    Butler Black (father of James Butler Hare) (D S.C.) Nov. 25, 1875-Dec. 30, 1967; House 1925-33; 1939-47


    James Butler (son of Butler Black Hare) (D S.C.) Sept. 4, 1918-July 16, 1966; House 1949-51


    Denver David (D Kan.) July 22, 1921; House 1959-61


    Richard Fielding (D Ariz.) Aug. 6, 1905-Nov. 24, 1970; House 1943-49


    Randall S. (D Ind.) July 19, 1903; House 1959-61


    Forest Arthur (R Ind.) June 24, 1895-—; House 1939-49


    Michael J. (D Mass.) Sept. 2, 1936; House Sept. 30, 1969-


    Fred R. (D Okla.) Nov. 13, 1930; Senate Nov. 4, 1964-73


    Oren (D Ark.) Dec. 20, 1903; House 1941-Feb. 2, 1966


    Burr Powell (D Va.) July 2, 1904; House Nov. 6, 1946-63


    Robert Dinsmore (R Neb.) Jan. 26, 1897-—; House Dec. 4, 1951-59


    William Henry (grandson of President Benjamin Harrison) (R Wyo.) Aug. 10, 1896; House 1951-55, 1961-65, 1967-69


    William H. (R Ohio) Jan. 1, 1921; House 1961-


    Edward Joseph (D N.J.) March 25, 1893-April 20, 1961; House 1935-55


    Phillip A. (D Mich.) Dec. 10, 1912; Senate 1959-


    Thomas Charles (R Conn.) June 12, 1877-July 4, 1971; Senate Feb. 15, 1945-Nov. 5, 1946


    Rupert Vance (D Ind.) May 31, 1919; Senate 1959-


    Fred Allan, Jr. (R N.J.) Feb. 22, 1902-May 11, 1969; House 1929-49


    James (R Mich.) July 4, 1922; House 1961-


    Ralph (R Ind.) Aug 9, 1901; House Nov. 4, 1947-59; 1961-Dec. 30, 1966


    Harry Garner, Jr. (R Del.) May 27, 1921; House 1957-59


    James F. (R N.Y.) April 10, 1926; House 1969-


    Carl Atwood (D N.M.) Nov. 27, 1889-Sept. 12, 1963; Senate Oct. 10, 1933-49


    Mark O. (R Ore.) July 12, 1922; Senate Jan. 10, 1967; Gov. 1959-67


    William Dodd (D Maine) Feb. 21, 1924; House 1965-1973


    Franck Roberts (D Calif.) Sept. 20, 1882-July 24, 1967; House 1937-39 (Progressive); 1939-41 and 1945-53 (D)


    Albert Wahl (R N.J.) Nov. 20, 1878-May 9, 1971; Senate 1943-49


    Augustus F. (D Calif.) Aug. 31, 1907; House 1963-


    Carl (D Ariz.) Oct. 2, 1877-Jan. 25, 1971; House Feb. 19, 1912-27; Senate 1927-69; President pro tempore 1957-69


    Lawrence Brooks (D Ark.) Aug. 9, 1898; House 1943-59


    Wayne Levere (D Ohio) May 13, 1911; House 1949-


    Donald (D Mich.) Jan. 13, 1898; House 1955-57


    James Christopher (D N.Y.) Dec. 24, 1909; House Feb. 7, 1956-65


    Ned R. (D Calif.) Aug. 9, 1905; House 1945-47


    Felix Edward (D La.) Oct. 12, 1901; House 1941-


    Kenneth (D W.Va.) Sept. 20, 1914; House 1959-


    Margaret M. (R Mass.) June 21, 1931; House 1967-


    Erland Harold (D W. Va.) Aug. 9, 1894-Sept. 20, 1954; House 1945-53


    James Joseph (D N.Y.) Nov. 8, 1888-Jan. 27, 1967; House 1941-53


    James Vandaveer (R Ill.) July 17, 1882-March 22, 1945; House 1941-March 22, 1945


    Louis Benjamin (D N.Y.) Feb. 10, 1905; House Feb. 15, 1949-July 21, 1954


    Henry (D N.Y.) March 21, 1925; House 1965-


    Robert Witherspoon (D S.C.) May 10, 1915; House 1957-May 1, 1964


    David Newton (D N.C.) April 16, 1921; House 1961-


    John Earl (R Ohio) Jan. 4, 1917; House 1955-61


    Joseph Edward (D Fla.) Sept. 24, 1903; House 1937-49


    Robert Clymer (R N.J.) Aug. 12, 1898-Dec. 7, 1964; Senate 1949-55


    Thomas Carey Jr. (D Mo.) June 25, 1903-Sept. 13, 1960; House 1935-Dec. 31, 1940; Senate 1951-Sept. 13, 1960


    Robert Kirkland (R Wis.) Feb. 9, 1890-Nov. 20, 1946; House 1945-Nov. 20, 1946


    Albert Sydney, Jr. (D Fla.) Feb. 14, 1909; House 1949-69


    Christian Archibald (R Mass.) March 28, 1895-Dec. 30, 1966; House 1943-53; Gov. 1953-57; Secy. of State 1959-61


    John Walter (R Mass.) March 17, 1900-Aug. 19, 1962; House 1945-59


    William Emil (R Ohio) Feb. 13, 1898; House 1929-37, 1939-49, 1951-61


    Bourke Blakemore (R Iowa) July 21, 1896-Sept. 4, 1971; Senate 1945-69; Gov. 1943-44


    John Joseph (D Wyo.) Aug. 22, 1911-Sept. 22, 1970; Senate Jan. 2, 1961-Nov. 7, 1962; Gov. 1959-61


    Floyd V. (D Wash.) May 29, 1915; House 1965-


    Louise Day (D Mass.) Oct. 16, 1923; House 1971-1973


    Edgar Willard (R Calif.) Dec. 3, 1888-Aug. 19, 1970; House 1953-63


    Lister (D Ala.) Dec. 29, 1894; House Aug. 14, 1923-Jan. 11, 1938; Senate Jan. 11, 1938-69


    William Silas (R Colo.) Jan. 20, 1866-Aug. 28, 1972; House 1941-59


    Jeffrey Paul (R Mo.) March 9, 1919; House 1953-55


    Patrick Jerome (R Calif.) Feb. 19, 1923; House 1951-59


    Elwood H. (R Ind.) March 6, 1926; House 1971-


    John Carl Williams (R Calif.) July 28, 1894-Aug. 5, 1956; House 1939-Aug. 5, 1956


    John Dempsey, Jr. (R W.Va.) Dec. 30, 1912; Senate Jan. 25-Nov. 4, 1958


    Daniel Knabb (D Pa.) Jan. 31, 1866-Oct. 11, 1960; House 1943-47


    Charles Bernard (R Iowa) March 30, 1895; House 1943-65


    Clyde Roark (D N.C.) Dec. 11, 1877-May 12, 1954; House Dec. 16, 1919-21; Senate 1945-May 12, 1954; Gov. 1937-41


    Carl Henry (R Pa.) Aug. 12, 1896; House May 21, 1946-47


    Clare Eugene (R Mich.) Sept. 10, 1875-Nov. 3, 1967; House 1935-63


    Elmer Joseph (R Ill.) July 7, 1899; House 1959-65


    Richard William (R Ill.) Dec. 23, 1893; House 1949-57


    Earl Lee (D Ind.) March 13, 1920; House 1959-61


    Lawrence J. (R Md.) Sept. 30, 1928; House 1969-


    Chet (D Calif.) Dec. 3, 1903; House 1943-


    Elmer Joseph (D Pa.) Jan. 8, 1894-Aug. 9, 1968; House May 19, 1942-43; Jan. 24, 1956-Aug. 9, 1968


    Spessard Lindsey (D Fla.) July 10, 1892-Nov. 6, 1971; Senate Sept. 25, 1946-71; Gov. 1941-45


    Ernest F. (D S.C.) Jan. 1, 1922; Senate Nov. 9, 1966-; Gov. 1959-63


    Otis Halbert (Hal) (R Wash.) Feb. 22, 1902; House 1943-59


    Pehr Gustaf (R Mass.) April 9, 1881-Dec. 19, 1952; House 1931-47


    Joseph Franklin, 3rd (R Calif.) July 6, 1924; House 1953-61


    Lester (D N.Y.) June 1, 1913; House 1953-Dec. 31, 1961


    Frank Eugene (D Mich.) May 26, 1893-—; House 1935-43, 1945-47


    Clifford Ragsdale (R Kan.) June 9, 1893-May 16, 1970; House 1927-57


    Walter Franklin (R Wash.) Oct. 15, 1898-Dec. 20, 1966; House 1943-65


    Frank (R N.Y.) Dec. 12, 1919; House 1963-


    Craig (R Calif.) May 6, 1915; House 1953-


    James J. (D N.J.) July 24, 1927; House 1965-


    Charles Robert (D N.J.) April 23, 1904; House 1949-55


    Evan (George) (R Ill.) Sept. 21, 1905; House 1941-Oct. 5, 1947


    Roman Lee (R Neb.) Aug. 16, 1904; House 1953-Nov. 8, 1954; Senate Nov. 8, 1954-


    Walter B. (D Ohio) June 29, 1903; House 1945-51


    George Jr. (D Ala.) March 19, 1920-Sept. 14, 1971; House 1955-65


    James Wylie (D Ohio) Sept. 13, 1894, Senate Oct. 8, 1945-Nov. 5, 1946


    Harold Everett (D Iowa) Feb. 10, 1922; Senate 1960-; Gov. 1963-69


    Merlin (R Wis.) Dec. 18, 1870-May 17, 1953; House 1929-31 (R); 1935-47 (Progressive), 1947-May 17, 1953(R)


    William Raleigh, Jr. (D Mo.) April 17, 1906; House 1955-1973


    Hubert Horatio, Jr. (D Minn.) May 27, 1911; Senate 1949-Dec. 29, 1964, 1971-; Vice President 1965-69


    Robert (D Ky.) Aug. 20, 1893; Senate June 21-Nov. 6, 1956


    William Leonard (D Mo.) Dec. 14, 1922; House Nov. 3, 1964-


    John E. (R N.J.) Nov. 25, 1908; House 1967-


    Lester Callaway (D Wyo.) July 8, 1892-June 19, 1954; Senate 1949-June 19, 1954; Gov. 1943-49


    Allan Oakley (R Calif.) June 15, 1916; House 1951-55


    J. Oliva (D N.H.) Aug. 11, 1917; House 1965-67


    Edward (R Mich.) Oct. 13, 1914; House 1963-


    DeWitt Stephen (R Md.) March 21, 1909; House 1953-59


    Richard H. (D Mo.) June 27, 1926; House 1961-


    Daniel Ken (D Hawaii) Sept. 7, 1924; House Aug. 21, 1959-63; Senate 1963-


    Theodore Leonard (D Mo.) March 24, 1898; House 1949-53


    Donald J. (D Conn.) Sept. 7, 1926; House 1959-61, 1965-69


    Irving McNeil (R N.Y.) Jan. 24, 1896-Feb. 24, 1962; Senate 1947-59


    Summers Melville (R Pa.) July 18, 1852-Sept. 16, 1945; House 1899-1903


    Donald L. (R Calif.) Jan. 23, 1910; House 1947-61


    Henry Martin (D Wash.) May 31, 1912; House 1941-53; Senate 1953-;


    Andrew, Sr. (D Ind.) Feb. 22, 1906; House 1949-51


    Andrew Jr. (D Ind.) Feb. 24, 1932; House 1965-1973


    Benjamin Franklin (R Pa.) Aug. 1, 1885-Jan 26, 1961; House 1949-59


    John (D Okla.) July 17, 1915; House 1951-


    Bete (D Ala.) Oct. 31, 1892-Feb. 17, 1955; House 1937-49


    Jacob Koppel (R N.Y.) May 18, 1904; House 1947-Dec. 31, 1954; Senate Jan. 9, 1957-


    Edward Halsey (R Ill.) July 27, 1907; House 1947-53


    Mitchell (R Pa.) Jan. 24, 1896; House 1947-49


    Thomas Albert (R Ohio) Oct. 28, 1880-Dec. 21, 1959; House 1925-59


    William Ezra (R Ind.) July 21, 1908; Senate Nov. 14, 1944-45, 1947-59


    John Jr. (R Tenn.) June 6, 1880-Feb. 27, 1956; House Dec. 30, 1939-51


    William Pat (D Va.) Aug. 20, 1919; House 1955-67


    Benton Franklin (Ben) (R Iowa) Dec. 16, 1892-Feb. 5, 1970; House 1939-65


    Charles S. (D N.J.) Jan. 27, 1916; House 1961-Sept. 4, 1969


    August Edgar (R Mich.) July 21, 1905; House 1955-65


    Edwin Carl (D Colo.) Jan. 1, 1884-May 30, 1970; Senate 1937-55; Gov. 1933-37, 1955-57


