American Foreign Policy and Political Ambition

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James Lee Ray

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    Acknowledgements

    To Cam

    Tables, Figures, and Maps

    Regional Maps

    Preface

    I have some experience with multiple editions of textbooks, so I am familiar with two contrasting notions about books published in more than one edition. One suggests that the first edition is inevitably the best. The original statement, in this view, is the most inspired and coherent. Successive editions are not as fresh and have a tendency to be cobbled together. Revising is a tedious task, and this tedium takes its toll on the author. Revised editions turn out to be pale imitations of the original, even if there are some marginal improvements regarding what are typically ancillary aspects of the book.

    Admittedly, accepting this point of view while devoting oneself to a revised edition of a book would require dealing with substantial cognitive dissonance. Why work diligently to produce a revised version that is destined to be inferior to the original? It is also in my economic interest to defend the idea that revised editions become ever better than their predecessors. In other words, I have ulterior motives for arguing that revised editions can be better than first editions in general. For now I just want to address the possibility that the second edition of this book is better, at least in some ways, than the first.

    Of course, this edition is not entirely different from the first. The second edition also focuses on contrasting theoretical approaches analysts adopt as they attempt to understand and explain American foreign policies. While discussing realist, liberal, radical, constructivist, critical, and feminist theoretical ideas, this book is based on an explicit preference for a particular model. It is based on the idea that the highest priority for leaders of states is to retain their hold on power. In the context of American foreign policy, this means that presidents of the United States are required to pay as much or more attention to the concerns of their most influential domestic constituencies as they are to any foreign leader or group when they make foreign policy decisions. Machiavelli's classic advice to rulers regarding effective political tactics focuses on the necessity to deal with internal and external threats to their hold on power. In contemporary political science, the approach referred to here as rational political ambition theory borrows most importantly from the model developed by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Alastair Smith, Randolph M. Siverson, and James D. Morrow in The Logic of Political Survival (2003), as well as arguments espoused by R. J. Rummel, Alex Mintz, Helen Milner, Susan Shirk, and Robert Putnam. Rational political ambition theory is also inspired by aspects of many other analytical traditions, while deviating from all of them in ways that will be made clear in the following pages.

    About the Content

    This book focuses on American foreign policy since World War II. Nevertheless, it does briefly discuss the history of American foreign policy since the country's founding, especially to the extent that it provides a background and basic information helpful to an understanding of more contemporary foreign policy issues. The twenty-first century seems fraught with extraordinarily dangerous threats and formidable obstacles for the United States, but every decade since 1776 has brought its own problems that seemed at the time to verge on the overwhelming. (No contemporary enemy is likely to attack Washington, DC, and burn down the White House and the Capitol, as happened in 1814, although of course a foreign enemy did attack the Pentagon in 2001.)

    Part I of American Foreign Policy and Political Ambition sets the stage for the historical and more recent contexts of American foreign policy and also lays helpful theoretical planks. Chapter 1 begins with a discussion of just how important the foreign policies of the United States have been in virtually every corner of the globe as well as in the lives of its own citizens. I was of course convinced of the validity of the thesis of this chapter before I wrote it; writing it led me to the further realization that even a dart thrown haphazardly at a world map is likely to strike a location profoundly affected by U.S. foreign policy, both historically and currently. The first chapter also begins to make the case for the utility of rational political ambition theory in viewing foreign policy decisions.

    Chapter 2 describes and evaluates several important analytical approaches to foreign policy and international politics. In the first edition, this chapter focused on a historical overview of American foreign policy. Over the decades, I have participated in many debates about which should come first: theory or history. As I was preparing the current edition of this book, the preponderant view in this debate was that it makes most sense to first deal with theoretical options and thereby create an opportunity in the historical discussion to provide examples of the application of contrasting theoretical approaches. Therefore, this chapter reviews the major tenets of realism, liberalism, radicalism, constructivism, feminism, and rational political ambition theory. Neoconservatism is also reviewed, although my position here is that this approach has been created more by journalists, policy makers, and public intellectuals than by academically oriented analysts. I am certainly aware that, in the current era, there is some prejudice against broad theoretical frameworks. I am also aware that overzealous adherence to such approaches can generate more heat than light, and can serve as a barrier to, rather than a facilitator of, useful discussion and exchange of opposing ideas. I believe, however, that a reliance on broad theoretical guidelines is inescapable; no one is more a slave to such guidelines or basic assumptions, it seems to me, than an analyst who believes he or she is free of them. Furthermore, I will consistently take advantage of opportunities in this book to demonstrate what I believe to be the strengths of rational political ambition theory. However, I do not see proselytizing as a major purpose here; the book tries to encourage theoretical analysis (and I have realized in retrospect that neorealist ideas intrigue me in various contexts). So, while this book advocates rational political ambition theory, its aim is not so much to convince readers to adopt that approach as it is make them aware of contrasting approaches, and to provide an example of how one might go about establishing priorities among them.

    Chapter 3 then follows the rapid expansion of the United States from a loosely integrated set of colonies along the eastern seaboard of North America to a unified country extending to the shores of the Pacific Ocean, as well as its surprising level of activity and foreign policy initiatives around the globe during the nineteenth century. (I realize that this theme is based on an argument from a neoconservative analyst; this constitutes a bow in the direction of theoretical eclecticism, of which in general I approve in limited doses, believing that students are more likely to be noncommittal, theoretically speaking, than overly enthusiastic about any one theoretical approach.) This chapter concludes with an analysis of American foreign policy in the first half of the twentieth century that deals in some detail with U.S. strategies for coping with both world wars. It points out that the cautious and belated fashion in which the United States entered both of these conflicts may well have been, in part, a function of its democratic political regime (in a manner that would be anticipated by rational political ambition theory). That it emerged on the winning side might also be “no accident.”

    Chapter 4, which comprises an analysis of the Cold War, concludes Part I. In the first edition, three chapters dealt separately with the beginning of the Cold War, the Vietnam War, and the end of the Cold War. All of these discussions have now been consolidated into a single chapter.

    The book's second part deals in some detail with the inputs and processes of American foreign policy making. Here, too, the second edition responds to a grassroots movement calling for a change in the order of things. In the first edition, the earlier chapters in Part II dealt first with economic issues and the impact of factors external to the government, such as public opinion, interest groups, and political parties, and concluded with a discussion of the role of American presidents in foreign-policy-making processes. In this edition, the role of the president is analyzed first and the discussion adopts an ever-wider focus, culminating in an exploration of the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. Ideally, readers of this edition will agree with critics of the first that this ordering makes it possible to discuss the interrelationships between these subtopics in a more logical, coherent fashion.

    The emphasis of rational political ambition theory on the president's desire to stay in power might lead to an assumption that this book adopts something of a “great man” theory of history. Such an impression is understandable, but inaccurate. The president is obviously a key player in the foreign-policy-making process, and she may well be consistently the most important player. But she responds to a wide variety of factors, pressures, and influences. This book's focus on the desire of leaders to stay in power provides a device for stimulating awareness about what those pressures are and how they relate to each other and the president in the foreign-policy-making process.

    Thus, chapter 5 first discusses the role of the president but concludes with an analysis of the relationship between the president and Congress. It points out that the Constitution issues to the president and Congress an “invitation to struggle” over foreign policy priorities and issues, then follows in some detail how that struggle has evolved.

    The Department of State serves as the initial focus of chapter 6, which analyzes the roles played by several key agencies in the federal government in foreign-policy-making processes. Having explained which factors have consistently deterred the State Department from fulfilling the key role in foreign policy making that logic and the Constitution might indicate, the chapter looks at the department's competitors and collaborators in the foreign-policy-making process: the National Security Council, the Department of Defense, and the intelligence community. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the key role played by the United States in the development of the global community's economic system and the contributions that various agencies in the federal government have made to coping with economic issues. These include not only the organizations already mentioned in this chapter but also such agencies as the Department of Commerce, the Treasury Department, and the Office of the United States Trade Representative.

    Federal government bureaus, Congress, and the president all respond, of course, to various aspects of their environment when engaged in foreign policy making, and a crucial feature of that environment, especially according to rational political ambition theory, is the domestic political and economic context within the United States. Chapter 7 deals with the impact of interest groups, ethnic groups, political parties, the mass media, and public opinion on foreign-policy-making processes. The chapter now includes a discussion on the impact of the Supreme Court ruling on the Citizens United case, which removed previous restrictions on political spending by corporations and labor unions.

    One of the more popular features of the first edition was its analyses of U.S. foreign policy with respect to the various geographic regions of the world: Europe, the Americas, sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Part III in this edition is devoted to such analyses of each of the major geographic regions. Chapter 8 reviews the historically crucial relationship between the United States and Europe. Since World War II, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union have been central to that relationship, and both organizations have expanded in the twenty-first century. The update to this chapter includes a discussion of the crisis in the eurozone.

