American Foreign Policy and Political Ambition

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James Lee Ray

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  • Part 1: Laying the Foundations

    Part 2: Economics, Domestic Political Processes, and American Foreign Policy

    Part 3: The Contest with Communism

    Part 4: U.S. Foreign Policy in Regional Contexts

    Part 5: Ending the Cold War as a Template for the War on Terror, and Other Priorities

  • Copyright

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    Dedication

    TO CAM

    Tables, Figures, and Maps

    Regional Maps

    Preface

    Understanding American foreign policy is difficult, to put it mildly. The United States is a large, complex country that has been one of the world's most powerful for many decades. Since its inception, the United States has dealt with so many issues of such magnitude—and the processes that have shaped foreign policy have involved so many millions of people—that to provide a fully comprehensive account would be beyond the capabilities of one person, or even a group of collaborating analysts. That does not mean we should throw our hands up in the air; nor should we settle for an unbalanced account. As counterintuitive as it may seem, the key to getting a grip on the complexity of the subject is to rely on simplifications, to come to terms with the theoretical approaches that help crystallize the overall dynamics of the field, and to use these simplifications and approaches to gain crucial insight rather than be exhausted by detail.

    American Foreign Policy and Political Ambition is particularly attuned to the different theoretical approaches that analysts adopt as they attempt to understand and explain American foreign policies, including realist, liberal, radical, constructivist, and feminist approaches. While giving each of these respectful attention, this book lays claim to an explicit preference for a particular model and uses it throughout the book: rational political ambition theory. In a nutshell, this is the idea that what leaders of states primarily want is to retain their hold on power. In the context of foreign policy, this means that leaders are forced to pay as much or more attention to the concerns of their strongest domestic constituencies as they are to any other foreign leader or group when they are making foreign policy decisions. Many will recognize in this approach Machiavelli's classic advice to rulers regarding effective political tactics to deal with internal and external threats to their hold on power. In contemporary political science, however, the idea is based primarily on a model developed by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, Alastair Smith, Randolph M. Siverson, and James D. Morrow, along with elements borrowed from R. J. Rummel, Alex Mintz, Helen Milner, Susan Shirk, and Robert Putnam. Rational political ambition theory also borrows from, and to some degree is built on, aspects of many other major analytical traditions, while deviating from all of them in other respects that will be made clear in the course of the discussion.

    My primary intention is to ensure that the text's discussions about the history, processes, and issues involved in American foreign policy allow readers to understand the heart of each issue through the insights of rational political ambition theory. The chapter on early American foreign policy, for instance, shows how John Quincy Adams's refusal to issue the Monroe Doctrine jointly with the British while he was a candidate for president was informed by his desire to insulate himself against charges of being too pro-British, a factor that eventually enhanced his chances of winning the presidency. The discussion of current American foreign policy regarding Asia looks at how first the Clinton and then the Bush administrations made a key assumption that the United States would be able to maintain a peaceful relationship with a democratic China, but also shows how in domestic contexts both presidents had to position their attitudes toward China carefully. Even chapters that look at the basic institutions and processes of U.S. foreign policy consider rational political ambition theory. For instance, I look at how the State Department's power and influence are circumscribed by its limited contact with and influence over the selectorate. The book's theoretical approach is thus evident in every chapter, but used strategically where it most makes sense. I am clear about where other theoretical approaches may be brought to bear fruitfully in understanding certain problems and issues, and about where those approaches overlap with rational political ambition theory, since it pays to be ecumenical when one's primary goal is to further readers’ understanding of the issues.

    About the Content

    The focus of the book is on American foreign policy since World War II. Nevertheless, it does briefly discuss the history of American foreign policy since the country's founding, especially to the extent that such historical analysis provides a background and basis helpful to an understanding of more contemporary foreign policy issues. The twenty-first century seems fraught with extraordinarily dangerous threats and formidable obstacles for the United States, but every decade has brought its own problems that seemed at the time to verge on the overwhelming.

    Part 1 of American Foreign Policy and Political Ambition thus sets the stage for the historical and more recent contexts of American foreign policy, and also lays the necessary theoretical planks. Chapter 1 begins with an analysis of just how important the foreign policies of the United States have been in virtually every corner of the globe as well as in the lives of its own citizens, and the chapter starts to make the case for the salience of viewing foreign policy decision making from the viewpoint of rational political ambition theory.