    Glen Dale (D Okla.) Sept. 11, 1911; House 1947-49


    Harold Terry (D Calif.) Dec. 2, 1907; House 1959-


    Jed Joseph (D Okla.) July 31, 1888-May 7, 1963; House 1927-47


    Jed Jr. (son of the preceding) (D Okla.) Dec. 17, 1939; House 1965-67


    Justin Leroy (R Calif.) April 8, 1888-March 26, 1961; House 1943-57


    Lester R. (D Wis.) June 16, 1901; House Oct. 13, 1953-65


    Luther Alexander (D Texas) Oct. 29, 1875-June 6, 1965; House 1923-July 17, 1946


    Lyndon Baines (D Texas) Aug. 27, 1908-Jan. 22, 1973; House April 10, 1937-49; Senate 1949-61; Vice Pres. 1961-Nov. 22, 1963; President Nov. 22, 1963-69


    Noble Jacob (R Ind.) Aug. 23, 1887-March 17, 1968; House 1925-31, 1939-July 1, 1948


    Thomas F. (D Md.) June 26, 1909; House 1959-63


    J. Bennett Jr. (D La.) June 10, 1932; Senate Nov. 14, 1972-


    Olin DeWitt Talmadge (D S.C.) Nov. 18, 1896-April 18, 1965; Senate 1945-April 18, 1965; Gov. 1935-39; 1943-45


    Charles Raper (R N.C.) Dec. 9, 1904; House 1953-1973


    Edgar Allan (R Ill.) Oct. 14, 1885-Nov. 14, 1965; House 1949-55


    Ed (D Tenn.) April 20, 1912: House March 25, 1969-


    Hamilton Chamberlain (D N.C.) Sept. 26, 1884-Aug. 10, 1957; House 1947-53


    Homer Raymond (R Wash.) Sept. 3, 1893-Nov. 26, 1970; House 1947-49


    Paul Caruthers (D Mo.) March 12, 1901: House Nov. 2, 1948-69


    Robert Emmett, Jr. (D Ala.) June 12, 1912; House Jan. 28, 1947-


    Robert Franklin (R Ohio) June 25, 1907-June 22, 1968; House 1939-Sept. 2, 1947


    Walter B. (D N.C.) Aug. 19, 1913; House Feb. 5, 1966-


    Woodrow Wilson (D N.C.) Jan. 26, 1914; House Nov. 7, 1950-57


    Bartel John (R Mich.) April 28, 1884-June 13, 1955; House Feb. 19, 1940-49


    B. Everett (D N.C.) Sept. 8, 1896, Senate April 19, 1958-73


    Len B. (R Idaho) May 15, 1899; Senate Aug. 6, 1962-1973; Gov. 1951-55


    Walter Henry (R Minn.) Sept. 25, 1898; House 1943-63


    Raymond Willard (D Mo.) Dec. 31, 1902; House 1949-51


    Frank Melvin (D Mo.) Jan. 7, 1913; House 1947-69


    Joseph Edward (D Minn.) Aug. 26, 1922; House 1959-


    George Albert (D Calif.) April 6, 1919; House 1959-61


    William (D Wis.) Jan. 24, 1924; House 1959-


    Abraham, Jr. (D Texas) Jan. 17, 1919; House 1967-


    Robert Winthrop (R N.J.) Sept. 28, 1893; House 1939-59


    Bernard William (R N.Y.) May 23, 1889; House 1943-59


    Carroll Dudly (R Pa.) May 7, 1900; House 1947-63


    Kenneth Barnard (R N.Y.) May 18, 1900; House 1947-59; Senate 1959-65


    William J. (R Ohio) March 30, 1927; House 1971-


    James (son of John and Maude Elizabeth Kee) (D W. Va.) April 15, 1917; House 1965-73


    John (husband of Maude Elizabeth Kee and father of James Kee) (D W. Va.) Aug. 22, 1874-May 8, 1951; House 1933-May 8, 1951


    Maude Elizabeth (widow of John Kee and mother of James Kee) (D W. Va.); House July 17, 1951-65


    Frank Bateman (R Wis.) Sept. 23, 1887-Feb. 5, 1952; House 1939-51


    Russel Watson (R Ill.) Dec. 29, 1897-Jan. 11, 1958; House 1957-Jan. 11, 1958


    Carey Estes (D Tenn.) July 26, 1903-Aug. 10, 1963; House Sept. 13, 1939-49; Senate 1949-Aug. 10, 1963


    Hastings (R Mass.) Nov. 22, 1915; House 1959-1973


    Augustine Bernard (D Pa.) July 9, 1883-Nov. 20, 1957; House 1941-Nov. 20, 1957


    Edna Flannery (D N.Y.) Aug. 20, 1906; House Nov. 8, 1949-69


    Edward Austin (D Ill.) April 3, 1892-Aug. 30, 1969; House 1931-43 1945-47


    James Preston (R Mo.) April 2, 1890-Feb. 24, 1965; Senate 1947-53


    Jack F. (R N.Y.) July 13, 1935; House 1971-


    Edward Moore (brother of John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Robert Francis Kennedy) (D Mass.) Feb. 22, 1932; Senate Nov. 7, 1962-


    John Fitzgerald (brother of Edward Moore Kennedy and Robert Francis Kennedy) (D Mass.) May 29, 1917-Nov. 22, 1963; House 1947-53; Senate 1953-Dec. 22, 1960; President 1961-Nov. 22, 1963


    Robert Francis (brother of Edward Moore Kennedy and John Fitzgerald Kennedy) (D N.Y.) Nov. 20, 1925-June 6, 1968; Senate 1965-June 6, 1968; Atty. Gen. 1961-64


    Eugene James (D N.Y.) Aug. 30, 1907; House 1937-67


    John Hosea (D N.C.) Dec. 31, 1873-June 21, 1958; House Nov. 6, 1923-53


    Robert Samuel (D Okla.) Sept. 11, 1896-Jan. 1, 1963; Senate 1949-Jan. 1, 1963; Gov. 1943-47


    Charles J. (R Wis.) May 26, 1902-Oct. 31, 1972; House 1947-49; 1951-55


    Harley Martin (D W. Va.) Jan. 11, 1893-Feb. 28, 1956; Senate 1941-Feb. 28, 1956


    Joe Madison (D Texas) Dec. 10, 1918; House 1955-65


    Carleton James (R N.Y.) June 15, 1904; House 1961-


    Cecil Rhodes (D Calif.) Jan. 13, 1898; House Aug. 25, 1942-69


    David Sjodahl (D Utah) June 20, 1917; House 1959-63, 1965-67


    Karl Clarence (R Pa.) Jan. 26, 1897; House Nov. 6, 1951-57


    Samuel Wilder (R Hawaii) Dec. 17, 1886-March 24, 1959; House (Terr. Del.) 1935-43; Gov. (Terr.) 1953-57


    John Roland (R Pa.) March 28, 1874-July 25, 1955; House Jan. 28, 1930-47


    Michael Joseph (D Ohio) Dec. 2, 1886-July 27, 1970; House 1937-July 27, 1970


    Alvin Paul (D N.C.) Sept. 13, 1908; House 1957-63


    Arthur George (D N.Y.) Aug. 8, 1904-Feb. 20, 1968; House July 29, 1941-45 Feb. 19, 1946-Dec. 31, 1956


    John Carl (D Ill.) Feb. 15, 1896; House 1951-


    William Fife (R Calif.) June 26, 1908; Senate Aug. 26, 1945-59


    Victor Alfred (R Mich.) Jan. 13, 1899; House 1953-65


    Coya Gjesdal (D Farmer-Labor Minn.) Aug. 22, 1912; House 1955-59


    Edward I. (D Liberal N.Y.) Dec. 12, 1924; House 1969-


    Herman Paul (D Conn.) May 1, 1880-Aug. 11, 1957; House 1933-39, 1941-43, 1945-47


    Horace Robinson (D N.C.) March 12, 1924; House 1961-69


    Frank (D Conn.) Oct. 18, 1907; House 1959-63


    Paul J. (D N.J.) May 26, 1912; House 1965-67


    Otto (R N.D.) Sept. 7, 1890-June 10, 1963; House 1953-59


    Edward H., Jr. (D Ind.) Oct. 22, 1918; House 1949-51


    Thomas Henry (R Calif.) Aug. 15, 1910; Senate Jan. 2, 1953-69


    John Crain (R Pa.) July 21, 1898-July 27, 1970; House 1939-51, May 16, 1961-Dec. 30, 1966


    Theodore R. (R N.Y.) May 12, 1920; House Feb. 8, 1966-69


    Dan H. (R Tenn.) July 9, 1924; House 1967-


    John Henry (R Iowa) May 9, 1919; House Dec. 15, 1959-65, 1967-1973


    Peter N. (D Maine) July 11, 1925; House 1967-


    Charles Marion (R Ind.) Feb. 27, 1898; House 1943-47


    Robert Marion, Jr. (Progressive Wis.) Feb. 6, 1895-Feb. 24, 1953; Senate Sept. 30, 1925-35 (R/Prog.), 1935-47 (Prog.)


    John Armand, Jr. (R Pa.) May 25, 1905; House Nov. 5, 1957-61


    Melvin Robert (R Wis.) Sept. 1, 1922; House 1953-Jan. 21, 1969; Secy. of Defense 1969-1973


    William Robert, III (D W. Va.) June 2, 1916; Senate March 13-Nov. 6, 1956


    Earl F. (R Ind.) Jan. 21, 1916; House 1969-


    Gerald Wayne (R Ind.) Feb. 23, 1895-Sept. 6, 1971; House 1939-49


    Phillip Mitchell (D Ga.) Sept. 10, 1909; House 1953-


    Thomas Joseph (D Mass.) July 6, 1898; House Dec. 30, 1941-63


    Odin (R Minn.) Jan. 5, 1913; House 1959-71


    William (R N.C.) Sept. 30, 1886-Nov. 8, 1959; Senate 1941-Nov. 8, 1959; Gov. 1933-34, 1937-39


    Fritz Garland (D Texas) Jan. 3, 1880-July 31, 1965; House April 19, 1919-47


    Richard Estep (D Md.) July 22, 1914; House 1955-65


    William Courtland (D Fla.) July 31, 1913-Jan. 29, 1970; House 1951-55


    Henry Dominique Jr. (D La.) July 12, 1890-March 14, 1966; House 1943-53


    Henry Jepson (R N.Y.) Dec. 10, 1908; House 1945-Dec. 31, 1958


    Delbert Leroy (R Ohio) March 5, 1920; House 1959-


    Frank John (D Ohio) Nov. 14, 1895; Senate 1957-69; Gov. 1945-47, 1949-57


    Clarence Frederick (D/R Calif.) July 11, 1874-June 20, 1964; House 1917-19 (D) 1919-49 (D/R)


    Edward Laurence (D R.I.) Feb. 9, 1886-July 22, 1953; Senate Aug. 24, 1949-Dec. 18, 1950


    Karl Miles (R Iowa) May 25, 1887-Sept. 30, 1972; House 1939-59


    Jay (R N.Y.) Sept. 6, 1893-April 26, 1970; House 1943-51


    Robert L. (D Calif.) July 26, 1926; House 1963-


    William (R N.D.) Aug. 13, 1878-May 30, 1950; House 1933-41 (Nonpart. R), 1943-May 30, 1950 (R)


    Alton Asa (D N.C.) Aug. 17, 1906; Senate July 10, 1953-Nov. 28, 1954; House 1957-1973


    Norman F. (R N.Y.) March 23, 1931; House 1971-


    John (D Mich.) Jan. 3, 1885-May 27, 1950; House 1933-May 27, 1950


    John, Jr. (son of the preceding) (D Mich.) Dec. 28, 1914; House 1951-65


    Robert Woodrow (son-in-law of Usher L. Burdick and brother-in-law of Quentin N. Burdick) (D Ohio) Oct. 3, 1914; House 1959-61


    Earl Rampage (R Ohio) Feb. 22, 1887-Feb. 1, 1956; House 1939-41, 1943-49


    Roland Victor (D Ill.) Dec. 29, 1900; House Dec. 31, 1957-65


    Franklin Herbert (R Pa.) March 28, 1910; House Sept. 9, 1947-51


    James Francis (D Pa.) Oct. 17, 1900, House 1949-53


    John Vliet (R N.Y.) Nov. 24, 1921; House 1959-Dec. 31, 1965; Mayor N.Y.C. 1965-69 (R), 69-71 (Liberal), 71-73 (D)


    Neil Joseph (D Ill.) Sept. 23, 1895-Aug. 23, 1967; House 1949-51


    Arthur A. (D N.D.) May 24, 1914; House 1971-73


    William Walter (D Ill.) Feb. 12, 1884-Sept. 23, 1950; House 1945-47


    Glenard Paul (R Calif.) Aug. 19, 1915-Feb. 1, 1970; House Nov. 10, 1953-Feb. 1, 1970