    Chapter 9 focuses first on U.S. interventions in Central America and the Caribbean in the first decades of the twentieth century, then on the Good Neighbor Policy of Franklin Roosevelt. The intervention in Guatemala in the early 1950s is highlighted in the analysis of U.S. policy in Latin America after World War II, followed by a discussion of the prolonged conflict between the United States and Fidel Castro's regime in Cuba. The Cuban missile crisis provides a particularly dramatic example of interstate interactions fueled by domestic political regimes concentrating on perpetuating their hold on power. The remainder of the chapter deals with an important trend toward democracy in Latin America in the 1980s and the 1990s and a contrasting “pink tide” of rather Socialist, somewhat anti-American regimes that came to power in the early part of the twenty-first century. The Obama administration has not made Latin America a high priority, but it has devoted some time and energy to immigration issues, especially with respect to Mexico. (It may also come to notice that China has become quite active in the region.)

    Africa has typically been a low priority for U.S. foreign policy makers, and, as chapter 10 points out, several explanations for that disinterest resonate with rational political ambition theory. Nevertheless, the importing of slaves in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries created an important link between the United States and Africa, and the issue of slavery played a crucial role in the development and the evolution of the United States that continues to this day. For much of the twentieth century, Africa was dominated by Europe, and the United States related to Africa through Europeans. Since World War II, and especially during the Cold War, U.S. policy makers played closer attention to Africa in proxy battles with the Soviet Union. However, the attention the United States pays to Africa is limited partly by the fact that African Americans vote for Democratic candidates in such overwhelming proportions that there is not much to be gained by either party through foreign policy initiatives with respect to Africa. Then, too, domestic priorities are especially intense for African Americans. Nevertheless, the United States is perhaps beginning to pay more heed to Africa in the twenty-first century. President George W. Bush called for the creation of the United States African Command (AFRICOM), thus elevating attention to the continent. Africa is increasingly seen as a place that may offer refuge to terrorist groups. Conflicts between Sudan and South Sudan, and in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, have attracted the notice of policy makers. At the same time, the first decade of the twenty-first century brought considerable economic expansion in sub-Saharan Africa.

    Certainly a major focal point of twenty-first-century international politics in general, and of U.S. foreign policy in particular, will be Asia, especially China. Chapter 11 begins by pointing out that Asia now looks somewhat the way Europe did at the beginning of the twentieth century—a troubling parallel, given that, in Europe, that century led to tumult. The chapter emphasizes the importance of the relationship between the United States and China and provides several perspectives on the possibility that China will become more powerful than the United States during the twenty-first century. This edition, naturally, analyzes the Obama administration's “pivot toward Asia” and the growing emphasis on strengthening ties between the United States and Asian states other than China.

    Readers of the first edition expressed their desire to see more attention paid to U.S. policies and actions in the vital Middle Eastern region. This edition devotes one chapter to the region in general and two chapters to the U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. The first of these chapters (chapter 12) reflects the centrality of U.S. relations with Israel (and of Israel's mostly antagonistic relationships with its Arab neighbors) to American attempts to deal with this region. Chapter 12 also deals with the crucial relationship between the United States and Iran, the first war with Iraq in 1991, and the “Arab Spring.” Chapter 13 traces the origins of the American wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and addresses whether or not those wars were in conformity with international law (and whether that matters). The last of the three chapters (chapter 14) analyzes the conclusions of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and their likely impact on U.S. interests in the Middle East.

    Part IV consists of a single concluding chapter (chapter 15), which takes up the question of whether the United States is in serious or terminal decline as a global hegemon. It focuses also on the dangers posed by nuclear weapons and nuclear proliferation, priorities for the future in each of the regions discussed above, and global environmental issues, especially global climate change.

    Teaching and Learning Aids

    In addition to scholarly sources on foreign policy, American Foreign Policy and Political Ambition relies on policy-oriented journals and papers, historical and serious journalistic works, and the best materials available on the Internet. To help students with review, each chapter includes key terms in bold print, which are listed at the end of each chapter. A glossary is included at the back of the book. Chapters end with a recurring feature that highlights how rational political ambition theory intersects with the material under discussion.

    Resources for instructors can be found at college.cqpress.com/instructors-resources/Ray. These include 350 multiple-choice questions; short-answer and long-answer questions loaded in Respondus test generation software (a format compatible with most course management systems, including Blackboard); a set of PowerPoint lecture slides for each chapter; and all of the graphics (including the maps) from the text.

    Acknowledgments

    The primary academic inspiration for this book is Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and his coauthors in The Logic of Political Survival (2003). Many of the ideas in that book have surfaced in discussions and correspondence I have had with Bruce going back to the 1970s. J. David Singer was my faculty mentor in graduate school. His influence has been so pervasive in all of my written work for so long that even I have lost track of some of the manifestations of that impact. Christina Cliff, University of Idaho; David Fisk, University of California, San Diego; Peter Furia, University of Virginia; Tad Kugler, Roger Williams University; and Inyeop Lee, University of Georgia reviewed a draft of this edition and provided penetrating and useful advice to which I should have adhered, probably, with even more consistency than I did. Students in all of my courses, which have now spread out over 40 years, have taught me a lot about politics, political science, and how students view the world. By now, many of those classes have focused on American foreign policy and have relied on the first edition of this book. Brenda Carter and Charisse Kiino were key players in the process that led me to write the first edition of this book. Elise Frasier was the editor for the second edition during much of its gestation process. Nancy Loh became the editor during this project's crucial culminating stages. Rachel Keith, copyeditor, and Libby Larson, project editor, were also instrumental in the production of the second edition. Finally, my wife, Cameron, and my children, Katherine, Justin, Alex, and Nicholas, provide crucial support to my academic ventures.

    About the Author

    James Lee Ray received a BA from Ohio State and a PhD from the University of Michigan. He has held positions at SUNY-Fredonia, the University of New Mexico, Florida State University, and, currently Vanderbilt University. His research and writing have focused on international conflict, most recently on the relationship of democracy to conflict. Ray was president of the Peace Science Society (International) in 2001–2002. His introductory text on international relations has been published in ten editions since 1979.

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    Yoo John. 2003. “International Law and the War in Iraq.” American Journal of International Law 97: 56376.
    “Young America's News Source: Jon Stewart.” 2004. CNN.com. Retrieved May 9, 2005 (www.cnn.com/2004/SHOWBIZ/TV/03/02/apontv.stewarts.stature.ap/).
    Young D.Lindley. 2005. “Accountability: The Iraq War was Illegal—No Imminent ‘Threat.’” Modern Tribune: Online Edition, January 14. Retrieved August 23, 2005 (www.themoderntribune.net/iraq_war_violating_the_war_powers_act.htm).
    Zaller John R. 1992. The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
    Zhang Hui. 2012. “The Defensive Nature of China's ‘Underground Great Wall.” Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, January 16. Retrieved June 29, 2012 (http://www.thebulletin.org/web-edition/features/the-defensive-nature-of-chinas-underground-great-wall).

    Glossary

    accommodationists

    See doves. (Chapter 7)

    Africa's First World War

    In August 1998, Rwandan forces, soon followed by forces from Uganda, invaded the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The conflict escalated until no fewer than six outside states had some 35,000 troops involved in the military action within the DRC. (Chapter 10)

    Afrikaners

    Dutch emigrants who in the seventeenth century began to settle in what would become South Africa. Ultimately, conflict between these immigrants from the Netherlands and immigrants from the United Kingdom led to the Boer War in 1899. (Chapter 10)

    al-Fatah

    An organization of Palestinian militants with the principle goal of establishing a state for Palestinian Arabs. Founded in 1959 by Yasser Arafat and others, it became the leading political organization among Palestinians after the war in 1967 against the Israelis. It is the most important faction within the Palestine Liberation Organization and is currently in control of the Palestine National Authority on the West Bank. (Chapter 12)

    al-Qaeda

    A transnational group of militants devoted to radical Islamic causes, founded and headed (until his death) by Osama bin Laden. From a base of operations in Afghanistan, it inspired and organized the September 11, 2001, attacks on the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. (Chapter 13)

    Alliance for Progress

    An initiative launched by President John Kennedy in 1961 to support progressive democrats and economic development in Latin America and based on foreign aid and private investment as well as cooperation with Latin American states. It met firm resistance in Latin America, exemplified by a string of antidemocratic military coups throughout the region; in addition, the foreign aid was “tied” to the purchases of goods and services from the United States in a manner evoking some resentment. It came to an end in the 1970s, largely regarded as a failure. (Chapter 9)