    Chapter 2 is devoted to an overview of the history of American foreign policy since the country's inception. It follows the rapid expansion of the United States from a loosely integrated set of colonies along the eastern seaboard of the North American continent to the shores of the Pacific Ocean, as well as its possibly surprising level of activity and foreign policy initiatives around the globe during the nineteenth century. It concludes with an analysis of American foreign policy in the first half of the twentieth century that deals in some detail with U.S. strategies for coping with both world wars. It points out how the cautious and belated fashion in which the United States entered these conflicts may well have been in part a function of its democratic political regime.

    With the basic contexts for modern U.S. foreign policy in focus, Chapter 3 describes and evaluates several important analytical approaches to the field. Realism, liberalism, radicalism, constructivism, and rational political ambition theory receive special emphasis. Neoconservatism also is reviewed. The chapter emphasizes the extent to which rational political ambition theory rests on the central tenet that leaders of states primarily want to retain their hold on power. It also focuses on how this approach borrows from, but is still quite distinct from, previous approaches to the study of foreign policies and international politics.

    The book's second part takes a close look at foreign policy inputs and processes. In Chapter 4, the focus shifts to political economy to examine the interaction between American foreign policy and domestic as well as global economic processes. The United States has had a dramatic global economic impact at least since the Great Depression, and the mistakes it made during the 1930s in dealing with that disaster created the post-World War II agenda. The global economic structure resting on the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and GATT worked well until the 1970s, when serious problems set in that created significant and persistent doubts about American economic leadership that lasted for some two decades. Those doubts were relieved during the 1990s, but currently American political leaders, far from acting in the “national interest,” seem so immobilized by their short-run concerns about staying in power that they cannot deal effectively with looming crises regarding the long-range impact of such programs as Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid, combined with mammoth defense expenditures, on the economic viability of the U.S. federal government.

    Chapters 5 and 6 deal with the process of developing and carrying out American foreign policies. One crucial impact of public opinion involves the anticipation by the U.S. president of how the public will react to foreign policy initiatives, especially unsuccessful wars. American media create vivid impressions in the minds of government leaders about what the public is thinking as well as serve as tools that political leaders use to communicate with the public and special interest groups about foreign policy ventures. Interest groups have an important impact on foreign policies of special concern to them. Those groups and political parties have their greatest impact on foreign policies when their support seems especially essential to preserve the president's hold on power.

    Formally speaking, the Department of State lies at the heart of the American foreign policy making process, but various factors and processes conspire to diminish its role, especially in more recent times, in its competition with the Department of Defense and intelligence agencies. This is partly because President George W. Bush tended to find the Defense Department, the National Security Administration, and the other various intelligence agencies more in touch with American political processes and more sensitive to his own political priorities. The Constitution issues an “invitation to struggle” over foreign policy to the Congress and the president, with presidents typically winning on most issues. Nevertheless, the role of Congress can be crucial, especially when presidents appear to have seriously mishandled important foreign policy crises.

    Part 3 of the book turns to a close examination of the post-World War II era, with the previous discussions of history, inputs, processes, and rational political ambition theory in mind. The chapters in this section analyze in detail landmark issues in U.S. foreign policy having to do with the threat of Communism and show how different approaches to the study of foreign policy inform our understanding of those events. The beginning of the Cold War is the focus of Chapter 7, where I review the arguments that suggest that the Cold War was the fault primarily of either the United States or the Soviet Union. There are powerful arguments that the structure of the international system emerging out of World War II made a confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union very likely. It was a confrontation foreseen at the beginning of the nineteenth century by Alexis de Tocqueville, who emphasized the fundamental differences between the domestic political and economic systems of the two states he saw as destined to become predominant.

    Chapter 8 deals with one of the key confrontations of the Cold War, namely the U.S. war in Vietnam. The origins of the war are traced to events that took place in the 1950s, but this chapter emphasizes the fundamental impact of domestic political considerations on the process of escalation in the 1960s. It also evaluates the validity of the domino theory, the idea that served as another important motivating factor in light of the evidence that emerged at the conclusion of the war, and discusses its impact on subsequent American foreign policies.

    Unique to this textbook, the chapters in Part 4 examine contemporary foreign policy concerns in each of the world's major regions: Europe, the Americas, sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Chapter 9 explores U.S.-European relations. Those relations have focused most intently on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union. Both have expanded recently. This chapter analyzes the costs and benefits of the expansion of these organizations.