    Sherman Parkinson (R Utah) Jan. 11, 1914; House 1963-65, 1967-1973


    Henry Cabot, Jr. (R Mass.) July 5, 1902; Senate 1937-Feb. 3, 1944, 1947-53


    John Davis (brother of Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.,) (R Conn.) Oct. 20, 1903; House 1947-51; Gov. 1951-55


    Clarence Dickinson (D Md.) Dec. 11, 1908; House 1963-


    Edward Vaughn (D Mo.) July 18, 1908-Nov. 6, 1972; Senate Sept. 23, 1960-69


    George Shannon (uncle of Russel Billiu Long) (D La.) Sept. 11, 1883-March 22, 1958; House 1953-March 22, 1958


    Gillis William (D La.) May 4, 1923; House 1963-65


    Oren Ethelbirt (D Hawaii) March 4, 1889- May 6, 1965; Senate Aug. 21, 1959-63; Gov. (Terr.) 1951-53


    Russell Billiu (nephew of George Shannon Long) (D La.) Nov. 3, 1918; Senate Dec. 31, 1948-


    Speedy O. (D La.) June 16, 1928; House 1965-1973


    Joseph Carlton (D Tenn.) Oct. 1, 1892; House 1957-63


    Francis Johnson (R W. Va.) Jan. 23, 1901; House 1947-49


    Rodney Marvin (D Ohio) July 18, 1908; House 1965-67


    Harold Orrin (R S.D.) Jan. 30, 1904-Jan. 17, 1971; House 1949-57


    Allard K. (D N.Y.) Jan. 16, 1929; House 1969-71


    Scott Wike (D Ill.) Feb. 19, 1892-Feb. 22, 1968; House 1935-39; Senate 1939-51


    Wingate Hezekiah (D Texas) May 1, 1908; House 1947-55


    Clare Boothe (R Conn.) April 10, 1903; House 1943-47


    Louis Leon (D Ind.) June 24, 1873-Nov. 28, 1950; House 1929-49


    Manuel, Jr. (R N.M.) May 12, 1928; House 1969-


    Donald E. (Buz) (R Ohio) Feb. 11, 1931; House 1967-71


    Georgia L. (D N.M.) May 12, 1893-Jan. 5, 1971; House 1947-49


    Hall Stoner (D Ore.) Sept. 21, 1883; Senate March 16-Nov. 8, 1960


    John Emmett, Jr. (D Texas) Sept. 4, 1910; House 1945-55


    Walter Aloysius (D N.Y.) July 7, 1894-Sept. 10, 1957; House Feb. 20, 1940-51


    Torbert Hart (D Mass.) June 6, 1917; House 1955-


    Clark (R Minn.) July 12, 1922; House 1961-71


    Hervey Gilbert (D Md.) Oct. 14, 1916; House 1965-69


    Thaddeus Michael (D Mich.) Aug. 21, 1889-Feb. 17, 1970; House 1951-Sept. 18, 1961


    Peter Francis, Jr. (D Ill.) Nov. 1, 1916; House 1949-63


    Russell Vernon (R Wash.) June 13, 1891-March 28, 1960; House June 7, 1947-March 28, 1960


    James Armstrong (D Ga.) June 25, 1919; House 1965-67


    John C. (D Mich.) June 1, 1920; House 1965-67


    George Edward (R Minn.) April 22, 1906; House 1947-49


    William Kingsland (R N.Y.) Nov. 21, 1889-July 15, 1961; House 1947-51


    Ray John (D Ind.) Feb. 25, 1892; House 1943-


    Clare (D Mo.) March 31, 1899-Aug. 7, 1969; House 1949-53


    Donald Hammer (D Wash.) March 7, 1911; House 1953-63


    Warren Grant (D Wash.) April 12, 1905; House 1937-Dec. 13, 1944; Senate Dec. 14, 1944-


    George Herman (D Texas) Sept. 22, 1900; House 1935-


    William Somers (R Calif.) June 10, 1917; House 1953-


    George Wilson (R Nev.) Aug. 7, 1890-May 19, 1961; Senate 1947-59


    Francis Thomas (D Conn.) March 31, 1894-Jan. 16, 1945; House 1933-35; Senate 1935-Jan. 16, 1945


    Franklin John (R Pa.) March 29, 1899-Sept. 15, 1958; House 1947-49


    Paul Herbert (D La.) Feb. 14, 1876-March 26, 1967; House 1931-Dec. 15, 1940, 1943-47


    Helen Douglas (D Ga.) Sept. 11, 1896-July 25, 1956; House Feb. 12, 1946-47


    James Robert (D S.C.) April 27, 1920; House 1969-


    Joseph Jefferson (D Texas) Feb. 9, 1861-July 12, 1947; House 1917-July 12, 1947


    Michael Joseph (Mike) (D Mont.) March 16, 1903; House 1943-53; Senate 1953-


    Vito (American Laborite N.Y.) Dec. 10, 1902-Aug. 9, 1954; House 1935-37 (R), 1939-51 (AL)


    John Henry (D Colo.) May 9, 1904; House 1949-51


    John O., Jr. (D Va.) Aug. 7, 1926; House 1963-71


    Fred (D Minn.) March 13, 1906; House 1949-63


    David Thomas (R Neb.) July 9, 1907; House 1961-


    Edward (R Pa.) Sept. 18, 1879-March 19, 1967; Senate 1947-59; Gov. 1943-46


    James D. (R Ala.) Sept. 1918; House 1965-67


    Patrick Minor (R Calif.) Nov. 25, 1924-July 18, 1968; House 1963-65


    Thomas Ellsworth (R Iowa) Jan. 18, 1893-June 27, 1971; House 1939-55; Senate 1955-61


    Noah Morgan (R Ill.) July 19, 1882-March 29, 1965; House 1937-63


    Frank Asbury, Jr. (R N.J.) Aug. 3, 1890-Feb. 5, 1964; House Nov. 6, 1945-49


    Charles McC., Jr. (R Md.) July 24, 1922; House 1961-69; Senate 1969-


    Robert B. (Bob) (R Calif.) Nov. 17, 1930; House 1967-


    Dawson (D Ga.) Nov. 30, 1940; House 1971-


    Spark Masayuki (D Hawaii) Oct. 8, 1916; House 1963-


    Donald Ray (Billy) (D Fla.) Oct. 3, 1907; House 1953-67


    Andrew Jackson (D Ky.) June 24, 1875-Sept. 6, 1959; House 1931-47


    Catherine Dean (Barnes) (R Wash.) May 18, 1914; House 1959-71


    Edwin Hyland, Jr. (R Conn.) May 28, 1924; House 1957-59


    Wiley (R Iowa) Jan. 19, 1917; House 1967-


    Romano L. (D Ky.) Nov. 2, 1932; House 1971-


    Patrick Anthony (Pat) (D Nev.) Aug. 8, 1876-Sept. 28, 1954; Senate 1933-Sept. 28, 1954


    Eugene Joseph (D Minn.) March 29, 1916; House 1949-59; Senate 1959-71


    Joseph Raymond (R Wis.) Nov. 14, 1908-May 2 1957; Senate 1947-May 2, 1957


    Richard Dean (D N.Y.) Sept. 24, 1927; House 1965-71


    John Little (D Ark.) Feb. 25, 1896; House 1935-39; Senate 1943-


    Robert (R Ill.) Jan. 31, 1908; House 1963-


    Paul N. (Pete), Jr. (R Calif.) Sept. 29, 1927; House Dec. 12, 1967-


    James A. (R Idaho) Dec. 27, 1924; House 1967-73


    John Y. (R Neb.) June 10, 1921; House 1971-


    Samuel Kerns, Jr. (R Pa.) April 6, 1901; House Jan. 18, 1944-Sept. 1, 1957


    James Nance (D Tenn.) March 17, 1879-Sept. 2, 1968; House 1943-45; Gov. 1945-49


    John William (D Mass.) Dec. 21, 1891; House Nov. 6, 1928-71; Speaker 1962-71


    Mike (D Wash.) Dec. 14, 1921; House 1971-


    Edward Oscar (R Ohio) June 29, 1877-Nov. 4, 1953; House 1943-49


    William Moore (R Ohio) Nov. 24, 1901; House Nov. 4, 1947-73


    Joseph Michael (R Pa.) Sept. 29, 1931; House 1963-


    Jack H. (R Mich.) June 28, 1932; House 1967-1973


    Gordon Leo (R Calif.) Jan. 2, 1895-June 25, 1968; House 1945-63


    Harris Brown, Jr. (D Del.) Feb. 10, 1906; House 1955-57, 1959-67


    John Ralph (R Pa.) Nov. 6, 1902-Dec. 11, 1957; House 1939-41, 1947-49


    Robert Cameron (R N.Y.) Jan. 5, 1920; House 1965-


    John Joseph (D Calif.) Feb. 20, 1918; House 1957-


    Ernest William (D Ariz.) Oct. 9, 1894; Senate 1941-53; Gov. 1955-59


    Robert Neill (R Pa.) Aug. 14, 1888-June 28, 1952; House 1947-49


    Gale William (D Wyo.) March 17, 1915; Senate 1959-


    Daniel Rayford (D Miss.) Sept. 10, 1883-Feb. 9, 1962; House 1935-47


    Donald Francis (D Neb.) June 30, 1920; House 1959-61


    Herbert Joseph (D Pa.) Nov. 7, 1904; House 1945-47


    George Stanley (D S.D.) July 19, 1922; House 1957-61; Senate 1963-


    Christopher Columbus (D N.Y.) May 15, 1902; House 1949-53


    James Howard (D R.I.) Nov. 28, 1903-Sept. 2, 1966; Senate 1947-Aug. 23, 1949; Gov. 1941-45; Atty. Gen. 1949-52


    Thomas C., Jr. (D N.J.) April 22, 1927; House 1965-67


    J. Harry (R Ohio) Sept. 30, 1896-Oct. 7, 1958; House Feb. 27, 1940-Oct. 7, 1958


    John Andrew (D Conn.) Feb. 28, 1906; House 1949-53


    Clifford Guy (R Maine) May 4, 1908; House Oct. 22, 1951-65


    Robert John (R Mich.) Sept. 16, 1922; House 1957-59


    Thomas James (D N.H.) Feb. 20, 1915; Senate Nov. 7, 1962-


    K. Gunn (D Utah) Feb. 23, 1925; House 1971-


    Kenneth Douglas (D Tenn.) Jan. 29, 1869-Oct. 25, 1957; House Nov. 9, 1911-17; Senate 1917-53; President pro tempore 1945-47, 1949-53


    Charles Edgar (D La.) Oct. 3, 1896-June 7, 1956; House 1943-47


    James D. (R Colo.) Oct. 26, 1928; House 1971-73


    Stewart B. (R Conn.) Jan. 30, 1931; House 1971-


    Clinton Dotson (D Calif.) Feb. 5, 1906; House 1949-53


    Martin B. (R N.Y.) Dec. 31, 1914; House 1969-71


    Robert Thaddeus (R Ill.) June 26, 1907; House 1963-65


    Gregory (R N.Y.) March 19, 1915; House 1947-49


    James O'Brien (Brien) (D Conn.) Oct. 6, 1903-July 28, 1952; Senate 1945-July 28, 1952


    John Lanneau (D S.C.) April 22, 1898; House 1939-73


    Rolla Coral (R Ill.) Oct. 5, 1880-May 6, 1961; House June 13, 1944-51


    Chester Bartow (D Fla.) Dec. 6, 1902-Nov. 3, 1953; House 1951-53


    Patrick Vincent (D Mich.) Oct. 4, 1894-April 30, 1966; Senate 1955-April 30, 1966


    Harold Barnett (D La.) July 19, 1926; House 1959-63


    John (D Ohio) Dec. 19, 1890-Dec. 13, 1969; House 1923-29, 1937-39, 1949-51


    Walter Lewis (R Kan.) Feb. 19, 1922; House 1961-63


    William Estus (R Ill.) Dec. 13, 1885-Aug. 10, 1958; House 1951-Aug. 10, 1958


    Roy Harrison (D Colo.) Feb. 20, 1924; House 1965-67


    James Michael (D N.Y.) Dec. 27, 1885-March 15, 1964; House 1919-Dec. 2, 1938; Senate Dec. 3, 1938-47


    Hugh Allen (D Md.) April 4, 1907-July 8, 1949; House 1947-49


    Wendell Howes (R Ky.) Jan. 18, 1912; House 1947-49


    George (R Mich.) Sept. 13, 1907; House 1951-65


    Edwin Leard (R N.M.) July 2, 1912; Senate Nov. 30, 1962-Nov. 3, 1964; Gov. 1951-54, 1957-58, 1961-62