    American Colonization Society

    Founded in 1816 by Bushrod Washington, this society established a colony in Liberia, on the coast of West Africa, in 1820 and transported free black people there in an effort to remove them from the United States. The society closely controlled the development of Liberia until 1847, when the nation was declared an independent republic. (Chapter 10)

    apartheid

    A policy of racial segregation, particularly in South Africa. (Chapter 10)

    Arab League

    An international organization of independent Arab states formed in 1945 to promote cultural, economic, military, political, and social cooperation. (Chapter 12)

    Arab Spring

    Antigovernment, antiestablishment political unrest starting in Tunisia in 2010 and spreading quickly to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria, and elsewhere. Western analysts originally hoped it would primarily be a pro-democracy movement, but so far it has redounded more to the benefit of Islamist elements whose commitment to (or conception of) democracy seems likely to disappoint most of those analysts. (Chapter 12)

    Article 5 of the NATO treaty

    The key article in the NATO treaty, committing the members to treat an invasion of any one of them as an attack on all of them, and leading to cooperative action among the members to retaliate against such an attack. (Chapter 8)

    Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)

    A forum established in 1989 to facilitate economic growth, cooperation, trade, and investment in the Asia-Pacific region. (Chapter 11)

    Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN)

    A political, economic, and cultural organization of countries located in Southeast Asia. Founded in 1967, its aim is to foster cooperation and mutual assistance among members. (Chapter 11)

    Awakening

    A movement originating in 2005 or 2006 among Sunnis in Al Anbar Province during the Iraq war, funded by the Americans and credited with impeding the progress of and weakening al-Qaeda and like-minded groups as well as with creating some measure of stability in that province. (Chapter 14)

    Balfour Declaration

    The commitment contained in a November 1917 letter from British foreign secretary Arthur Balfour to a leader of the Jewish community in Britain expressing the support of the British government for the creation of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. (Chapter 12)

    Bay of Pigs

    The site of a failed 1961 attempt, during John F. Kennedy's presidency, at a U.S.-backed invasion by Cuban exiles intent on overthrowing Fidel Castro; the site is at a beach near Havana called Playa Girón. (Chapter 9)

    Boxer Rebellion

    An uprising against Western commercial and political influence in China during the final years of the nineteenth century. By August 1900, more than 230 foreigners, thousands of Chinese Christians, an unknown numbers of rebels, their sympathizers, and other Chinese had been killed in the revolt and its suppression. (Chapter 11)

    Brezhnev Doctrine

    A Soviet Cold War policy aimed at preventing socialist states from being subverted by capitalist forces, with military intervention if necessary. It was announced after the unrest in and the Soviet response to Czechoslovakia in 1968. (Chapter 11)

    Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)

    One of many government bureaus engaged in foreign intelligence generation and interpretation. It was recently put under the authority of the director of national intelligence. (Chapter 6)

    climate change

    The climate of the earth is always changing. Recently, (over the last 100 or 200 years), it has been getting warmer. The predominant theory is that this warming is caused in important part by human activities, particularly emissions of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. Such warming could cause, and may already be causing, extreme weather events, such as droughts and stronger hurricanes, so there are numerous local, national and international coordinated political and economic efforts to mitigate this climate change, and avoid some of its projected harmful effects. (Chapter 15)

    CNN effect

    The alleged ability of the news media to motivate the U.S. government to engage in foreign policy initiatives. (Chapter 7)

    Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA)

    A transitional governing authority in Iraq established after the Bush administration became concerned about a lack of progress under the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance (ORHA), the original transitional authority. The CPA replaced ORHA in June 2003 and was headed by L. Paul Bremer, who replaced Jay Garner as the head of reconstruction efforts in Iraq. The CPA lasted 13 months, during which, according to most analysts, the situation in Iraq deteriorated from the American point of view. (Chapter 14)

    Cold War

    The half century of competition and conflict after World War II between the United States and the Soviet Union (and its allies). (Chapter 4)

    Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act

    A U.S. act that severely limited American trade with and foreign investment in South Africa in response to its government-launched military raids against the headquarters of the African National Congress in Botswana, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. (Chapter 10)

    constructive engagement

    A policy toward South Africa adopted by the Reagan administration with the goal of bringing about political reform that would end the apartheid regime. It was based on supportive interactions and friendly encouragement rather than the hostile policies and pressures advocated by most vigorous opponents to apartheid in South Africa. (Chapter 10)

    constructivism

    An antiestablishment approach to foreign policy and international politics affirming that there is no automatic link between the anarchical international system and national policies that seek power and security through the traditional policies of arms buildups, military alliances, and, if necessary, military action. Rather, states, and their leaders develop interpretations about the meaning of anarchy in the course of interactions with each other. (Chapter 2)

    containment

    A foreign policy approach for dealing with the threat from the Soviet Union, formulated at least in part by George Kennan in the late 1940s. It called for the United States to resist expansionist moves by the Soviets wherever and whenever they were attempted in the hope that after a time the Soviet Union would mellow and become more acceptant of the international status quo. (Chapter 4)

    critical theory

    A theory arguing that the orthodox theories of foreign policy and international politics are products of, and serve the interests of, currently predominant states and their rulers. (Chapter 2)

    Cuban American National Foundation

    An interest group formed by Cuban exiles in Florida determined to end the Castro regime in Cuba and influence American foreign policy in such a way as to help achieve that goal. (Chapter 9)

    Cuban missile crisis

    A crisis ostensibly provoked by a secret attempt by the Soviet Union to place nuclear-tipped missiles in Cuba in 1962 and the discovery of those missiles by the United States while they were still in the process of being deployed in and transported to Cuba. The Soviet Union may well have been motivated to put those missiles in Cuba by credible evidence that President Kennedy did in fact plan a U.S. invasion to depose Castro, at least in part for domestic political reasons. (Chapter 9)

    Dayton Peace Accords

    A peace treaty sponsored by the United States and negotiated in Dayton, Ohio, that brought the three-and-a-half-year-long military conflict in Bosnia (the former Yugoslav Republic) to an end. The key parties to the agreement were the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (consisting mostly of the former republic of Serbia), Croatia, and Bosnia. (Chapter 8)

    de-Ba'athification

    A 2003 policy adopted by the transitional governing authority in postwar Iraq, headed by Americans, that excluded members of the ruling party in Saddam Hussein's regime from governing roles in postwar Iraq. Most analysts agree that the policy was applied too broadly and made an important contribution to political instability in Iraq after the initial invasion by the United States and its allies deposed the Hussein regime. (Chapter 14)

    Department of Defense

    The executive department charged with managing the country's military personnel, equipment, and operations. (Chapter 6)

    Department of Homeland Security

    A U.S. department created by the Homeland Security Act of 2002 and placed under the authority of the director of national intelligence. Its stated mission is to prevent terrorist attacks within the United States, reduce the vulnerability of the United States to terrorism, and minimize the damage of, and assist in the recovery from, terrorist attacks that do occur within the United States. (Chapter 6)

    Department of State

    The department that coordinates the large number of agencies within the U.S. government that become involved in the development and implementation of U.S. foreign policy, manages the foreign affairs budget, oversees all U.S. embassies and consulates abroad, conducts international negotiations, and concludes agreements and treaties on a range of issues, from international trade to nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. (Chapter 6)

    dependency theorist

    Someone who claims that less-developed countries are poor because they are exploited by developed countries through international trade and investment. (Chapter 2)

    doves

    People who believe that the foreign policy of the United States should focus more consistently on cooperation, conciliation, and compromise. (Chapter 7)

    encirclement

    The military term for a situation in which one state is isolated and surrounded by several other antagonistic states. For instance, Germany in 1914 with Russia to the east and the powerful French and British to the west felt it needed to “defend” itself before enemies in all directions became too powerful to be dealt with successfully. (Chapter 11)

    European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC)

    A group that combined the separate coal and steel markets of France and Germany—and those of other nations if they wished to join—under a political authority that would monitor and supervise the market once tariffs and quotas had been eliminated. It became the foundation for the European Union and initially included France, Germany, Italy, and the Benelux nations. (Chapter 8)

    European Community

    Established by the Treaty of Maastricht (1992), this was the first of three pillars of the European Union. It was called the Community (or Communities) Pillar and established qualified majority voting. (Chapter 8)

    European Defense Force (EDF)

    A proposal for an integrated European military force comprising the members of the ECSC. (Chapter 8)

    European Economic Community (EEC)

    Created in 1957 by the Treaty of Rome, the EEC created a customs union throughout Europe known as the Common Market. (Chapter 8)