    Inter-American relations are the focus of Chapter 10, which discusses U.S. interventions in Central America and the Caribbean in the first decades of the twentieth century and the Good Neighbor Policy. In its review of U.S. foreign policy with respect to Latin America since World War II, it looks at the intervention in Guatemala in the early 1950s and the prolonged conflict between the United States and Fidel Castro's regime in Cuba. The Cuban Missile Crisis is portrayed as a particularly dramatic example of interstate interactions fueled by domestic political regimes focusing primarily on preserving their existence. It concludes with an analysis of U.S.-Mexican relations, and on the “pink tide” of leftist, mostly anti-American regimes coming to power in Latin America in the first decade of the twenty-first century.

    U.S.-African relations serve as the main topic of Chapter 11. Africa has only rarely been an urgent foreign policy priority for the United States. Nevertheless, the importing of slaves in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries created an important link between the United States and Africa, and the issue of slavery played a crucial role in the development and evolution of the United States in ways that reverberate to this day. The United States did become involved in an international campaign against apartheid in South Africa in the twentieth century, and it has intervened intermittently and half-heartedly in contemporary crises in such places as Somalia, Rwanda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Zaire). However, the time and energy that the United States has devoted to foreign policy in Africa have tended to be restricted by the fact that most African Americans vote for Democratic candidates for president, regardless of what foreign policy stands they take. In addition, research shows that most African Americans feel that several domestic issues are more pressing than any international or foreign policy issues. These factors mean that there is a much smaller constituency advocating for African concerns, especially relative to the constituencies that back foreign policy in other regions.

    U.S.-Asian relations, particularly with respect to China, may ultimately be the most important foreign policy issue of the twenty-first century. Chapter 12 points out that Asia now looks somewhat like Europe did at the beginning of the twentieth century, a troubling parallel given that in Europe that century led to tumult. The United States fought China in Korea in the 1950s, and China seems destined to become more powerful than the United States. Will that transition be peaceful? Will China and the United States cooperate in efforts to curb North Korea's nuclear ambitions? Will the United States be able to play a useful role in preventing armed conflict from erupting over the inflammatory issue regarding the future of Taiwan?

    While Asia may ultimately become the top foreign policy priority for the United States, there is no doubt that the Middle East is currently the region of greatest concern to U.S. foreign policy makers. Chapter 13 discusses the tension created by international political strategic calculations that suggest currying favor with Islamic regimes while domestic political considerations lead to consistent support for Israel. The attacks of 9/11 created new dynamics and issues in the Middle East, and it is possible that the domestic political pressures highlighted by rational political ambition theory led the United States to divert resources from the war in Afghanistan to an attack on Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq.

    Chapter 14 is the final chapter in American Foreign Policy and Political Ambition, and it deals with the future of U.S. foreign policy in part by going “back to the future,” focusing on the demise of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union and drawing parallels for current and future foreign policy strategies. It argues that Ronald Reagan apparently was concerned with international competitors to a degree that is unusual in the view of rational political ambition theory. The leading foreign policy makers of the George W. Bush administrations believed that Reagan's strategy for dealing with international competitors was eminently successful. They tried to emulate his strategies in their struggle with Islamic fundamentalism, with markedly less apparent success.

    The United States faces a series of daunting problems in this century. But it has faced potentially catastrophic problems in almost every recent decade, and even though political ambition may lead political leaders to make choices that are dubious in light of the interests of the country, so far the United States has dealt with those potential crises with enough success to preserve and perhaps even reinforce its preeminent position in the global political system.

    Teaching and Learning Aids

    In addition to the tried-and-true scholarly sources one would expect to see in a work on foreign policy, American Foreign Policy and Political Ambition relies on policy-oriented journals and papers as well as historical and serious journalistic works and the best materials available on the Internet. The text includes an extensive list of sources for students who wish to delve further into the literature on the subject. To help students with review, each chapter includes key terms in bold print, which are listed at the end of each chapter. A glossary is included at the back of the book. Chapters end with a recurring feature that highlights how rational political ambition theory intersects with the material under discussion. At the end of the text, readers will find a list of suggested readings and Web sites, organized by type and topic, that supplement in useful ways the information, arguments, and data provided in the chapters.

    Adopters also can download a set of instructor's resources at http://college.cqpress.com/instructors-resources/Ray. This includes 350 multiple-choice, short-answer, and long-answer questions loaded in Respondus test generation software, a format compatible with most course management systems, including BlackBoard; a set of PowerPoint lecture slides for each chapter; and all of the graphics (including the maps) from the text.