    Lloyd (D Wash.) Dec. 11, 1927; House 1965-


    John (D Mont.) Sept. 6, 1924; House June 24, 1969-


    D. Bailey (R Ind.) Nov. 22, 1912; House 1953-55


    Chester Earl (R N.H.) Nov. 15, 1906; House 1943-63


    Thomas J. (R Conn.) Jan. 30, 1928; House 1967-71; Gov. 1971-


    Lee (D Mont.) Jan. 28, 1911; House 1953-61; Senate 1961-


    Ralph H. (D Ill.) May 29, 1910; House 1971-


    Herbert Alton (R Kan.) Aug. 30, 1886-Oct. 2, 1950; House 1947-Oct. 2, 1950


    William Henry (D Vt.) Dec. 29, 1914; House 1959-61


    Robert Henry (R Ill.) March 2, 1923; House 1957-


    Earl Cory (R Mich.) Nov. 30, 1876-July 4, 1957; House 1919-33, 1935-51


    Abner J. (D Ill.) Jan. 21, 1926; House 1969-73


    Arthur Lewis (R Neb.) May 24, 1892-March 16, 1967; House 1943-59


    Bert Henry (D Idaho) Dec. 15, 1879-Oct. 8, 1949; Senate Jan. 3-Oct. 8, 1949


    Clarence E. (R Ohio) Nov. 1, 1917; House 1967-


    Clement Woodnutt (D Calif.) Oct. 28, 1916-Oct. 7, 1962; House 1959-Oct. 7, 1962


    Edward Tylor (R Md.) Feb. 1, 1895-Jan. 20, 1968; House 1947-59


    George Paul (D Calif.) Jan. 15, 1891; House 1945-73


    Howard Shultz (D Kan.) Feb. 27, 1879-Jan. 2, 1970; House 1953-55


    Jack Richard (R Iowa) June 6, 1916; Senate 1961-73


    William Edward (R N.Y.) March 22, 1914; House 1951-65; Chmn. Rep. Nat. Comm. 1961-64


    William Jennings (R Conn.) March 12, 1899-Nov. 22, 1950; House 1939-41, 1943-45, 1947-49


    William H. Jr. (R Pa.) Oct. 19, 1897-July 4, 1969; House 1959-65


    Eugene Donald (R Colo.) Feb. 12, 1891-July 26, 1958; Senate Dec. 20, 1941-57


    Wilbur Daigh (D Ark.) May 24, 1909; House 1939-


    William O. (R Md.) Aug. 12, 1924; House May 25, 1971-


    Joseph George (D N.J.) Sept. 1, 1916; House 1963-


    Patsy Takemoto (D Hawaii) Dec. 6, 1927; House 1965-


    William Edwin, Jr. (R Ohio) Oct. 24, 1911; House 1955-


    Edward Archibald (R Ind.) Dec. 2, 1910; House 1947-49


    Harlan Erwin (D Ga.) Aug. 17, 1924; House Jan. 8, 1958-61


    Hugh Burnton (D Wash.) March 22, 1907; Senate Jan. 10, 1945-Dec. 25, 1946; House 1949-53


    Parren J. (D Md.) April 29, 1922; House 1971-


    Chester L. (R Kan.) Dec. 25, 1917; House 1965-71


    Wilmer David (R N.C.) Aug. 13, 1930; House 1969-


    Walter Henry (D Ohio) March 15, 1910; House 1959-63; 1965-67


    Robert Homer (D W. Va.) Sept 18, 1909; House 1953-57, 1969-


    John Stephen (D Conn.) Dec. 23, 1911; House 1959-73


    Walter F. (D Farmer-Labor Minn.) Jan. 5, 1928; Senate Dec. 30, 1964-


    Almer Stillwell Mike (D Okla.) March 2, 1902; House 1939-51; Senate 1951-69


    Gillespie V. (D Miss.) Aug. 5, 1920; House 1967-


    Joseph Manuel (D N.M.) Sept. 24, 1915; House April 9, 1957-Nov. 3, 1964; Senate Nov. 4, 1964-


    Arthur Edson Blair (D Mich.) Feb. 13, 1902-July 20, 1954; Senate April 23, 1951-Nov. 4, 1952


    Arch Alfred, Jr. (R W.Va.) April 16, 1923; House 1957-69; Gov. 1969-


    Edward Hall (R Okla.) Nov. 19, 1871-Sept. 2, 1950; Senate 1943-49


    William Singer (D Pa.) April 8, 1923; House 1959-


    Albert Paul (R Conn.) Jan. 18, 1908; House 1951-59


    Thomas Ellsworth (D Pa.) Oct. 13, 1906; House 1945-


    Thomas Gayle (D N.M.) Aug. 20, 1919; House 1959-69


    Toby (D Okla.) Feb. 28, 1899-—; House 1947-53, 1957-61


    James Hobson (D La.) Dec. 8, 1908; House 1943-67


    F. Bradford (R Mass.) Aug. 7, 1921; House 1961-1972; United Nations under secretary 1972-


    Wayne Lyman (D Ore.) Oct. 20, 1900; Senate 1945-Oct. 24, 1952 (R), Oct. 24, 1952-Feb. 17, 1955 (Independent), Feb. 17, 1955-69 (D)


    Rogers Clark Ballard (brother of Thruston Ballard Morton) (R Md.) Sept. 19, 1914; House 1963-Jan. 29, 1971; Secy. of Interior 1971-


    Thruston Ballard (brother of Rogers Clark Ballard Morton) (R Ky.) Aug. 19, 1907; House 1947-53; Senate 1957-Dec. 16, 1968


    Charles Adams (R Ohio) May 7, 1906; House 1961-


    Frank Edward (D Utah) Sept. 23, 1911; Senate 1959-


    John Emerson, Jr. (D Calif.) April 13, 1913; House 1953-


    James Wheaton (R Ore.) Nov. 12, 1883-Nov. 12, 1945; House 1933-Nov. 12, 1945.


    Morgan Moore (D Mo.) Aug. 31, 1904; House 1949-63


    Frederick Augustus (R Pa.) Sept. 25, 1887-—; House 1947-49


    Abraham Jacob (D N.Y.) Dec. 24, 1900; House Nov. 4, 1947-Dec. 31, 1967


    Walter Mann (R Pa.) Nov. 20, 1890-Feb. 25, 1961; House 1951-Feb. 25, 1961


    Karl Earl (R S.D.) June 3, 1900; House 1939-Dec. 30, 1948; Senate Dec. 31, 1948-73


    John Robert (D Ariz.) April 20, 1885-Feb. 14, 1972; House 1937-53


    Orrice Abram, Jr. (Abe) (D Utah) July 18, 1893; House 1933-41; Senate 1941-47


    George Lloyd (R Calif.) July 4, 1902; Senate Dec. 31, 1964-Jan. 2, 1971


    James Joseph (D N.Y.) Nov. 3, 1898-Oct. 19, 1962; House 1949-53


    John Michael (D N.Y.) Aug. 3, 1926; House 1963-


    John William (D Pa.) April 26, 1902; House 1943-July 17, 1946


    Maurice J., Jr. (R N.H.) Oct. 3, 1927; Senate Dec. 7, 1961-Nov. 7, 1962


    Morgan F., Jr. (D Ill.) April 16, 1932; House 1971-73


    William Thomas (D Ill.) Aug. 7, 1899; House 1959-71


    James Cunningham (D Ill.) May 16, 1917; House 1955-57


    James Edward (D Mont.) May 3, 1876-March 23, 1961; Senate Nov. 7, 1934-61


    Reid Fred (R Wis.) Oct. 16, 1887-April 29, 1952; House 1939-April 29, 1952


    Thomas Jefferson (D Tenn.) Aug. 1, 1894-Nov. 28, 1971; House 1943-Dec. 30, 1966


    Edmund Sixtus (D Maine) March 28, 1914; Senate 1959-; Gov. 1955-59


    Francis John (D Pa.) Dec. 18, 1901-July 5, 1956; House 1939-45; Senate 1945-51


    John Thomas (R Ind.) Feb. 8, 1927; House 1967-


    William Huston (D Ky.) Sept. 11, 1909; House Aug. 1, 1953-


    William Elmer (R W.Va.) Oct. 14, 1875-Nov. 12, 1959; House 1953-55, 1957-59


    Lucien Norbert (D Mich.) May 28, 1925; House Nov. 7, 1961-


    Matthew Mansfield (D W. Va.) Nov. 9, 1874-Jan. 18, 1958; House Oct. 14, 1913-21, 1945-47; Senate 1923-29, 1931-Jan. 12, 1941, 1949-Jan. 18, 1958; Gov. 1941-45


    Ancher (R Minn.) Oct. 11, 1904; House 1959-


    Charles Pembroke (son of John E. Nelson) (R Maine) July 2, 1907-June 8, 1962; House 1949-57


    Gaylord (D Wis.) June 4, 1916; Senate 1963-; Gov. 1959-63


    Maurine Brown (widow of Richard L. Neuberger) (D Ore.) Jan. 9, 1907; Senate Nov. 9, 1960-67


    Richard Lewis (husband of Maurine B. Neuberger) (D Ore.) Dec. 26, 1912-March 9, 1960; Senate 1955- March 9, 1960


    William (D Ala.) Oct. 16, 1918; House 1967-


    Donald William (R Mass.) Aug. 11, 1888-Feb. 16, 1968; House Nov. 18, 1947-59


    F. Jay (R Ind.) Dec. 1, 1915; House 1957-59


    Robert Nelson Cornelius, Sr. (D Pa.) Aug. 9, 1905; House May 20, 1958-


    Richard Milhous (R Calif.) Jan. 9, 1913; House 1947-Nov. 30, 1950; Senate Dec. 1, 1950-Jan. 1, 1953; Vice Pres. 1953-61; Pres. 1969-


    Robert Joseph, Jr. (R N.Y.) March 23, 1916; House 1947-49


    James E. (D Ind.) April 22, 1920; House 1949-51


    Albin Walter, Jr. (R Ore.) Sept. 12, 1908-Sept. 20, 1964; House Jan. 11, 1946-Sept. 20, 1964


    Fred Barthold (R Wash.) March 21, 1882-April 18, 1947; House 1943-45, Jan. 3-April 18, 1947


    Catherine Dorris (widow of William Frank Norrell) (D Ark.) March 30, 1901; House April 18, 1961-63


    William Frank (husband of Catherine D. Norrell) (D Ark.) Aug. 29, 1896-Feb. 15 1961; House 1939-Feb. 15, 1961


    Sam (D Ga.) Sept. 6, 1938—Senate Nov. 1972-


    Hjalmar (R N.D.) March 24, 1906-July 18, 1963; House 1961-July 18, 1963


    Charles G. (R Mich.) Sept. 4, 1903; House 1953-55


    David R. (D Wis.) Oct. 3, 1938; House April 1, 1969-


    George Donoghue (D Mich.) Jan. 1, 1900-Oct. 25, 1957; House 1937-39, 1941-47, 1949-55


    Leo William (D N.Y.) Sept. 21, 1900; House April 1, 1952-Dec. 30, 1966


    Thomas Joseph (D Ill.) April 30, 1878-April 14, 1964; House 1933-39, 1943-April 14, 1964


    Herbert Romulus (D Md.) Nov. 17, 1896-March 4, 1960; Senate 1947-53; Gov. 1939-46


    Wilbert Lee (D Texas) March 11, 1890-May 11, 1969; Senate Aug. 4, 1941-49; Gov. 1939-41


    Barratt (D Ill.) April 28, 1882-Aug. 11, 1969; House 1949-51; 1953-69


    James Grant (D Mich.) Nov. 8, 1925, House 1959-


    Joseph Patrick (R Minn.) Jan. 23, 1895-—; House 1941-59


    Alin Edward (R Wis.) May 26, 1904; House 1943-73


    James Churchill (D Maine) Aug. 6, 1895-—; House 1937-43 (R); 1959-61 (D)


    Arnold (D Mont.) Dec. 17, 1916; House 1961-71


    Alec G. (D Minn.) Sept. 11, 1930; House 1963-67


    Joseph Christopher (D Wyo.) Nov. 5, 1884-Dec. 1, 1962; Senate Jan. 1, 1934-53; Nov. 29, 1954-61


    Emmet (D Ky.) April 14, 1887-July 18, 1967; House 1935-47


    Maston Emmet, Jr. (D Ga.) July 19, 1907; House 1965-71


    Harry Patrick (D Pa.) Feb. 10, 1889-June 24, 1953; House 1949-53


    Thomas Phillip, Jr. (D Mass.) Dec. 9, 1912; House 1953-


    Frank Charles, Jr. (R N.J.) Dec. 30, 1907; House 1939-43; Nov. 6, 1951-65


    Harold Charles (R N.Y.) June 22, 1896-—; House 1951-65


    Eugene Daniel (D Neb.) May 31, 1883-Feb. 7, 1968; House 1949-51


    Donald Lawrence (D N.Y.) Aug. 1, 1902-Sept. 13, 1964; House 1937-53


    Richard Lawrence (D N.Y.) Jan. 27, 1929; House 1965-71


    George Elmer (D Calif.) Oct. 8, 1906; House 1943-47


    John Holmes (uncle of Overton Brooks) (D La.) Sept. 17, 1875-May 14, 1948; House May 12, 1931-33; Senate 1933-May 14, 1948


    Thomas Leonard (R Ill.) Dec. 21, 1897-June 7, 1948; House 1947-June 7, 1948


    Stephen (D Ga.) March 9, 1891-April 5, 1970; House 1937-51


    Robert William (R Ore.) Sept. 11, 1932; Senate 1969-


    Otto Ernest (D La.) June 27, 1900; House 1947-


    John Orlando (D R.I.) March 17, 1907; Senate Dec. 19, 1950-; Gov. 1945-50


    Wright (D Texas) Aug. 6, 1893-; House 1929-


    Luther (D Ala.) Jan. 23, 1894-May 26, 1957; House 1937-43; 1945-47


    Edward James (D N.J.) Aug. 22, 1905; House 1963-


    Harold Ambrose (D Ariz.) Oct. 6, 1907-Sept. 6, 1969; House 1949-55


    Ellis Ellwood (D Calif.) Nov. 28, 1897-—; House 1945-47.