    European Union

    An intergovernmental and supranational organization that in 1993 superseded the various institutions of the European Communities to which most European democracies belong. (Chapter 8)

    executive agreements

    U.S. agreements with the governments of foreign countries made without submitting the documents for Senate approval, avoiding the constitutionally specified role of the Senate to provide advice and consent with a two-thirds majority for ratification. (Chapter 5)

    failed states

    States characterized by large areas of anarchy and political disorder resulting from their national government's inability to maintain order or provide even minimal services to their citizens. (Chapter 10)

    feminist

    Advocate for and source of antiestablishment theoretical approaches to foreign policies and international politics stemming from individual beliefs in regard to gender, sexuality, and the rights of women. (Chapter 2)

    foreign policy

    The decisions of governments that are designed to influence how they relate to individuals, groups, and nations outside their own borders. (Chapter 1)

    Founding Act

    An agreement signed in 1997 between NATO and Russia providing a plan for future cooperation. The agreement stipulates that the two sides do not see each other as adversaries and that they are both committed to creating last peace in the Euro-Atlantic area. (Chapter 8)

    Four Modernizations

    Goals adopted by Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in 1978 that called for modernizing China in the areas of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. Deng's leadership was an important element in the rise of China and its emergence as the second-largest economy in the world over the last 35 years. (Chapter 11)

    genocide

    The archetypal example of genocide is the systematic killing of 6 million Jews by the Nazis during World War II. Generally it refers to an effort, usually by a government, to destroy or eliminate people of some racial, ethnic, or religious group. (Chapter 10)

    glasnost

    A term used to describe the policy by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev calling for greater transparency and accountability, perhaps even democracy, in the Soviet political system. (Chapter 4)

    global warming

    A type of global climate change said to be caused by increased levels of carbon dioxide in the earth's atmosphere, which in turn is traceable to human activities, particularly the burning of fossil fuels for transportation, industrial, or agricultural purposes. (Chapter 15)

    globalization

    The increasingly interdependent status of national economies. (Chapter 2)

    Goldwater-Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization Act of 1986

    A legislative initiative created to overcome what critics saw as the debilitating effects of competition for resources and influence among the several branches of the military. The act centered the duty to provide military advice to the president in the hands of the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, making all the branches of the military responsible to a single commander within specific regions or responsible for different functions, such as transportation, space, or special operations. (Chapter 6)

    Good Neighbor policy

    The policy promulgated by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in relation to Latin America from 1933 to 1945, which moderated the active U.S. intervention of previous decades in pursuit of hemispheric solidarity against external threats. (Chapter 9)

    grand coalition

    A coalition consisting of almost all states against no really formidable opponents. (Chapter 4)

    Great Leap Forward

    A 1958 domestic economic reform campaign in China launched by Mao Zedong and based on agricultural communes and backyard iron-smelting operations. Ultimately, it was a tremendous disaster that led to economic turmoil and starvation. (Chapter 11)

    great power politics

    Interactions among the largest, most important, and most powerful states in the international system that focus on matters of security, distribution of wealth, interstate conflict, and war. (Chapter 1)

    Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution

    A movement spearheaded by Chinese leader Mao Zedong and initiated in 1966 that was intended to eliminate the subversion of the socialist revolution by capitalist elements and antirevolutionary forces throughout the government and the broader society. The upheaval lasted about 10 years. Its implicit purpose may have been to solidify Mao's hold on power, challenged as it was by the impact of the Great Leap Forward in the late 1950s, which led to the most lethal famine in the history of the world. (Chapter 11)

    Gulf of Tonkin resolution

    A 1964 congressional resolution that authorized President Lyndon Johnson to “take all necessary measures” to protect U.S. forces in Vietnam in the wake of the alleged attack on American ships by the North Vietnamese. (Chapter 4)

    Hamas

    A Palestinian Islamist militant organization, closely related to the Muslim Brotherhood, that has the stated goal of conquering all of the State of Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza, including any secular Palestinian state that may come into formal existence, and replace it with an Islamic theocracy. (Chapter 12)

    hard-liners

    See hawks. (Chapter 7)

    hawks

    People who support an aggressive, militant foreign policy. (Chapter 7)

    Helms-Burton Act

    Legislation enacted in 1996 to strengthen the U.S. embargo against Cuba by extending its application to companies from third countries that traded with Cuba. (Chapter 9)

    Hezbollah

    A militant Shi'a Islamic group centered in Lebanon. It is supported by the Iranian government as well as Syria, has a substantial military force, and calls for destruction of the state of Israel. (Chapter 12)

    humanitarian intervention

    The use of military force against a state whose government is committing gross violations of human rights against its own citizens. In legal terms, if such interventions are authorized by the Security Council of the United Nations, they are less problematic. Nevertheless, in the view of many advocates of humanitarian interventions, the international community has a “responsibility to protect” (R2P) citizens of any state whose government violates their human rights in an extreme manner, even if the Security Council fails to respond to such situations. (Chapter 10)

    Hussein-McMahon Correspondence

    —A 1915–1916 exchange of letters between the Sharif of Mecca, Husayn bin Ali, and Sir Henry McMahon, British High Commissioner in Egypt, concerning the future political status of the Arab lands of the Middle East; the United Kingdom was seeking to bring about an armed revolt against the Ottoman Empire, a German ally during World War I. (Chapter 12)

    imperialism

    The policy of extending the rule or authority of one state over foreign countries, or of acquiring and holding colonies and dependencies. (Chapter 3)

    intelligence community

    The agencies and bureaus responsible for obtaining and interpreting information for the government. (Chapter 6)

    Inter-American Development Bank

    A regional economic organization established by President Eisenhower. It is the main source of multilateral financing for economic, social, and institutional development projects and trade and regional integration programs in Latin America and the Caribbean. (Chapter 9)

    Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty

    A treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union, signed in 1987, that called for the elimination on both sides of all nuclear-armed ballistic and cruise missiles with a range between 300 and 3,400 miles. It was the first nuclear arms control treaty that actually reduced the number of nuclear weapons on both sides rather than merely slowing down the increase in their numbers. (Chapter 8)

    internationalists

    People who hold the opinion that it is important for the nation to regularly play an active role on the stage of world affairs. (Chapter 7)

    Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate

    The intelligence service of Pakistan, often referred to simply as Inter-Services Intelligence. Before the attacks on 9/11, it had close ties to the Taliban in Pakistan, which it saw as a bulwark against Indian influence in Afghanistan. Probably its sympathy for the Taliban in Afghanistan has never been entirely expunged. (Chapter 13)

    interventionism

    A type of foreign policy based on active engagement in the affairs of other nations in an attempt to shape events in accordance with one's own nation's interests. (Chapter 3)

    Iran-Contra project

    Secret negotiations between the Reagan administration and the Iranian government that offered U.S. weapons in return for the Iranians’ help in securing the release of hostages then being held in Lebanon. It generated funds that were used to support the “contra” rebels in Nicaragua. (Chapter 12)

    isolationism

    The policy of not participating in or withdrawing from international affairs, especially as practiced by U.S. governments during the first half of the twentieth century. (Chapter 3)

    isolationists

    In the United States, voters and public officials who tend to be opposed to any foreign involvement by the United States. (Chapter 7)

    jihad

    Literally, “struggle” in Arabic. Often equated with “holy war” in English, but in Islam this is a broader term that can refer to physical conflict with “infidels,” or to a more spiritual striving. (Chapter 13)

    kleptocracy

    The outright theft of a nation's income by its leaders. (Chapter 10)

    Kuomintang

    Literally, the Chinese Nationalist Party. This was the party of Chiang Kai-shek, the Chinese leader during World War II. He eventually lost the struggle against Mao Zedong and the Communist party and fled to Taiwan. This is the ruling party in Taiwan today. (Chapter 11)

    Kyoto Protocol

    A formal international agreement involving some 37 countries, agreed to in 1997 and going into effect in 2005, to reduce the emissions of greenhouse gases. Neither the United States nor China signed the agreement, and Canada has withdrawn from it. It may have been a useful first step, but most analysts agree that it is not sufficient to make a significant reduction in the trend toward global warming. (Chapter 15)

    leftist

    A person who believes in and/or supports the tenets set forth by radicals. (Chapter 2)

    liberalism

    A theory of foreign policy and international politics based on beliefs regarding the beneficent impact of market forces and the virtues of democracy. (Chapter 2)

    Liberia

    A state in sub-Saharan Africa created by the United States, likely thought up by the American Colonization Society. More than 22,000 black Americans emigrated to this nascent country between 1821 and 1900. (Chapter 10)

    manifest destiny

    An ideology of expansion popularized as a campaign slogan, characterized by the belief that the huge portion of the North American continent ultimately designated the United States would inevitably emerge as one unified state as if through predetermination. (Chapter 3)