    Acknowledgments

    The primary specific academic inspiration for this book is Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, along with his colleagues Alastair Smith, Randy Siverson, and Jim Morrow. Were my friend and colleague Bruce Bueno de Mesquita to have written a textbook on U.S. foreign policy, it would have been very different. Nevertheless, although his ideas about foreign policies and international politics on occasion have seemed attractive to me because I encountered them in some form or other in previous sources, it was his research and writings (as well as personal conversations) that made the largest contribution to my thinking about this book.

    J. David Singer has had a longer and even more profound influence on my views on the issues discussed in this book. He too would be reluctant to take responsibility for various aspects of my work as it appears here, but he came into my academic life at a crucial early stage, and without his mentoring I might never have reached the point where I could consider writing a book like this.

    Bruce Cronin, City College of New York; Errol Henderson, Pennsylvania State University; Brian Lai, University of Iowa; John Owen, University of Virginia; Mark Souva, Florida State University; and Richard Stoll, Rice University, reviewed the project at various stages, and their reviews were unusually conscientious, insightful, and crafted with an obvious eye toward being as helpful as possible. That I did not take all of their advice in no way indicates that I was not grateful for every word of it.

    Danny O'Donnell provided important and helpful research assistance at an early stage of this project. Luke Blaize developed all of the ancillary materials, including the test bank and PowerPoint slides on the instructor's resources Web site. Students in all of my courses over the years have taught me a lot; those I have had in my courses on American foreign policy in recent years have been especially helpful in the development and sorting through of the ideas on which this book is based.

    I have more than a little experience on which to base my opinion that the staff of CQ Press is extraordinarily good at what it does. Brenda Carter and Charisse Kiino were both encouraging and helpfully critical in the process of getting the project off the ground. Lorna Notsch provided important assistance to me in the process of selecting and captioning photos and maps. Katharine Miller copyedited the text in a manner that was all at the same time precise, competent, penetrating, thorough, good-humored, and patient. Elise Frasier was editor for this project. The fact that she never seemed to doubt that I would finish the project, even when there were times when I began to wonder, was a significant factor that helped me to overcome the various unexpected obstacles that cropped up from time to time. She has an impressive ability to focus on important—even if minute—details, while at the same time never losing sight of the big picture and the fundamental purposes of the project.

    Finally, my wife Cam provides me a firm base of support in the real world, which is indispensable to me in my attempts to deal with academic life (which is also real, of course, but in a different manner). She and my children Katherine, Justin, Alex, and Nicholas are never far from my mind, even when I might appear to be preoccupied with esoteric intellectual matters, which happens on occasion, or so I'm told.

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    Glossary

    accommodationists See doves. (Chapter 5)

    Africa's First World War In August 1998, Rwandan forces, soon followed by forces from Uganda, invaded the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The conflict escalated until no fewer than six outside states had some 35,000 troops involved in the military action within the DRC. (Chapter 11)

    American Colonization Society Founded in 1816 by Bushrod Washington, the society founded a colony in Liberia, on the coast of West Africa, in 1820 and transported free black people there in an effort to remove them from the United States. The society closely controlled the development of Liberia until 1847, when the nation was declared an independent republic. (Chapter 11)

    apartheid—A policy of racial segregation, particularly in South Africa. (Chapter 11)

    Arab League—An international organization of independent Arab states formed in 1945 to promote cultural, economic, military, political, and social cooperation. (Chapter 13)

    Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)—A forum for facilitating economic growth, cooperation, trade, and investment in the Asia-Pacific region beginning in 1989. (Chapter 12)

    Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN)—A political, economic, and cultural organization of countries located in Southeast Asia. Founded in 1967, its aim is to foster cooperation and mutual assistance among members. (Chapter 12)

    bandwagon effect The joining of the threatening (and usually stronger) of two sides in a dispute to gang up on the threatened (and usually weaker) side. (Chapter 8)

    Bay of Pigs The site of a failed 1961 attempt during John F. Kennedy's presidency at a U.S.-backed invasion by Cuban exiles intent on overthrowing Fidel Castro; site is at a beach near Havana called Playa Giron. (Chapter 10)

    beggar-thy-neighbor devaluations Competitive economic policies to reduce imports by tariffs and lowering the value of currencies, with the result that the global market shrinks. (Chapter 4)

    Boxer Rebellion—An uprising against Western commercial and political influence in China during the final years of the 19th century. By August 1900 more than 230 foreigners, thousands of Chinese Christians, an unknown numbers of rebels, their sympathizers, and other Chinese had been killed in the revolt and its suppression. (Chapter 12)