    James Thomas (R Conn.) Oct. 20, 1908; House 1947-59


    Frederick George (R Maine) July 24, 1900; Senate 1953-59; Gov. 1949-53


    James Blackwood (R Kan.) May 7, 1920; Senate Jan. 31, 1962-


    Preston Elmer (D Okla.) June 28, 1914; House 1947-49


    Claiborne de Borda (D R.I.) Nov. 22, 1918; Senate 1961-


    Thomas Minor (R Wash.) Aug. 22, 1902; House 1953-73


    Claude Denson (D Fla.) Sept. 8, 1900; Senate Nov. 4, 1936-5; House 1963-


    Charles Harting (R Ill.) Sept. 27, 1919; Senate 1967-


    Carl Dewey (D Ky.) Oct. 15, 1912; House 1949-


    Hugh (D Ga.) Aug. 21, 1898-Oct. 3, 1961; House 1935-47


    Morris Blaine (D Utah) March 26, 1906; House 1961-63


    Jerry L. (R Calif.) July 18, 1916; House 1967-


    Peter A. (R N.Y.) Sept. 7, 1921; House 1971-


    William Louis (R N.Y.) May 29, 1907; House 1949-51


    Gracie Bowers (D Idaho) March 12, 1906-Aug. 11, 1965; House 1953-63


    Philip Joseph (D Mass.) May 29, 1898-June 14, 1972; House 1943-71


    Dayton Edward (R Tenn.) March 29, 1910; House 1947-51


    John (R Calif.) Sept. 11, 1887-—; House 1943-57


    J. J. (Jake) (D Texas) Oct. 11, 1913; House Dec. 21, 1963-


    Otis G. (D N.Y.) Aug. 31, 1921; House 1961-


    John Leonard (D Ga.) Aug. 27, 1898-—; House Feb. 4, 1953-65


    John Raymond (R N.Y.) Aug. 10, 1904; House 1953-65


    Jesus T. (Popular Democrat P.R.) April 16, 1897-Nov. 19, 1952; House (Res. Comm.) 1945-Sept. 2, 1946; Gov. 1946-48


    Alexander (R N.Y.) April 16, 1903; House 1959-1973


    William Alvin (R Minn.) Dec. 29, 1885-Nov. 26, 1951; House 1929-33, 1935-37, 1939-47


    Walter Christian (R Mo.) Jan. 7, 1907; House 1941-49


    Charles Albert (R Vt.) April 14, 1875-Oct. 31, 1964; House Jan. 16, 1934-51


    William Robert (D Texas) Dec. 28, 1899; House 1937-


    Bertram L. (D N.Y.) Dec. 27, 1925; House Feb. 28, 1968-


    Richard Harding (R Va.) Oct. 19, 1923; House 1953-1972


    Santiago (Popular Democrat P.R.) Oct. 30, 1920; House (Res. Comm.) 1965-69


    James Gould (D Ohio) Oct. 6, 1896-April 28, 1959; House 1931-41; 1949-April 28, 1959


    Howard W. (R Ark.) April 11, 1920; House 1967-71


    Joe Richard (D Texas) Feb. 18, 1911-July 14, 1968; House 1963-July 14, 1968


    Charles Orlando (D Ore.) April 4, 1919; House 1957-61


    Charles Edward (R Mich.) Oct. 30, 1916; House Aug. 26, 1947-Nov. 4, 1952; Senate Nov. 5, 1952-59


    David Matthew (R N.Y.) March 12, 1906; House 1947-49


    Norris (R Calif.) July 23, 1895-—; House 1943-45; 1947-June 11, 1953


    Adam Clayton, Jr. (D N.Y.) Nov. 29, 1908-April 4, 1972; House 1945-71


    Walter E. (R Ohio) April 25, 1931; House 1971-


    David Lane (R N.J.) July 29, 1896-March 28, 1968; House 1933-Aug. 30, 1945


    Eliza Jane (D N.C.) March 5, 1902; House May 25, 1946-47


    Prince Hulon, Jr. (D Ga.) July 5, 1908-Feb. 8, 1961; House 1947-61


    Lunsford Richardson (D N.C.) Jan. 11, 1919; House 1969-


    Charles Melvin (D Ill.) Jan. 1, 1905; House 1945-


    Emory Hilliard (D Fla.) Dec. 3, 1899-—; House 1943-49


    Robert Dale (Bob) (R Texas) Sept. 7, 1927; House 1967-


    James Percy (D Tenn.) April 1, 1900-Oct. 12, 1956; House 1941-Oct. 12, 1956


    Stanley A. (D Pa.)—-—; House 1959-61


    Winston Lewis (R Vt.) Sept. 1, 1906-Sept. 10, 1971; House 1951-59; Senate 1959-Sept. 10, 1971


    William (D Wis.) Nov. 11, 1915; Senate Aug. 28, 1957-


    David (D Ark.) Aug. 29, 1934; House Nov. 8, 1966-1973


    Roman Conrad (D Ill.) May 13, 1919; House 1959-1973


    Graham (D Texas) May 5, 1919; House Jan. 27, 1962-1973


    William Arthur (R Conn.) May 6, 1897-—; Senate Aug. 29-Nov. 4, 1952, 1953-59


    Albert Harold (R Minn.) Sept. 18, 1923; House Feb. 18, 1958-


    James Michael (D Pa.) March 30, 1918; House 1955-57; 1959-61


    James H. (Jimmy) (R Tenn.) Jan. 11, 1916; House 1963-


    Peter Anthony (D N.Y.) May 10, 1904; House 1945-47


    Thomas Vincent (D N.Y.) March 16, 1903; House 1949-Dec. 30, 1951


    Louis Charles (D Mich.) Dec. 5, 1886-Nov. 12, 1961; House 1935-47, 1949-Nov. 12, 1961


    Benjamin J. (D N.Y.) June 3, 1896-Feb. 22, 1969; House 1945-Dec. 31, 1947


    John Abner (D Wis.) May 12, 1914; House 1965-67


    George L. (D Md.) Aug. 2, 1877-—; Senate 1935-47


    Edmund Patrick (R N.Y.) Sept. 22, 1911-Sept. 7, 1959; House 1951-59


    Thomas F. (R Ill.) Jan. 22, 1932; House 1967-


    Albert M. (D Ala.) March 11, 1902; House 1946-65


    Homer Alonzo (R Ohio) March 2, 1891-April 13, 1960; House 1943-49


    Robert Lincoln (D W.Va.) March 24, 1877-Nov. 14, 1956; House 1933-39, 1941-43, 1949-53


    Robert C. Word (D Ga.) Sept. 5, 1890-Sept. 10, 1972; House Oct. 2, 1929-Dec. 31, 1945


    William Joseph (D Mo.) July 16, 1909; House March 3, 1959-


    Jennings (D W.Va.) March 8, 1902; House 1933-47; Senate Nov. 5, 1958-


    Charles B. (D N.Y.) June 11, 1930; House 1971-


    John R. (D La.) Jan. 29, 1924; House 1967-


    John Henry (R N.Y.) Sept. 27, 1886-—; House 1953-63


    Sam (D Texas) Jan. 6, 1882-Nov. 16, 1961; House 1913-Nov. 16, 1961; Speaker 1940-47, 1949-53, 1955-61


    Leo Frederick (D N.Y.) March 22, 1888-—; House 1945-Sept. 13, 1947


    Henry Frazier (Independent Ohio) Jan. 15, 1897-Sept. 15, 1971; House 1951-55


    Monroe Minor (D N.C.) Sept. 24, 1901; House 1947-53


    Rolland (D N.D.) Feb. 29, 1920; House 1965-67


    Brazilla Carroll (husband of Louise G. Reece) (R Tenn.) Dec. 22, 1889-March 19, 1961; House 1921-31, 1933-47, 1951-March 19, 1961


    Louise Goff (widow of B. Carroll Reece) (R Tenn.) Nov. 6, 1898-May 14, 1970; House May 16, 1961-63


    Chauncey William (R Ill.) June 2, 1890-Feb. 9, 1956; House 1935-Feb. 9, 1956


    Clyde Martin (R Kan.) Oct. 19, 1871-Nov. 8, 1949; Senate 1939-Nov. 8, 1949; Gov. 1929-31


    Daniel Alden (R N.Y.) Sept. 15, 1875-Feb. 19, 1959; House 1919-Feb. 19, 1959


    Edward Herbert (R Kan.) June 3, 1886-Oct. 25, 1969; House 1937-61


    Thomas M. (D Calif.) March 26, 1925; House Dec. 15, 1965


    Albert Lee, Jr. (R Mo.) May 31, 1906; House 1947-49


    Kenneth Mills (D Texas) March 6, 1893-Aug. 15, 1959; House Aug. 23, 1947-55


    Charlotte T. (R Ill.) Sept. 27, 1913; House 1963-Oct. 7, 1971


    Ogden Rogers (D N.Y.) June 24, 1925; House 1963-


    Benjamin (R S.D.) Sept. 19, 1906; House 1961-71


    Ed (R Calif.) Jan. 7, 1924; House 1965-Jan. 21, 1969


    Alexander John (D Ill.) Aug. 4, 1887-July 4, 1964; House 1945-47


    Joseph Y. (D N.Y.) July 13, 1924-Oct. 6, 1969; House 1965-69


    Henry Schoellkopf (D Wis.) Feb. 22, 1912; House 1955-


    William Chapman (R W.Va.) July 20, 1895-—; Senate 1942-49, Nov. 7, 1956-59


    Samuel Williams (R Neb.) Aug. 11, 1890-—; Senate July 3-Nov. 7, 1954


    George Milton (D Pa.) Feb. 24, 1898-—; House 1949-69


    John Jacob (R Ariz.) Sept. 18, 1916; House 1953-


    Abraham A. (D Conn.) April 9, 1910; House 1949-53; Senate 1963-; Gov. 1955-61; Secy. of H.E.W. 1961-62


    Carl W. (R Ohio) Sept. 12, 1898-June 26, 1972; House 1963-65


    Robert Fleming (R Pa.) June 23, 1883-April 28, 1968; House Nov. 4, 1930-43, 1945-51


    James Prioleau (D S.C.) Aug. 31, 1894-—; House 1933-57


    Donald W., Jr. (R Mich.) Feb. 4, 1938; House 1967-


    Roy Walter (R N.Y.) Aug. 26, 1899; House 1947-65


    Corinne Boyd (widow of John J. Riley) (D S.C.) July 4, 1894; House April 12, 1962-63


    John Jacob (husband of Corinne Boyd Riley) (D S.C.) Feb. 1, 1895-Jan. 2, 1962; House 1945-49; 1951-Jan. 2, 1962


    Lucius Mendel (D S.C.) Sept. 28, 1905-Dec. 28, 1970; House 1941-Dec. 28, 1970


    Ralph Julian (D Alaska) May 23, 1903; House 1959-Dec. 30, 1966


    Ross (R Okla.) July 5, 1892-March 4, 1969; House 1941-49


    Kenneth Allison (D Ala.) Nov. 1, 1912; House 1951-65


    Ray (D Texas) March 28, 1913; House Jan. 30, 1962-


    A. Willis (D Va.) May 27, 1887-Nov. 1, 1971; House 1933-Nov. 5, 1946; Senate Nov. 6, 1946-Dec. 30, 1966


    Charles Raymond (R N.D.) Sept. 5, 1889-Feb. 18, 1951; House 1941-43, 1945-49


    Edward Vivian (R Wyo.) May 27, 1881-April 15, 1963; Senate 1943-49


    Edward John, Jr. (D Va.) Aug. 9, 1890-March 10, 1966; House May 2, 1950-59


    James William (D Utah) Jan. 18, 1878-Dec. 2, 1964; House 1933-47


    J. Kenneth (R Va.) May 14, 1916; House 1971-


    Howard Winfield (R N.Y.) Oct. 30, 1915; House Jan. 14, 1958-


    John Marshall, Jr. (R Ky.) Aug. 28, 1904; House 1953-59


    Robert Fay (R Colo.) Feb. 11, 1886-Sept. 29, 1950; House Dec. 9, 1941-49


    Robert Lewis (R Pa.) June 2, 1875-May 9, 1960; House 1939-47


    Peter Wallace, Jr. (D N.J.) June 7, 1909; House 1949-


    Dudley George (D Md.) March 23, 1881-Jan. 4, 1970; House 1945-47


    James A. (D N.Y.) July 9, 1896-April 22, 1967; House 1945-47


    Robert A. (D N.J.) Feb. 28, 1924; House Nov. 4, 1969-


    Byron Giles (D Colo.) Aug. 1, 1900; House 1951-71


    Dwight Laing (father of Paul G. Rogers) (D Fla.) Aug. 17, 1886-Dec. 1, 1954; House 1945-Dec. 1, 1954