    Marshall Plan

    A 1947 program initiated by the United States, formally known as the European Recovery Program. It extended significant U.S. foreign aid to Europe after World War II. (Chapter 8)

    Marxist theory

    The basic idea, set forth by Karl Marx (1818–1883), that capitalism as a sociopolitical system had inherently self-destructive tendencies. Capitalism would therefore give birth to socialism, in which market forces would be brought under political control to the benefit of everyone in the society except the small minority of capitalists. (Chapter 2)

    minimum winning coalition

    A coalition that is just big enough to win, but no larger. (Chapter 4)

    Missouri Compromise

    This 1820 agreement established the precedent stipulating that slavery would be prohibited in the remainder of the Louisiana Purchase north of 36°30′ latitude. (Chapter 10)

    Monroe Doctrine

    An 1823 declaration to Congress by President Monroe warning the European community against any intervention in the Western Hemisphere. This declaration was a clear anticolonialist message to the European nations, and it served as an initial expression of the U.S. intention to achieve regional hegemony. (Chapter 3)

    moral hazard

    As Kuperman (2004: 68) explains, “each instance of humanitarian intervention raises expectations of further interventions and thus encourages additional armed challenges that may provoke still more genocidal retaliation—further overwhelming the international capacity for intervention.” In general, a moral hazard is the risk that steps taken to alleviate unfortunate situations will increase the probability that such unfortunate situations will occur. (Chapter 10)

    mujahideen

    In Arabic, or in Islam, mujahideen are those (plural) involved in jihad, or “struggle” or “holy war.” Mujahideen were key players in the anti-Soviet war in Afghanistan in the 1980s and received substantial U.S. aid from the CIA as well as aid from Saudi Arabia and China. (Chapter 13)

    national interest

    The set of objectives that enhances the welfare of the state. Usually the national interest is thought of in terms of protecting sovereignty, maximizing security or power, and improving national wealth. When two or more issues are linked together, there may be many conflicting views of the national interest. (Chapter 2)

    National Security Council (NSC)

    In the United States, the principal forum for the consideration of national security and foreign policy matters, established by the National Security Act of 1947. It advises and assists the president in formulating policies to deal with those matters and to coordinate the implementation of those policies by the multiple governmental agencies that become involved in the foreign policy process. (Chapter 6)

    National Security Group on Afghanistan and Pakistan

    A somewhat ad hoc group that President Obama assembled for multiple meetings in 2009 to decide what the Obama administration would do about the situation in Afghanistan. In the end, it helped President Obama decide to launch a “surge” of American troops in Afghanistan rather analogous to the surge President Bush authorized during the Iraq war. (Chapter 14)

    nation-building

    The process by which an external government, intergovernmental organization, or nongovernmental organization attempts to create the conditions necessary for a nation to gain internal cohesion and solidarity. (Chapter 10)

    neoconservatism

    A U.S. foreign policy perspective holding that the nation should freely use its immense power to change the world order in ways that reflect U.S. economic and political principles. (Chapter 2)

    neorealism

    A theory of international relations emphasizing the impact of the anarchic character of the international system, the resulting requirement for states to seek security, and the great importance of the distribution of power in the international system to an understanding of international interactions. (Chapter 2)

    new imperialism

    Europe's 1884 partitioning of Africa among various nations. The whole of the continent was allocated to European control with the exceptions of Liberia and Ethiopia. (Chapter 10)

    North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)

    A multilateral agreement among Canada, Mexico, and the United States, initiated in 1994, that eliminated various barriers to trade and investment among those three states. (Chapter 9)

    North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)

    A multinational organization formed in 1949 to promote the Cold War defense of Europe from the Communist Bloc. (Chapter 8)

    Northern Alliance

    A coalition formed in Afghanistan in 1996 and made up mostly of Tajiks, but also Uzbeks and some Pashtuns. When the United States invaded Afghanistan after the attacks of September 11, 2001, it relied on the Northern Alliance to provide assistance to its efforts to depose the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. These efforts quickly succeeded, largely because of the contributions of the Northern Alliance. (Chapter 13)

    offensive realism

    A perspective that holds that “states that achieve regional hegemony seek to prevent great powers in other regions from duplicating their feat. Regional hegemons, in other words, do not want peers” (Mearsheimer 2001a: 41). (Chapter 10)

    Olney Corollary

    Predating the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, Secretary of State Richard Olney's affirmation that “[the United States'] infinite resources combined with its isolated position render it master of the situation and practically invulnerable as against any and all other powers.” This reasoning was used as justification for U.S. regional hegemony. (Chapter 9)

    Open Door policy

    —A policy adopted by the U.S. government in 1899 that called for free trade access to China and discouraged other trading states from dividing China into spheres of influence. (Chapter 11)

    Operation Enduring Freedom

    The official name adopted by the United States government and military forces for the military operations in Afghanistan against al-Qaeda forces and the Taliban regime subsequent to the attacks by al-Qaeda against the United States on September 11, 2001. (Chapter 13)

    Operation Pan America

    A policy instituted to inaugurate a new era of political and economic cooperation between the United States and its Latin American neighbors. (Chapter 9)

    Organization of American States (OAS)

    A hemispheric alliance; arguably the world's first and oldest regional international organization. Its charter was adopted at the Ninth International Conference of American States held in Bogota, Colombia, in 1948. The charter, stating Latin American nations’ desire “to achieve an order of peace and justice, to promote their solidarity, to strengthen their collaboration, and to defend their sovereignty, their territorial integrity, and their independence,” reflects the determination of the Latin American states to restrain the United States from taking advantage of its superior military (as well as economic) power in its relations with its neighbors to the south. (Chapter 9)

    Oslo Accords

    A series of agreements reached in 1993 between the Palestinian Authority and Israel that called for Israel to withdraw troops from Gaza and areas of the West Bank and for Israel and the PLO to recognize one another. (Chapter 12)

    Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)

    A political and paramilitary organization of Palestinian Arabs dedicated to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. (Chapter 12)

    Panama Canal Zone

    The 553-square-mile territory inside Panama that consists of the Panama Canal and an area generally extending five miles on each side of the centerline. It was controlled from 1903 to 1979 by the United States, which built and financed the construction of the canal. (Chapter 9)

    Partnership for Peace (PFP)

    A NATO auxiliary that provides for mutual consultations and the sharing of resources among its members, as well as possible future NATO membership. (Chapter 8)

    peaceful coexistence

    A Soviet doctrine emphasizing the possibility of peaceful relations between socialist and capitalist states and purporting that war—particularly nuclear—could be avoided while the ideologically opposed nations continued to compete politically and economically. (Chapter 11)

    perestroika

    Efforts at political reform, or “opening” in the Soviet Union under Premier Mikhail Gorbachev. (Chapter 4)

    Platt Amendment

    An amendment offered as a “rider” to an army appropriation bill in 1901 and then incorporated into a treaty with Cuba in 1903. It stipulated the conditions for the withdrawal of U.S. troops that had remained in Cuba since the Spanish-American War and defined the terms of Cuban-U.S. relations until 1934. (Chapter 9)

    poliheuristic

    A two-step approach to foreign policy decision making wherein leaders, having eliminated all options that seem too risky to their own individual political futures, then choose among the remaining alternatives according to each option's perceived relationship to the national interest. (Chapter 2)

    postmodernists

    Those who attempt to read between the lines of political, cultural, and social debates in order to uncover their deeper meanings. (Chapter 2)

    power transition theory

    A theory of great power wars based on the idea that war is most likely when a challenger rises in power to equal and overtake the dominant state. This theory focuses on which powers have the authority to set the rules and norms of international interactions. (Chapter 11)

    preemptive war

    A war launched in anticipation of an imminent attack by one's enemy in order to deprive that enemy of whatever advantage the offense may have in the subsequent military conflict. A preventive war, in contrast, is launched in anticipation of some attack by one's potential enemy sometime in the future. The Bush administration made a fairly obvious attempt to obscure this distinction when it promulgated the Bush Doctrine, claiming for the United States a legal right to launch preemptive war, by which it actually meant, as became obvious in the case of Iraq in 2003, a preventive war. (Chapter 12)

    public opinion

    The beliefs or attitudes of the population of a state in the aggregate. The term is sometimes used to refer to beliefs or preferences of any group or groups within the population. Discourse would be facilitated if public opinion were a term reserved for beliefs held by more than 50 percent of the population. (Chapter 7)

    radical

    An analyst or advocate who believes that market forces have mostly unjust impacts and that the only effective manner of alleviating these impacts is to bring them under political control. (Chapter 2)

    rally round the flag effect

    The idea that the public will support almost any forceful, even military, action that a president undertakes, at least in the immediate aftermath of a military crisis. It is generally attributed to a patriotic sense among citizens that national unity must be maintained in times of crisis. (Chapter 7)