    Edith Nourse (R Mass.) 1881-Sept. 10, 1960; House June 30, 1925-Sept. 10, 1960


    George Frederick (D N.Y.) March 19, 1887-Nov. 20, 1948; House 1945-47


    Paul Grant (son of Dwight L. Rogers) (D Fla.) June 4, 1921; House Jan. 11, 1955-


    Walter Edward (D Texas) July 19, 1908; House 1951-67


    Edward Gay (R W.Va.) 1874-Dec. 12, 1956; House 1943-45, 1947-49


    Carlos Pena (—Philippines) Jan. 14, 1901; House (Res. Comm.) Aug. 10, 1944-July 14, 1946


    Daniel J. (D Ill.) July 13, 1914-Aug. 13, 1969; House 1965-Aug. 13, 1969


    Teno (D Wyo.) March 23, 1916; House 1965-67, 1971-


    Fred B. (D Pa.) Nov. 6, 1925; House July 30, 1963-


    John James (D N.Y.) Nov. 29, 1903; House June 6, 1944-


    Franklin Delano, Jr. (son of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and brother of James Roosevelt) (D N.Y.) Aug. 17, 1914; House May 17, 1949-51 (Liberal Four Freedoms Party, 1951-55 (D)


    James (son of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and brother of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Jr.) (D Calif.) Dec. 23, 1907; House 1955-Sept. 30, 1965.


    Benjamin S. (D/Liberal N.Y.) June 8, 1923; House Feb. 20, 1962


    Robert Tripp (R N.Y.) June 4, 1903, House 1947-49, Feb. 19, 1952-53


    Daniel David (Dan) (D Ill.) Jan. 2, 1928; House 1959-


    William V., Jr. (R Del.) July 22, 1921; House 1967-Dec. 31, 1970; Senate Jan. 1, 1971-


    Richard Lowell (R Ind.) Jan. 18, 1918; House 1961-71


    John Edward (D Ind.) Sept. 12, 1920; House 1959-69, 1971-


    John Harbin (R Calif.) Nov. 1, 1927; House 1961-63, June 30, 1970-


    William A. (D Ill.) Nov. 24, 1882-May 31, 1961; House 1943-47


    William R., Sr. (D Kan.) Feb. 23, 1926; House 1971-


    Edward R. (D Calif.) Feb. 10, 1916; House 1963-


    Donald (R Ill.) July 9, 1932; House 1963-May 25, 1969


    Harold L. (D N.M.) March 17, 1924; House 1971-


    Philip E. (R Mich.) Sept. 29, 1926; House 1967-


    Charles Hinton (R Nev.) Dec. 27, 1903; House 1947-49; Gov. 1951-59


    Donald Stuart (D S.C.) Feb. 22, 1906; Senate April 22, 1965-Nov. 8, 1966; Gov. 1963-65


    Richard Brevard (D Ga.) Nov. 2, 1897-Jan. 21, 1971; Senate Jan. 12, 1933-Jan. 21, 1971; Gov. 1931-33


    Sam Morris (D Texas Aug. 9, 1889-Oct. 19, 1971; House 1941-47


    Earl B. (R N.C.) Feb. 7, 1916; House 1969-


    J. T. (D Texas) May 30, 1920; House 1955-63


    Harold M. (D Mich.) Feb. 6, 1911; House Feb. 13, 1962-65


    William F. (D Liberal N.Y.) June 28, 1922-Sept. 17, 1972; House 1961-Sept. 17, 1972


    Joseph Francis (D Conn.) Feb. 4, 1914; House 1945-47


    Adolph Joachim (D Ill.) April 4, 1866-Nov. 6, 1952; House 1907-Nov. 6, 1952


    Antoni Nicholas (R Conn.) June 13, 1908-Oct. 18, 1969; House 1947-59


    George Gregory (D Mich.) March 12, 1903-Oct. 9, 1961; House 1933-51


    Katharine Price Collier (R N.Y.) July 12, 1896-—; House 1947-65


    Fernand Joseph (D R.I.) Jan. 9, 1928; House 1969-


    William Leon (D Conn.) Oct. 9, 1914-May 1, 1970; House 1963-May 1, 1970


    Pierre Emil George (D Calif.) June 14, 1925; Senate Aug. 5-Dec. 31, 1964


    Leverett (R Mass.) Sept. 1, 1892-—; Senate Jan. 4, 1945-67; Gov. 1939-44


    John Carfield (R Idaho) Sept. 28, 1885-May 16, 1968; House 1947-51


    Charles W., Jr. (R N.J.) Oct. 23, 1921; House 1967-


    Alfred Edward (D N.Y.) June 4, 1912; House 1957-63


    George William Jr. (R Pa.) Sept. 30, 1919; House 1947-49


    Paul S. (D Md.) Feb. 3, 1933; House 1971-


    Lansdale Ghiselin (D Md.) Sept. 30, 1893-Nov. 5, 1964; House Feb. 3, 1939-53


    Dave Edward, Jr. (D Va.) Sept. 11, 1894-Dec. 27, 1946; House Nov. 2, 1937-Feb. 15, 1945


    David Edward III (son of the preceding) (D Va.) Dec. 2, 1920; House 1965-


    Dalip Singh (D Calif.) Sept. 20, 1899-—; House 1957-63


    Charles Raymon (D Wash.) April 12, 1906; House 1945-47


    William B. (R Ohio) June 24, 1916; Senate 1969-


    John Phillips (R Pa.) July 23, 1908; House Sept. 13, 1949-


    Henry C. (R Wis.) Oct. 12, 1913; House 1961-65, 1967-71


    Paul Fornshell (R Ohio) April 19, 1899-Nov. 30, 1968; House Nov. 6, 1951-65


    Gordon Harry (R Ohio) Dec. 26, 1906; House 1953-63


    William J. (R Iowa) March 14, 1923; House 1967-


    James H. (D N.Y.) Feb. 6, 1920; House 1965-1973


    Gale (D Ill.) March 2, 1933; House 1965-67


    John Richard (D Iowa) Jan. 3, 1922; House 1965-67


    John G. (R Calif.) Aug. 12, 1930; House June 30, 1970-1973


    Herman T. (R Pa.) July 7, 1907; House April 26, 1960-


    Andrew Frank (R Kan.) Nov. 23, 1894-Jan. 21, 1962; Senate 1949-Jan. 21, 1962; Gov. 1943-47


    George Blaine (brother of Max Schwabe) (R Okla.) July 26, 1886-April 2, 1952; House 1945-49, 1951-April 2, 1952


    Max (brother of George Blaine Schwabe) (R Mo.) Dec. 6, 1905; House 1943-49


    Richard Schultz (R Pa.) June 1, 1926; House 1961-69; Senate 1969-


    Lewis Baxter (D Wash.) Sept. 20, 1894-June 10, 1948; Senate 1935-Dec. 16, 1940; Secy. of Labor 1945-48


    Frederick Delbert (R Iowa) May 28, 1907; House 1955-65, 1967-73


    James Paul (R Pa.) May 10, 1909; House Nov. 5, 1946-49


    Hardie (R Pa.) June 7, 1907; House 1947-53


    Hugh Doggett, Jr. (R Pa.) Nov. 11, 1900; House 1941-45, 1947-59; Senate 1959-


    William Kerr (D N.C.) April 17, 1896-April 16, 1958; Senate Nov. 29, 1954-April 16, 1958; Gov. 1949-52


    William Lloyd (R Va.) July 1, 1915; House 1967-73; Senate 1973-


    William Warren (R Pa.) July 19, 1917; House 1961-63; Gov. 1963-67


    Errett Power (R Kan.) March 20, 1898-—; House Sept. 14, 1943-59


    James Graves (D Nev.) Jan. 19, 1880-June 23, 1945; House 1933-Dec. 7, 1942; Senate Dec. 7, 1942-June 23, 1945; Gov. 1923-27


    Hubert Baxter (R Calif.) Nov. 5, 1888-July 4, 1968; House 1949-59


    Frederick Andrew (R Neb.) Dec. 11, 1909; Senate Dec. 10, 1951-Nov. 4, 1952; Secy. of the Interior 1956-61


    Keith G. (R Kan.) Sept. 10, 1916; House 1969-


    Robert Thompson (D Ohio) Jan. 22, 1904; House 1933-Aug. 3, 1942, 1949-Sept. 26, 1954, 1963-Dec. 30, 1966


    Horace, Jr. (R Conn.) May 12, 1908; House 1947-49, 1951-59, 1961-63


    John F. (D Ohio) Sept. 8, 1918; House 1971-


    Armistead Inge, Jr. (D Ala.) Feb. 20, 1921; House 1953-69


    George Frederick Jr. (D Ariz.) Nov. 24, 1921; House 1963-67


    Paul Werntz (R Mich.) April 27, 1893-Aug. 17, 1954; House 1937-Aug. 17, 1954


    Edgar Allan (R N.Y.) June 3, 1876-Nov. 27, 1948; House 1945-47


    Timothy Patrick (R Ill.) Feb. 21, 1909; House 1951-59


    John Francis (D Calif.) Sept. 3, 1905; House Nov. 8, 1949-Jan. 7, 1964


    Harry Richard (D Calif.) Jan. 10, 1885-April 28, 1969; House 1937-65


    John Edward (D Pa.) Sept. 15, 1902; House Nov. 7, 1939-47


    George Edward (D Ill.) April 21, 1927; House 1959-


    Henrik (R Minn.) Jan. 8, 1881; June 26, 1960; Senate 1923-41 (Farmer-Labor), 1941-47 (R).


    Dewey (R Mo.) April 7, 1898-—; House 1929-31, 1935-57


    Don Levingston (R N.D.) June 22, 1903; House 1959-65


    Richard G. (R Mont.) Nov. 29, 1923; House 1971-


    Garner E. (R Kan.) July 6, 1912; House 1961-


    George Adams (D N.C.) Sept. 5, 1895-Dec. 8, 1962; House 1953-59


    Abner Woodruff (R Conn.) April 11, 1921; House 1961-65


    Carlton R. (D Md.) June 15, 1921; House 1963-67


    Alfred Dennis (D N.J.) Aug. 23, 1911; House 1951-59


    Robert Louis Fulton (D Fla.) June 3, 1906; House 1941-Oct. 19, 1944, 1945-


    Eugene (R Ky.) June 26, 1900; House 1955-65


    Edna Oakes (widow of Sidney E. Simpson) (R Ill.) Oct. 28, 1891-—; House 1959-61


    Milward Lee (R Wyo.) Nov. 12, 1897-—; Senate Nov. 7, 1962-67; Gov. 1955-59


    Richard Murry (R Pa.) Aug. 30, 1900-Jan. 7, 1960; House May 11, 1937-Jan. 7, 1960


    Sidney Elmer (Sid) (husband of Edna Oakes Simpson) (R Ill.) Sept. 20, 1894-Oct. 26, 1958; House 1943-Oct. 26, 1958


    Hugo Sheridan, Jr. (D S.C.) Oct. 14, 1921; House 1949-51


    Bernice Frederic (D Calif.) Dec. 14, 1910; House 1955-


    Edward Lewis, Jr. (R Pa.) April 21, 1908; House 1951-53


    Joe (R Kan.) May 6, 1906; House 1963-


    John Mark Jr. (D W. Va.) March 18, 1915; House 1959-


    Roger Caldwell (D Mo.) July 17, 1905; House 1943-47


    Frank, Jr. (R Md.) July 15, 1896-—; House 1953-55


    George Armistead (nephew of William H. Smathers) (D Fla.) Nov. 14, 1913; House 1947-51; Senate 1951-69


    William Howell (uncle of George A. Smathers) (D N.J.) Jan. 7, 1891-Sept. 24, 1955; Senate April 15, 1937-43


    Albert (R N.Y.) June 22, 1805-Aug. 27, 1870; House 1943-47


    Benjamin A., II (D Mass.) March 26, 1916; Senate Dec. 27, 1960-Nov. 7, 1962


    Frank Ellis (D Miss.) Feb. 21, 1918; House 1951-Nov. 14, 1962


    Frederick Cleveland (R Ohio) July 29, 1884-July 16, 1956; House 1939-51


    H. Allen (R Calif.) Oct. 8, 1909; House 1957-73


    Henry P., III (R N.Y.) Sept. 29, 1911; House 1965-


    Howard Alexander (R N.J.) Jan. 30, 1880-Oct. 27, 1966; Senate Dec. 7, 1944-59


    Howard Worth (D Va.) Feb. 28, 1882-—; House 1931-67


    James V. (R Okla.) July 23, 1926; House 1967-69


    Lawrence Henry (R Wis.) Sept. 15, 1892-Jan. 22, 1958; House Aug. 29, 1941-Jan. 22, 1958


    Margaret Chase (R Maine) Dec. 14, 1897; House June 3, 1940-49; Senate 1949-73


    Neal Edward (D Iowa) March 23, 1920; House 1959-


    Ralph Tyler (R Ill.) Oct. 6, 1915-Aug. 13, 1972; Senate Sept. 17, 1969-Nov. 16, 1970


    Willis (D N.C.) Dec. 19, 1887-June 26, 1953; Senate Nov. 27, 1950-June 26, 1953


    Wint (R Kan.) Oct. 7, 1893; House 1947-61


    John Buell (D Pa.) July 30, 1877-Feb. 24, 1946; House 1933-Feb. 24, 1946


    Melvin Claude (R W.Va.) Oct. 29, 1898; House 1947-49


    M. G. (Gene) (R Ky.) Jan. 26, 1928; House 1963-65, 1967-


    Andrew Lawrence (D N.Y.) March 21, 1895-April 6, 1949; House 1925-April 6, 1949


    John Jackson (D Ala.) Dec. 20, 1899; House 1937-Nov. 5, 1946; Senate Nov. 6, 1946-


    Brent (D Ky.) Dec. 24, 1874-Sept. 18, 1967; House 1931-63


    Floyd D. (R S.C.) April 9, 1928; House 1971-


    William Belser, Jr. (D Va.) Sept. 29, 1920; Senate Dec. 31, 1966-73


    Raymond Smiley (R Ind.) April 26, 1882-Aug. 28, 1947; House 1939-Aug. 28, 1947


    William Lee (R Ill.) April 12, 1909; House 1951-73


    Neil (D Mich.) July 11, 1905; House 1963-65


    Robert Theodore (R Vt.) Aug. 8, 1913; House 1961-1973; Gov. 1959-61


    Harley Orrin (D W. Va.) Aug. 3, 1907; House 1949-


    Lynn Ellsworth (D Wis.) May 15, 1920; House 1965-67


    William Abner (R Ky.) Jan. 16, 1892; Senate Nov. 19, 1945-Nov. 5, 1946


    Thomas Bahnson (D Va.) July 16, 1890-July 10, 1970; House Nov. 5, 1946-Feb. 3, 1953; Gov. 1954-58


    James V. (D Ohio) Feb. 27, 1932; House 1971-


    John William (R Ohio) Feb. 20, 1924; House 1965-


    Frank Thomas (D Minn.) Feb. 18, 1892-May 14, 1968; House 1945-47


    S. Walter (R Pa.) Aug. 13, 1888; House 1953-55, 1957-59


    Thomas Jefferson (D Okla.) March 2, 1904; House 1949-


    Robert H. (R Conn.) Nov. 3, 1938; House Nov. 3, 1970-


    Karl (R Neb.) March 1, 1884-Oct. 2, 1951; House 1935-Oct. 2, 1951


    Sam (R Ariz.) March 10, 1929; House 1967-


    William A. (R Wis.) May 15, 1938; House 1967-


    John Cornelius (D Miss.) Aug. 3, 1901; Senate Nov. 5, 1947-


    Robert Grier, Jr. (D Ga.) Aug. 14, 1913; House 1961-


    Theodore F. (Ted) (R Alaska) Nov. 18, 1923; Senate Dec. 24, 1968-


    Adlai Ewing, III (D Ill.) Oct. 10, 1930; Senate Nov. 17, 1970-


    William Henry (R Wis.) Sept. 23, 1891; House 1941-49


    Arthur Thomas (Tom) (D Tenn.) Jan. 11, 1892-Oct. 10, 1972; Senate Jan. 16, 1939-49


    Paul (D Okla.) Feb. 27, 1892-Nov. 13, 1950; House 1943-47


    William Grady (D Okla.) July 7, 1891-Aug. 21, 1952; House March 28, 1944-Aug. 21, 1952


    K. William (Bill) (R Wash.) April 20, 1930; House 1963-65


    Lowell (R Ore.) April 12, 1901-Aug. 10, 1962; House 1943-53


    Louis (D Ohio) Feb. 23, 1925; House 1969-


    Samuel Studdiford (D N.Y.) Sept. 27, 1916; House 1959-


    William Grant (R Ill.) Feb. 26, 1914; House 1941-43, 1947-49; Gov. 1953-61


    Douglas (R Utah) Sept. 24, 1922-Oct. 19, 1966; House 1953-55


    Frank Albert (D Ky.) April 5, 1907; House 1959-


    Williamson Sylvester, Jr. (D Ga.) May 25, 1935; House 1967-


    John Berchmans (husband of Leonor Kretzer Sullivan) (D Mo.) Oct. 10, 1897-Jan. 29, 1951; House 1941-43, 1945-47, 1949-Jan. 29, 1951


    Leonor Kretzer (widow of John Berchmans Sullivan) (D Mo.) Aug. 21, 1903; House 1953-


    Jessie (R Ill.) July 17, 1898; House 1939-47


    Hatton William (D Texas) May 30, 1875-April 19, 1962; House 1913-47


    Frank Leander (R N.J.) Jan. 5, 1901; House 1943-49


    James Patrick (Pat) (D Tenn.) Oct. 31, 1915; House 1949-55


    Robert E. (D Ohio) Nov. 4, 1924; House 1965-67


    George Robinson (D Ala.) Dec. 19, 1887-Sept. 10, 1972; Senate June 15-Nov. 5, 1946


    James Wadsworth (son of William Stuart Symington) (D Mo.) Sept. 28, 1927; House 1969-


    William Stuart (father of James Wadsworth Symington) (D Mo.) June 26, 1901; Senate 1953-; Secy. of the Air Force 1947-50


    John (R N.Y.) May 5, 1880-Nov. 22, 1965; House 1923- 63


    Boyd (D Ark.) May 9, 1911; House 1949-53


    Kingsley Arter (R Ohio) July 19, 1903-March 28, 1970; Senate Nov. 5, 1946-47


    Robert Alphonso (son of President William Howard Taft, father of Robert Taft, Jr.) (R Ohio) Sept. 8, 1889-July 31, 1953; Senate 1939-July 31, 1953


    Robert, Jr. (son of the preceding) (R Ohio) Feb. 26, 1917; House 1963-65, 1967-71; Senate 1971-


    Joseph Edward (R Conn.) March 18, 1901-April 30, 1966; House Jan. 20, 1942-47


    Burt L. (R Calif.) Feb. 22, 1920; House 1963-


    Henry Oscar (R Iowa) Jan. 12, 1892-March 14, 1969; House 1939-59


    Herman Eugene (D Ga.) Aug. 9, 1913; Senate 1957-; Gov. 1947, 1948-55


    Malcolm Connor (D Ga.) Sept. 25, 1885-March 5, 1960; House 1927-47


    Anthony Francis (D N.Y.) Aug. 14, 1899-—; House 1949-51


    Dean Park (R N.Y.) Jan. 1, 1902; House 1943-61


    Glen Hearst (D Idaho) April 12, 1904; Senate 1945-51


    Roy Arthur (D N.C.) Jan. 31, 1910; House June 25, 1960-


    Charles McKevett (R Calif.) Sept. 18, 1909; House 1955-


    Olin Earl (D Texas) April 6, 1910; House Aug. 24, 1946-


    Ludwig (D N.Y.) June 22, 1911-Oct. 4, 1965; House 1957-61


    Herbert (D N.Y.) Nov. 1, 1905; House 1965-69


    John H. (R N.Y.) Nov. 14, 1924; House 1971-73


    Donald Edgar (R Wis.) Aug. 4, 1916; House 1957-59


    William Richard (D Ohio) July 7, 1885-Aug. 28, 1960; House 1933-39, 1941-43, 1945-47


    Albert (husband of Lera M. Thomas) (D Texas) April 12, 1898-Feb. 15, 1966; House 1937-Feb. 15, 1966


    Elbert Duncan (D Utah) June 17, 1883-Feb. 11, 1953; Senate 1933-51


    John (R Idaho) Jan. 4, 1874-Nov. 10, 1945; Senate June 30, 1928-33, Jan. 27, 1940-Nov. 10, 1945


    John Parnell (R N.J.) Jan. 16, 1895-Nov. 19, 1970; House 1937-Jan. 2, 1950


    John William Elmer (D Okla.) Sept. 8, 1876-Sept. 19, 1965; House 1923-27; Senate 1927-51


    Lera M. (widow of Albert Thomas) (D Texas) April 4, 1898-—; House March 30, 1966-67


    Robert Ewing (D Texas) May 30, 1879-—; House 1931-July 31, 1947


    Clark Wallace (D Texas) Aug. 6, 1896-—; House June 24, 1933-35, Aug. 23, 1947-Dec. 30, 1966


    Fletcher (R Ga.) Feb. 5, 1925; House 1967-73


    Frank, Jr. (D N.J.) July 26, 1918; House 1955-


    Ruth (R Mich.) Sept. 15, 1887-April 5, 1970; House 1961-57


    Theo Ashton (D La.) March 31, 1916-July 1, 1965; House 1953-July 1, 1965


    Edwin Keith (R Wyo.) Feb. 8, 1919-Dec. 9, 1960; House 1955-Dec. 9, 1960


    Vernon Wallace (R Wis.) Nov. 5, 1905; House 1968-; Gov. 1957-58


    Charles (R Neb.) Jan. 4, 1924; House 1971-


    William Homer (D Texas) Jan. 9, 1909; House 1949-Dec. 20, 1963


    James Strom (R S.C.) Dec. 5, 1902; Senate Dec. 24, 1954-April 4, 1956, Nov. 7, 1956-Sept. 16, 1964 (D), Sept. 16, 1964- (R); Gov. 1947-51


    Edward John (R Minn.) April 26, 1896-Aug. 28, 1969; Senate 1947-59; Gov. 1943-47


    Harve (R Pa.) May 27, 1885-Dec. 31, 1969; House 1939-49


    Robert Owens (D R.I.) Feb. 24, 1929; House March 28, 1967-


    Herman (D Pa.) March 15, 1907-July 26, 1967; House 1959-67


    James H. (D N.Y.) Sept. 12, 1874-April 5, 1952; House Feb. 29, 1944-47


    Harry Lancaster (R N.J.) Nov. 3, 1898-—; House 1943-Sept. 7, 1951


    John Goodwin (R Texas) Sept. 29, 1925; Senate June 15, 1961-


    Philip Andrew (D Del.) May 31, 1874-Dec. 5, 1962; House 1941-43, 1945-47


    Allen Towner (R Mass.) Sept. 16, 1867-Feb. 16, 1947; House 1913-45


    James William (D Ark.) Feb. 3, 1894-March 10, 1972; House 1945-47


    Harry S (D Mo.) May 8, 1884-Dec. 26, 1972; Senate 1935-Jan. 17, 1945; Vice Pres. Jan. 20-April 12, 1945; Pres. April 12, 1945-53


    William Munford (D Va.) Sept. 28, 1896-—; House April 14, 1953-69; Gov. 1946-50


    Thomas James (D N.J.) March 2, 1913; House 1955-57


    James Miller (D Del.) Aug. 2, 1879-Nov. 14, 1957; Senate 1941-47


    John Varick (D Calif.) June 26, 1934; House 1965-Jan. 2, 1971; Senate Jan. 2, 1971-


    Stanley R. (R Maine) Jan. 25, 1921; House 1961-67


    James Russell (D Ga.) July 23, 1911-Aug. 16, 1968; House 1963-67


    Robert Joseph (R Ill.) June 18, 1897-—; House 1947-49


    Joseph Davies (son of Millard Evelyn Tydings) (D Md.) May 4, 1928; Senate 1965-71


    Millard Evelyn (father of Joseph Davies Tydings) (D Md.) April 6, 1890-Feb. 9, 1961; House 1923-27; Senate 1927-51


    Morris K. (brother of Stewart Lee Udall) (D Ariz.) June 15, 1922; House May 2, 1961-


    Stewart Lee (brother of Morris K. Udall (D Ariz.) Jan. 31, 1920; House 1955-Jan. 18, 1961; Secy. of the Interior 1961-69


    Albert Conrad (D Ore.) March 9, 1914; House 1957-


    William Bradley (D N.C.) May 13, 1895-Nov. 7, 1954; House 1933-39; Senate Dec. 18, 1946-Dec. 30, 1948; Gov. 1953-54