    Rape of Nanjing

    A phrase that refers to what many historians recognize as widespread atrocities including rape, looting, arson, and the murder of an estimated 300,000 non-enemy combatants by the Japanese army in and around Nanking (now Nanjing), China, after the capital's fall to the Japanese army in 1937. (Chapter 11)

    rational political ambition theory

    A theory of decision making that considers the effects of both external and internal political competitors on leaders. It stems from the basic assumption that leaders want to stay in power and will make decisions perceived to be most consistent with this aim. (Chapters 1 and 2)

    Reagan Doctrine

    A policy that called for active efforts to subvert Communist or leftist regimes, replacing the more passive policy of “containment” that had merely tried to combat the spread of communism to new areas and countries. (Chapter 6)

    realism

    A decision making theory positing that policy makers base their choices on what is best for the states they lead, defined in terms of power. See also national interest. (Chapter 2)

    rollback strategy

    In its earliest stages, the Cold War strategy of the United States was based on the idea of “containment,” or efforts to resist Soviet expansion wherever and whenever they might appear. During the presidential campaign of 1952, the Republican Party position was that this strategy was too passive, and that instead the United States should adopt as a goal the diminution of the Soviet empire, for example, in Eastern Europe. This became known as the rollback (as opposed to the containment) strategy. (Chapter 4)

    Roosevelt Corollary

    President Theodore Roosevelt's 1904 expansion of the Monroe Doctrine that proclaimed that the United States had authority to act as an “international police power” outside its borders in order to maintain stability in the Western Hemisphere. (Chapter 3)

    selectorate

    The group of people within any political system who choose the government's leadership and from whom members of the winning coalition can potentially be recruited. (Chapter 2)

    sharia law

    A legal code for Islamic societies based on the Koran or examples provided by Muhammad. It tends to vary across different Islamic societies, meaning that in practice it is considered, at one and the same time, to be infallible but varying. (Chapter 13)

    Single European Act

    An agreement that constituted a substantial step toward greater integration in the European Community. It went into effect on 1987 with the aim of creating a single market by 1992. One indication of its success is that in 1993, the European Community adopted the “European Union” as its official name. (Chapter 8)

    Sino-Japanese War

    Conflict between China and Japan that began in 1937 and resulted in the deaths of 1 million military personnel (250,000 Japanese and 750,000 Chinese). The war ended on December 7, 1941, when, according to at least one authoritative data set, it became part of World War II. (Chapter 11)

    size principle

    A principle asserting that, in a variety of social and political settings, “participants create coalitions that are just as large as they believe will ensure winning and no larger” (Riker 1962: 32–33). (Chapter 4)

    Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act

    A protectionist tariff law passed by Herbert Hoover in the wake of the stock market crash of 1929 and the onset of the Great Depression. It was considered a significant catalyst in the ensuing tariff wars of the interwar period. (Chapter 5)

    special economic zones

    Geographical regions that have economic laws different from a country's typical economic laws; usually the goal is an increase in foreign investment. Special economic zones have been established in several countries, including the People's Republic of China, India, Jordan, Poland, Kazakhstan, the Philippines, and Russia. North Korea also has attempted this to a degree. (Chapter 11)

    sphere of influence

    The set of countries whose foreign (and perhaps domestic) policies are dominated or even determined by a foreign power. (Chapter 3)

    states

    The only political entities endowed with the sovereign authority and the absolute right to use force to enforce agreements or contracts within their borders and to protect the actions within their borders from external threats or incursions. (Chapter 1)

    Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT I)

    An essential feature of “détente” between the Soviet Union and the United States in the early 1970s, this treaty put a cap on the number of strategic missiles that could be maintained on each side while allowing for added submarine-launched ballistic missiles only to the extent that land-based missiles and older sea-based missiles were dismantled. (Chapter 11)

    Sykes-Picot Agreement

    A 1916 agreement between France and Britain (as well as Russia) during World War I looking forward to the division of the Middle East into spheres of influence between France and the United Kingdom. The Russian Revolution brought to power a Communist government that openly revealed the contents of the Treaty. Britain was assigned control of Palestine, Jordan, and southern Iraq, while France was given control of southeastern Turkey, northern Iraq, Syria and Lebanon. (Chapter 12)

    Taiwan Relations Act of 1979

    A quasi-treaty of alliance between the United States and the pseudo-state of Taiwan that asserts that any attempt to forcefully change Taiwan's political status will be of grave concern to the United States and commits the United States to providing sufficient armaments to Taiwan to allow it to maintain its independence (which the United States, of course, does not officially recognize). (Chapter 11)

    Taliban

    An Islamic fundamentalist faction that took over control of Afghanistan in the 1990s. It was in power when al-Qaeda established a base there and sponsored the attacks of September 11, 2001, against the United States. The U.S.-led invasion (assisted by NATO) after those attacks soon removed the Taliban from power, but they are still a force to be reckoned with. They enforce sharia law in a zealous fashion, especially for females. (Chapter 13)

    Teller Amendment

    An 1898 agreement pledging that the United States would not annex Cuba. (Chapter 9)

    Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance

    The 1950 agreement between Mao Zedong of the People's Republic of China and Joseph Stalin of the Soviet Union. (Chapter 11)

    Treaty of Ghent

    The treaty that brought the War of 1812 to an end; the United States pledged to cooperate with Great Britain in the suppression of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. (Chapter 10)

    treaty ratification

    A constitutional provision that requires a two-thirds majority of Senate approval. (Chapter 5)

    Truman Doctrine

    A public declaration by President Truman in 1947 committing the United States to the defense of Greece and Turkey from subversive Communist elements and forces. It soon became a generalized policy of defending any target of Soviet expansion and is typically regarded as the start of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. (Chapter 4)

    two-level game

    A concept developed by political scientist Robert Putnam to provide insight into the necessity for political leaders to engage simultaneously in two “games” (that is, strategic political interactions), one with their competitors for power in the domestic political system they lead and one with their counterparts who lead other states with whom they interact. The concept highlights the extent to which the two games influence each other. (Chapter 9)

    United Arab Republic

    A political union, inspired primarily by Egyptian leader Gamal Abdul Nasser, between Egypt and Syria, beginning in 1958. It came to an end in 1961, thus seriously damaging Nasser's campaign to unite the entire Arab World under his leadership (Chapter 12)

    United Fruit Company (UF)

    An especially active American corporation in Central and South America in the 1950s and the 1960s that developed the export of bananas from the region. It had large holdings in Guatemala in the 1950s when much of its land was expropriated by the Guatemalan government. That government was soon deposed by an invasion of exiles organized by the Central Intelligence Agency. The secretary of State, the head of the CIA, and the U.S. Ambassador to the UN all had past ties to the United Fruit Company when that invasion took place, but according to the U.S. government it was precipitated by a Communist threat to take over in Guatemala. (Chapter 9)

    United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP)

    A UN committee organized in 1947 to resolve the dispute of rightful ownership of Palestine between the Jews and Arabs. (Chapter 12)

    War Powers Resolution

    A legislative measure approved by Congress in 1973 that requires presidents to inform Congress of military actions they have authorized so that troops may be ordered home after 60 days if a majority of legislators oppose the deployments. This resolution is rarely invoked and routinely dismissed by presidents as unconstitutional. (Chapter 5)

    wars of national liberation

    Conflicts fought by indigenous military groups against an imperial power in the name of self-determination. (Chapter 12)

    Washington Consensus

    A shared understanding among industrialized countries regarding the development strategies of smaller economies that emphasizes the developing nations’ need to promote private enterprise and open markets while restricting state intervention. (Chapter 9)

    winning coalition

    A group of individuals that controls sufficient resources to defeat rival combinations. (Chapter 2)

    Zionism

    An international political movement established in the late nineteenth century that supported the establishment of a homeland for the Jewish people in the land of Israel, a goal achieved in 1948. (Chapter 12)

    For Further Research

    Online Resources
    Government

    Central Intelligence Agency. https://www.cia.gov/

    Congressional Budget Office. www.cbo.gov/

    Department of Defense. www.defenselink.mil/

    Department of Homeland Security. www.dhs.gov/index.shtm

    Department of State. www.state.gov/

    National Security Council. www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/

    United States House of Representatives. www.house.gov/

    United States Senate. www.senate.gov/

    White House. www.whitehouse.gov/

    Interest Groups and Nongovernmental Organizations

    American Enterprise Institute. www.aei.org/

    American Friends Service Committee. www.afsc.org/

    American Israel Public Affairs Committee. www.aipac.org/

    Amnesty International. www.amnesty.org/

    Brookings Institution. www.brook.edu/

    Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. www.carnegieendowment.org/

    Council on Foreign Relations. www.cfr.org

    Cuban American National Foundation. www.canf.org/

    Freedom House. www.freedomhouse.org/

    Greenpeace. www.greenpeace.org/usa/

    Heritage Foundation. www.heritage.org/

    Human Rights Watch. www.hrw.org/

    International Committee of the Red Cross. www.icrc.org/

    National Council of Churches. www.ncccusa.org/

    Presidential Addresses or Official Publications
    Bush George W. 2002a. “The President's State of the Union Address.” January 29. www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/01/20020129–11.html.
    Bush George W. 2002b. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America. www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.
    Obama Barack H. 2013. “Remarks by the President in the State of the Union Address.” February 12. www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2013/02/12/remarks-president-state-union-address.
    Obama Barack H. 2002c. “President's Remarks at the United Nations General Assembly.” September 12. www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/09/20020912–1.html.
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    Cold War
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    Kindleberger Charles P. 1986. “Hierarchy versus Inertial Cooperation.” International Organization 40: 841847.
    Mead Walter Russell. 1990. “On the Road to Ruin: Winning the Cold War, Losing the Economic Peace.” Harper's 280: 5964.
    Servan-Schreiber, Jean-Jacques. 1968. The American Challenge. Translated by Ronald Steel. New York: Atheneum.
    Strange Susan. 1996. The Retreat of the State: The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy. New York: Cambridge University Press.
    Wallerstein Immanuel. 1983. “Three Instances of Hegemony in the History of the World Economy.” International Journal of Comparative Sociology 24: 100108.
    Weber Max. 1904, 1958. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. New York: Scribner's.
    Yergin Daniel. 1992. The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money, and Power. New York: Simon and Schuster.
    Environment
    Bueno de Mesquita Bruce. 2009. “Recipe for Failure.” Foreign Policy No. 175: 7681
    CBC News. 2006. “Canada Supports Six-Nation Climate Change Pact: Ambrose.” www.cbc.ca/story/canada/national/2006/04/25/ambrose060425.html.
    Clark Ianet al. 2006. “Sixty Scientists Call on Harper to Revisit the Science of Global Warming.” Open Letter to Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper. April 15. www.citizenreviewonline.org/apri12006/15/warming.html.
    Crichton Michael. 2004. State of Fear. New York: Avon Books.
    Harris Tom. 2006. “Scientists Respond to Gore's Warnings of Climate Catastrophe.” Canadafreepress.com, June 12. www.canadafreepress.com/2006/harris061206.htm.
    Levi Michael. 2012. “Think Again: The American Energy Boom.” Foreign Policy No. 194: 5559.
    Lomborg Bjorn. 2012. “Environmental Alarmism: Then and Now.” Foreign Affairs 91: 2440.
    Saunders Paul J., and Vaughan C. Turekian. 2006. “Warming to Climate Change.” National Interest 84: 7884.
    Europe
    Baker Gerard. 2003. “Does the United States Have a European Policy?” National Interest 74: 3742.
    Bernstein Carl. 1992. “The Holy Alliance.” Time, February 24.
    Cimbalo Jeffrey L. 2004. “Saving NATO from Europe.” Foreign Affairs 83: 111120.
    Cohen-Tanugi, Laurent. 2005. “The End of Europe?” Foreign Affairs 84: 5567.
    Deutsch Karl W.et al. 1966. “Political Community and the North Atlantic Area: International Organization in Light of Historical Experience.” In International Political Communities: An Anthology. Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books.
    Erlanger Steven. 2002. “Europe Seethes as the U.S. Flies Solo in World Affairs.” New York Times, February 23, A8.
    Falk Richard. 2003. “What Future for the UN Charter System of War Prevention?” American Journal of International Law 97: 590598.
    Fischer Conan. 2003. The Ruhr Crisis, 1923–1924. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Fischer Markus. 1992. “Feudal Europe, 800–1300: Communal Discourse and Conflictual Practices.” International Organization 46: 427466.
    Layne Christopher. 2003. “America as European Hegemon.” National Interest 72: 1729.
    Lewis Michael. 2011. “Greece's Budget Woes.” The Globe and Mail October 21. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/michael-lewis-on-greeces-budget-woes/article2210067/print/.
    Mearsheimer John J. 1990. “Back to the Future: Instability in Europe after the Cold War.” International Security 15: 556.
    Clifton Morgan T., and Christopher J. Anderson. 1999. “Domestic Support and Diversionary External Conflict in Great Britain, 1950–1992.” Journal of Politics 61: 799814.
    Nicolaidis Kalypso. 2004. “‘We, the Peoples of Europe …’” Foreign Affairs 83: 97110.
    Sbragia Alberta M. 1993. “Asymmetrical Integration in the European Community: The Single European Act and Institutional Development.” In The 1992 Project and the Future of Integration in Europe, edited by Smith Dale L., and Ray James Lee. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe.
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    Smith Dale L., and Ray. James Lee 1993. “European Integration: Gloomy Theory versus Rosy Reality.” In The 1992 Project and the Future of Integration in Europe, edited by Smith Dale L., and Ray James Lee. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe.
    Van Evera Stephen. 1990–1991. “Primed for Peace: Europe after the Cold War.” International Security 15: 757.
    Walt Stephen M. 1998/99. “The Ties That Fray: Why Europe and America Are Drifting Apart.” National Interest 54: 311.
    Genocide
    Anderson Scott. 2004. “How Did Darfur Happen?” New York Times Magazine, October 17, 5463.
    Caplan Gerald. 2004. “AfricaFiles: Rwanda Ten Years after the Genocide.” www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=4501.
    Girardet Edward, ed. 1995. Somalia, Rwanda and Beyond: The Role of the International Media in Wars and Humanitarian Crises. Geneva: Crosslines Global Report.
    Heilbrun Jacob. 2011. “Samantha and Her Subjects.” National Interest 113: 615.
    Rotberg Robert, and Weiss Thomas, eds. 1996. From Massacres to Genocide: The Media, Public Policy, and Humanitarian Crises. Cambridge, Mass.: World Peace Foundation.
    Media and Public Opinion
    Baum Matthew A. 2002. “Sex, Lies, and War: How Soft News Brings Foreign Policy to the Inattentive Public.” American Political Science Review 96: 91109.
    Cohen Bernard C. 1963. The Press and Foreign Policy: Principles, Problems, and Proposals for Reform. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.
    Dalton Russell J., Beck Paul A., and Huckfeldt Robert 1998. “Partisan Cues and the Media: Information Flows in the 1992 Presidential Election.” American Political Science Review 92: 111126.
    E&P Staff. 2004. “Pew Survey Finds Moderates, Liberals Dominate News Outlets.” Editor and Publisher, May 23.
    Groeling Tim, and Kernell Samuel 1998. “Is Network News Coverage of the President Biased?” Journal of Politics 60: 10631086.
    Holsti Ole R. 1992. “Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippmann Consensus.” International Studies Quarterly 36: 439466.
    Jentleson Bruce. 1992. “The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Post-Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force.” International Studies Quarterly 36: 4974.
    Jentleson Bruce, and Rebecca L. Britton. 1998. “Still Pretty Prudent: Post–Cold War American Public Opinion on the Use of Military Force.” Journal of Conflict Resolution 42: 395417.
    Knowlton Brian. 2006. “Global Image of the U.S. Is Worsening, Survey Finds.” New York Times, June 14.
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    Liptak Adam. 2010. “Justices, 5–4, Reject Corporate Spending Limit.” New York Times January 21. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/22/us/politics/22scotus.html?_r=1&ref=campaignfinance&pagewanted=print.
    Mueller John. 1973. War, Presidents and Public Opinion. New York: John Wiley.
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    Page Benjamin I., and Barabas Jason 2000. “Foreign Policy Gaps between Citizens and Leaders.” International Studies Quarterly 44: 339364.
    Page Benjamin I., and Robert Y. Shapiro. 1992. The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans’ Policy Preferences. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
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    Rieff David. 2006. “America the Untethered.” New York Times, July 2.
    Robinson Piers. 1999. “The CNN Effect: Can the News Media Drive Foreign Policy?” Review of International Studies 25: 301309.
    Russett Bruce. 1990. “Economic Decline, Electoral Pressure, and the Initiation of International Conflict.” In Prisoners of War? edited by Gochman Charles, and Sabrosky Alan. Lexington, Ky.: Lexington Books.
    Sobel Richard. 2001. The Impact of Public Opinion on U.S. Foreign Policy since Vietnam: Constraining the Colossus. New York: Oxford University Press.
    Soroka Stuart N. 2003. “Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy.” Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8: 2748.
    Winter James P. 1997. Democracy's Oxygen: How Corporations Control the News. Montreal: Black Rose.
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    Middle East
    Anderson Lisa. 2011. “Demystifying the Arab Spring.” Foreign Affairs 90: 27.