    Thomas Rust (D Ky.) March 3, 1898-June 29, 1956; House 1949-March 17, 1951; Senate March 19, 1951-Nov. 4, 1952


    Robert William (R N.H.) Feb. 3, 1884-April 23, 1972; Senate Aug. 14, 1953-Nov. 7, 1954


    James Boyd (R Calif.) March 11, 1899-March 1, 1970; House 1953-March 1, 1970


    Richard Bernard (R Ill.) Aug. 31, 1895-July 29, 1955; House 1947-49, 1951-53


    Lionel (D Calif.) July 25, 1914; House 1963-


    Arthur Hendrick (R Mich.) March 22, 1884-April 18, 1951; Senate March 31, 1928-April 18, 1951; President pro tempore 1947-49


    Guy Adrian (R Mich.) Aug. 26, 1931; House Nov. 8, 1966-


    Charles Albert (D Ohio) April 7, 1913; House 1955-


    William K. (R Wis.) March 10, 1905; House 1951-65


    James Edward (R Pa.) Dec. 18, 1898-—; House 1939-Sept. 24, 1943, 1947-63


    Albert Clinton, Sr. (R Pa.) Oct. 9, 1894-Sept. 1, 1951; House Jan. 3-Sept. 1, 1951


    Harold Himmel (R Ill.) April 1, 1910; House 1949-57


    Victor V. (R Calif.) April 14, 1915; House 1971-


    Joseph Philip (D Pa.) Nov. 10, 1918; House 1965-


    Carl (D Ga.) Nov. 18, 1883-—; House Nov. 3, 1914-65


    Frederick Moore (Fred) (D Ky.) Jan. 22, 1890-Sept. 8, 1953; House Jan. 12, 1924-29, 1931-May 12, 1938; Secy. of the Treasury 1945-46; Chief Justice of Supreme Court 1946-53


    Weston Edward (D Mich.) Oct. 25, 1924; House 1965-67


    Horace Jerry (D Calif.) April 6, 1901; House 1937-47


    John Martin (R Ohio) June 16, 1896-Aug. 25, 1968; House 1939-59


    Charles Wesley (R Ill.) Feb. 8, 1881-—; House 1943-59


    James Wolcott, Jr. (R N.Y.) Aug. 12, 1877-June 21, 1952; Senate 1915-27; House 1933-51


    Joe D., Jr. (D La.) Sept. 7, 1918; House Dec. 19, 1961-


    Earl Thomas (D Ohio) April 27, 1908; House 1949-51


    Robert Ferdinand (D N.Y.) June 8, 1877-May 4, 1953; Senate 1927-June 28, 1949


    Stuyvesant (R N.Y.) March 16, 1921; House 1953-61


    Jerome R. (D Calif.) Feb. 15, 1925; House June 7, 1966-


    E.S. Johnny (D N.M.) June 18, 1911; House 1965-69


    Prentiss Lafayette (R Miss.) Aug. 23, 1918; House 1965-67


    Monrad Charles (D Wash.) April 17, 1891-Sept. 18, 1961; House 1933-Dec. 19, 1940; Senate Dec. 19, 1940-Jan. 9, 1945; Gov. 1945-49


    George Marvin (R N.J.) Feb. 10, 1900; House 1959-65


    John Richard (D Ind.) May 22, 1913; House 1949-51


    Francis Eugene (D Pa.) May 26, 1894-May 31, 1963; House 1933-May 31, 1963


    Herbert S. (D Tenn.) Nov. 17, 1891-—; Senate Aug. 27, 1963-Nov. 3, 1964


    Fred (D Ind.) Oct. 15, 1909; House 1959-61


    William Creed (R Va.) April 21, 1926; House 1953-55, 1967-


    Herbert Birchby (R Del.) Sept. 21, 1916; House 1953-55


    John H. (R Pa.) Aug. 29, 1908; House Nov. 3, 1970-


    Thaddeus Francis Boleslaw (D Wis.) Dec. 2, 1904; House 1941-47


    Arthur Vivian (R Utah) Dec. 18, 1886-—; Senate 1947-59


    G. Robert (R Pa.) May 21, 1903-Aug. 7, 1970; House 1965-Aug. 7, 1970


    Albert William (R S.C.) Aug. 30, 1922; House 1963-Feb. 1, 1965 (D), June 15, 1965-71 (R)


    John Clarence (D Ky.) July 9, 1902-Sept. 24, 1971; House April, 1951-Sept. 24, 1971


    James Dorman (R Pa.) Sept. 27, 1920; House 1963-65


    Phillip Hart (R Neb.) April 9, 1919; House 1955-63


    Zebulon (D N.C.) May 12, 1872-Oct. 29, 1948; House 1917-March 1, 1919, March 4, 1919-29; 1931-47


    Sinclair (R Mass.) June 15, 1893; Senate Feb. 8-Dec. 19, 1944; Secy. of Commerce 1953-58


    Alvin F. (R Ohio) Sept. 11, 1891-Nov. 27, 1956; House 1943-55


    Lowell P., Jr. (R Conn.) May 16, 1931; House 1969-71; Senate 1971-


    Jessica McCullough (R N.Y.) July 8, 1901-May 1, 1963; House 1959-63


    Philip James (D Mo.) April 4, 1895-April 26, 1963; House 1949-53


    Richard Joseph (R Calif.) Feb. 13, 1869-Sept. 10, 1949; House Aug. 31, 1926-Sept. 10, 1949


    Herman (R Idaho) Dec. 11, 1906-Oct. 30, 1957; Senate 1951-57


    Charles Longstreet (D Ga.) Dec. 17, 1927; House 1963-67


    Thomas Harold (R Calif.) Sept. 13, 1905-Sept. 30, 1966; House 1949-53


    Milton Horace (D Texas) June 30, 1888-Oct. 28, 1948; House April 22, 1933-Oct. 28, 1948


    Alfred John (Jack) (R Wash.) Dec. 14, 1904; House 1953-65


    Charles W., Jr. (R Ohio) July 31, 1920; House 1967-


    John Irving (R Pa.) Sept. 14, 1902; House Nov. 8, 1960-73


    James Ernest (R N.Y.) Oct. 4, 1899; House 1951-65


    Burton Kendall (D Mont.) Feb. 27, 1882; Senate 1923-47


    William McDonald (D Ga.) July 11, 1915; House 1947-55


    Kenneth Spicer (R Neb.) Feb. 28, 1892-Nov. 29, 1951; Senate 1943-Nov. 29, 1951


    John Albert (D Ky.) Oct. 31, 1901-Dec. 15, 1951; House April 17, 1948-Dec. 15, 1951


    Cecil Fielding (D Calif.) Dec. 12, 1900; House 1949-51


    Compton Ignatius (D Idaho) July 31, 1877-March 31, 1956; House 1933-47, 1949-51


    Compton Ignatius, Jr. (son of the preceding) (D Idaho) Dec. 19, 1920; House 1963-67


    Richard Crawford (D Texas) April 29, 1923; House 1965-


    Wallace Humphrey, Jr. (R Maine) Aug. 6, 1877-March 31, 1952; House 1917-31; Senate 1931-49


    G. William (R Va.) March 12, 1925; House 1969-


    Basil Lee (D N.C.) May 14, 1915; House 1957-69


    Jamie Lloyd (D Miss.) April 18, 1910; House Nov. 4, 1941-


    William Madison (D Miss.) May 4, 1878-Aug. 20, 1962; House 1925-51


    Victor Eugene (D Okla.) Feb. 9, 1906; House April 1, 1941-47, 1949-57, 1961-65


    William Beck (R N.J.) March 17, 1906; House Feb. 6, 1950-


    Roy William (D Minn.) Feb. 25, 1888-June 27, 1963; House 1949-61


    Charles E. (R Calif.) Dec. 3, 1927; House 1967-


    Richard Bowditch (R Mass.) April 25, 1891-Oct. 22, 1960; House Nov. 6, 1928-Nov. 13, 1958


    Alexander (R Wis.) May 26, 1884-Oct. 26, 1967; Senate 1939-63


    Harrison Arlington, Jr. (D N.J.) Dec. 10, 1919; House Nov. 3, 1953-57; Senate 1959-


    John Bell (D Miss.) Dec. 4, 1918; House 1947-Jan. 16, 1968; Gov. 1968-72


    John James (R Del.) May 17, 1904; Senate 1947-Dec. 31, 1970


    Lawrence G. (R Pa.) Sept. 15, 1913; House 1967-


    William Robert (R N.Y.) Aug. 11, 1884-May 9, 1972; House 1951-59


    Edwin Edward (D La.) Oct. 2, 1904-Oct. 24, 1972; House 1949-69


    Raymond Eugene (R Ind.) Aug. 11, 1875-March 21, 1956; Senate 1941-47


    Charles H. (D Calif.) Feb. 15, 1917; House 1963-


    Earl (R Ind.) April 18, 1906; House 1941-59; 1961-65


    George Howard (D Okla) Aug. 21, 1905; House 1949-51


    Joseph Franklin (D Texas) March 18, 1901-Oct. 13, 1968; House 1947-55


    Robert Carleton (Bob) (R Calif.) April 5, 1916; House 1953-


    Larry, Jr. (R Kan.) Aug. 22, 1919, House 1967-


    William Arthur (D Miss.) Jan. 6, 1904; House 1943-65


    Thomas Daniel (R Kan.) July 7, 1896-Nov. 7, 1951; House 1939-47


    Garrett Lee (D Ky.) June 21, 1884-April 30, 1953; Senate Jan. 20, 1949-Nov. 26, 1950; House Aug. 2, 1952-April 30, 1953


    Gardner Robert (R Wis.) Oct. 5, 1892-Sept. 22, 1964; House 1931-35 (R), 1935-39 (Pro), 1949-61 (R)


    Thomas Albert (D S.C.) Sept. 27, 1908; Senate April 5-Nov. 6, 1956


    Jesse Paine (R Mich.) March 3, 1893-Jan. 28, 1969; House 1931-57


    John S. (R Wyo.) Aug. 31, 1916; House 1969-71


    Leonard George (D Iowa) Oct. 29, 1925-March 28, 1970; House 1959-61


    James (R Pa.) July 25, 1889-April 8, 1949; House Nov. 6, 1928-47


    Lester Lionel (D N.Y.) Jan. 4, 1919; House 1965-


    Charles Anderson (R N.J.) Oct. 24, 1880-May 16, 1969; House 1927-59


    John Stephens (D Ga.) Feb. 8, 1885-Sept. 12, 1968; House 1931-35, 1945-53


    John Travers (R Idaho) Nov. 25, 1878-Nov. 2, 1954; House 1951-53


    Chase Going (D Conn.) House 1945-47, 1949-51


    Roy Orchard (R Mich.) March 14, 1876-Feb. 12, 1953; House 1913-15 (Progressive R) 1921-53 (R)


    Clifton Alexander (D Va.) April 27, 1887-Oct. 6, 1950; House 1923-Dec. 31, 1945


    Joseph Addison (D S.C.) April 11, 1806-Aug. 3, 1885; House 1943-53


    Francis Eugene (D Texas) Oct. 10, 1908; House 1941-April 3, 1950


    James Claud, Jr. (D Texas) Dec. 22, 1922; House 1955-


    Wendell (R Ore.) June 15, 1917; House Nov. 3, 1964-


    John W. (R N.Y.) June 9, 1924; House 1963-


    Chalmers Pangburn (R Ohio) Nov. 23, 1920; House 1967-


    Louise Crosby (R N.H.) March 16, 1917; House 1963-65, 1967-


    Ralph Webster (D Texas) June 8, 1903; Senate April 29, 1957-71


    Sidney Richard (D Ill.) Aug. 27, 1909; House 1949-63; 1965-


    Gus (D Pa.) Oct. 16, 1927; House 1969-


    Samuel William (D Calif.) Oct. 1, 1909; House 1951-55


    Clarence Clifton (R Nev.) Nov. 7, 1922; House 1953-57


    C.W. Bill (R Fla.) Dec. 16, 1930; House 1971-


    John Andrew (D Texas) Nov. 10, 1916; House 1957-


    Milton Ruben (R N.D.) Dec. 6, 1897; Senate March 12, 1945-


    Stephen Marvin (D Ohio) May 4, 1889; House 1933-37, 1941-43, 1949-51; Senate 1959-71


    Harold Francis (R Mich.) Aug. 7, 1907; House 1947-49


    Jesse Arthur (R Calif.) April 11, 1893-June 20, 1967; House 1953-June 20, 1967


    Clement John (D Wis.) Nov. 18, 1912; House 1949-


    Herbert (D N.Y.) March 16, 1906; House 1955-63


    Orville (D Mo.) Dec. 31, 1880-April 7, 1948; House 1935-April 7, 1948


    Roger H. (R Ind.) Sept. 17, 1921; House 1967-


    John M. (R Minn.) Feb. 8, 1907; House 1967-

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