    Andres Richard B., Wills Craig, and Griffith Thomas E. Jr. 2005/06. “Winning with Allies: The Strategic Value of the Afghan Model.” International Security 30: 124160.
    Benson Michael T. 1997. Harry S. Truman and the Founding of Israel. Westport, Conn.: Praeger.
    Bin Laden Osama. 2002. “Statement: Jihad against Jews and Crusaders. (February 23, 1998).” In Anti-American Terrorism and the Middle East, edited by Rubin Barry, and Rubin Judith Colp. New York: Oxford University Press.
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    DeFranzo James. 2010. The Iraq War: Origins and Consequences. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
    Eldar Akiva. 2012. “Israel's New Politics and the Fate of Palestine.” National Interest No. 120: 515.
    Friedman Thomas L. 1995. From Beirut to Jerusalem. New York: Anchor Books.
    Hudson Michael. 1998. “The Historical Evolution of U.S. Involvement in the Middle East.” In The United States and Canada: Political Systems, Policy-making and the Middle East. Jerusalem: Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs.
    Jones Seth G. 2009. In the Graveyard of Empires: America's War in Afghanistan. New York: W. W. Norton and Company.
    Kayal Alawi D. 2002. The Control of Oil: East-West Rivalry in the Persian Gulf. London: Kegan Paul.
    Khouri Fred J. 1968. The Arab-Israeli Dilemma. Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press.
    Krauthammer Charles. 2006. “A Calamity for Israel.” Washington Post.com, January 6. www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/01/05/AR2006010501901.html.
    Lieven Anatol. 2006. “Bush's Middle East Democracy Flop.” Los Angeles Times, July 23.
    Lyall Jason, and III. Isaiah Wilson 2009 “Rage Against the Machines: Explaining Outcomes for Counterinsurgency Wars.” International Organization 63: 67106.
    Mearsheimer John, and Walt Stephen 2006a. “The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy.” Working Paper, March. http://ksgnotes1.harvard.edu/Research/wpaper.nsf/rwp/RWP06–011/$File/rwp_06_011_walt.pdf#search='Walt%20and%20Mearsheimer,%20The%20Israeli%20Lobby.’
    Mearsheimer John, and Walt Stephen 2006c. “Letters: The Israel Lobby.” London Review of Books 28(May 11).
    Nuruzzaman Mohammed. 2006. “Beyond the Realist Theories: ‘Neo-Conservative Realism’ and the American Invasion of Iraq.” International Studies Perspectives 7: 239253.
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    Packer George. 2005. The Assassin's Gate: America in Iraq. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux.
    Pelletiere Stephen. 2004. America's Oil Wars. New York: Praeger.
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    Rajaee Bahram. 2004. “War, Peace, and the Evolution of U.S. Policy in the Middle East.” In Security, Economics, and Morality in American Foreign Policy: Contemporary Issues in Historical Context, edited by Meyer William H. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson/Prentice Hall.
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    Nuclear War
    Allison Graham. 2004a. “How to Stop Nuclear Terror.” Foreign Affairs 83: 6474.
    Allison Graham. 2004b. Nuclear Terrorism: The Ultimate Preventable Catastrophe. New York: Times Books/Henry Holt.
    Allison Graham. 2006. “A Nuclear Terrorism Report Card.” National Interest 83: 6365.
    Alperovitz Gar. 1965. Atomic Diplomacy: Hiroshima and Potsdam; The Use of the Atomic Bomb and the American Confrontation with Soviet Power. New York: Vintage Books.
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    Morris Stephen J. 2003/2004. “Averting the Unthinkable.” National Interest 74: 99107.
    Wan William. 2011. “Georgetown Students Shed Light on China's Tunnel System for Nuclear Weapons.” Washington Post November 29. http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/georgetown-students-shed-light-on-chinas-tunnel-system-for-nuclear-weapons/2011/11/16/gIQA6AmKAO_story.html.
    Zhang Hui. 2012. “The Defensive Nature of China's ‘Underground Great Wall'.” Bulletin of Atomic Scientists. January 16. http://www.thebulletin.org/web-edition/features/the-defensive-nature-of-chinas-underground-great-wall.
    Political History and Historical Documents
    Acheson Dean. 1969. Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department. New York: Norton.
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    Calvocoressi Peter. 1991. World Politics since 1945. 6th ed. London: Longman.
    Carroll James. 2001. Constantine's Sword: The Church and the Jews. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
    Dahrendorf Ralf. 1959. Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press.
    DeConde Alexander. 1963. A History of American Foreign Policy. New York: Scribner's.
    Carpini Delli, Michael X., and Keeter Scott 1996. What Americans Know about Politics and Why It Matters. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
    Durant Will, and Durant Ariel 1968. The Lessons of History. New York: MJF Books.
    Hook Steven W., and Spanier John 2007. American Foreign Policy since World War II. 17th ed. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press.
    Huntington Samuel P. 1991. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Norman: Oklahoma University Press.
    Immerman Richard H. 1982. The CIA in Guatemala: The Foreign Policy of Intervention. Austin: University of Texas Press.
    Johnson Paul. 1983. Modern Times: The World from the Twenties to the Eighties. New York: Harper and Row.
    Kennedy Paul 1987. The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000. New York: Random House.
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    Kim Woosang. 1989. “Power, Alliance, and Major Wars, 1816–1975. Journal of Conflict Resolution 33: 255273.
    Kim Woosang. 1992. “Power Transitions and Great Power War from Westphalia to Waterloo.” World Politics 45: 153172.
    Kinzer Stephen. 2006. Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq. New York: Times Books.
    Kirkpatrick Jeane. 1979. “Dictatorships and Double Standards.” Commentary 68: 3445.
    Kissinger Henry A. 1979. The White House Years. Boston: Little, Brown.
    Kissinger Henry A. 1982. Years of Upheaval. Boston: Little, Brown.
    Machiavelli, Niccolò. 1532, 1996. The Prince. Translated by George Bull. New York: Penguin Books.
    Marx Karl, and Engels Frederick 1848. “Manifesto of the Communist Party.”
    May Ernest R. 1961. Imperial Democracy: The Emergence of America as a Great Power. New York: Harcourt, Brace.
    May Ernest R. 1975. The Making of the Monroe Doctrine. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard.
    Morris Richard B. 1972. “Revolution in the Western World: The American Revolution.” In The Columbia History of the World, edited by Garraty John A., and Gay Peter, 753763. New York: Harper and Row.
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    Oneal John R., Lian Brad, and Joyner James H. Jr. 1996. “Are the American People ‘Pretty Prudent'? Public Responses to U.S. Uses of Force, 1950–1988.” International Studies Quarterly 40: 261280.
    Plischke Elmer. 1999. U.S. Department of State: A Reference History. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood.
    Pollins Brian M., and Kevin P. Murrin. 1999. “Where Hobbes Meets Hobson: Core Conflict and Colonialism, 1495–1985.” International Studies Quarterly 43: 427454.
    Salinger Pierre. 1995. P.S.: A Memoir. New York: St. Martin's.
    Small Melvin, and David Singer J. 1982. Resort to Arms: International and Civil Wars, 1816–1980. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage.
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    Williams William Appleman. 1991. “Expansion, Continental and Overseas.” In The Reader's Companion to American History, edited by Foner Eric, and Garraty John A. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
    Terrorism and Homeland Security
    Feith Douglas J. 2006. “On the Global War on Terrorism.” In Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Issues in World Politics, 12th ed., edited by John T.Rourke. Dubuque, Iowa: McGraw-Hill/Dushkin.
    Gunaratna Rohan. 2002. Inside Al-Qaeda: Global Network of Terror. New York: Cambridge University Press.
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    Walt Stephen M. 2011. “The End of the American Era.” National Interest 116: 616.
    Theoretical Perspectives
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    Bueno de Mesquita Bruce 1981. The War Trap. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
    Bueno de Mesquita Bruce. 2006. Principles of International Politics: People's Power, Preferences, and Perceptions. 3rd edition. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press.
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    Bueno de Mesquita Bruce, James D. Morrow, Randolph M. Siverson, and Smith Alastair 1999. “An Institutional Explanation of the Democratic Peace.” American Political Science Review 93: 791807.
    Bueno de Mesquita Bruce, and Smith Alastair 2011. The Dictator's Handbook: Why Bad Behavior is Almost Always Good Politics. New York: PublicAffairs.
    Bueno de Mesquita Bruce, Smith Alastair, Randolph M. Siverson, and James D. Morrow. 2003. The Logic of Political Survival. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Data available at www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/politics/data/bdm2s2/Logic.htm.
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