    Bretton Woods system In response to the tariff wars of the Great Depression, representatives of forty-four countries met in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, in 1944 to create a new international economic system that revised the former international monetary system. Its fundamental principle was that exchange rates should be fixed in order to avoid the “beggar-thy-neighbor” policies of the 1930s and the ensuing economic anarchy. They did so by linking currency to gold, and creating the IMF (International Monetary Fund) to maintain this new monetary order, and the World Bank. (Chapter 4)

    Brezhnev Doctrine A Soviet Cold War policy stating that, “When forces that are hostile to socialism try to turn the development of some socialist country towards capitalism, it becomes not only a problem of the country concerned, but a common problem and concern of all socialist countries” (Wikipedia). (Chapter 12)

    Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)—One of many government bureaus engaged in foreign intelligence generation and interpretation. Recently put under the authority of the director of national intelligence. (Chapter 6)

    CNN effect The alleged ability of the news media to motivate the U.S. government to engage in foreign policy initiatives. (Chapter 5)

    Cold War The half century of competition and conflict after World War II between the United States and the Soviet Union (and its allies). (Chapter 7)

    Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC)—A guerrilla group in opposition to the reigning government. (Chapter 10)

    Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act—An act that severely limited trade with and foreign investment in South Africa in response to its government-launched military raids against the headquarters of the African National Congress in Botswana, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. (Chapter 11)

    critical theory—Argues that the orthodox theories of foreign policy and international politics are products of, and serve the interests of, currently predominant states and their rulers. (Chapter 3)

    Cuban American National Foundation A nonprofit organization dedicated to overthrowing the Cuban government of Fidel Castro; the largest Cuban organization in exile (Wikipedia). (Chapter 10)

    Department of Defense The executive department charged with managing the country's military personnel, equipment, and operations. (Chapter 6)

    Department of Homeland Security Created by the Homeland Security Act of 2002, and under the authority of the director of national intelligence, its stated mission is to prevent terrorist attacks within the United States, reduce the vulnerability of the United States to terrorism, and minimize the damage, and assist in the recovery, from terrorist attacks that do occur within the United States. (Chapter 6)

    Department of State The department that coordinates the large number of agencies within the U.S. government that become involved in the development and implementation of U.S. foreign policy, manages the foreign affairs budget, oversees all U.S. embassies and consulates abroad, conducts international negotiations, and concludes agreements and treaties on a range of issues, from international trade to nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. (Chapter 6)

    dependency theorist Someone who claims that less-developed countries are poor because they are exploited by developed countries through international trade and investment. (Chapter 3)

    domino theory The widespread view within the U.S. government early in the Cold War that a Communist victory in one country would lead to a succession of additional victories in neighboring states. (Chapter 8)

    doves People who believe that the foreign policy of the United States should focus more consistently on cooperation, conciliation, and compromise. (Chapter 5)

    economistic explanations The basic assumptions that hold that people are generally fundamentally motivated by their economic interests. (Chapter 5)

    encirclement—A military term for the situation when one state is isolated and surrounded by several other antagonistic states. For instance, Germany in 1914 with Russia to the east and the powerful French and British to the west felt it needed to “defend” itself before enemies in all directions became too powerful to be dealt with successfully. (Chapter 12)

    epistemic communities, or knowledge-based experts—A set of interest groups that play an important role in the foreign policy making process, made up of intellectuals and academics. (Chapter 5)

    European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC)—A group that combined the separate coal and steel markets of France and Germany—and those of other nations if they wished to join—under a political authority that would monitor and supervise the market once tariffs and quotas had been eliminated. Foundation for the European Union that initially included France, Germany, Italy, and the Benelux nations. (Chapter 9)

    European Community Established by the Treaty of Maastricht (1992), this was the first of three pillars of the European Union; called the Community (or Communities) Pillar and established qualified majority voting. (Chapter 9)

    European Defense Force (EDF)—A proposal for an integrated European military force comprised of the members of the ECSC. (Chapter 9)

    European Economic Community (EEC)—Created in 1957 by the Treaty of Rome; created a customs union throughout Europe known as the Common Market. (Chapter 9)

    European Union—An intergovernmental and supranational organization that superceded in 1993 the various institutions of the European Communities to which most European democracies belong. (Chapter 9)

    executive agreements—Agreements with the governments of foreign countries made without submitting the documents for Senate approval, avoiding the constitutionally specified role of the Senate to provide advice and consent with a two-thirds majority for ratification. (Chapter 6)

    failed states Characterized by large areas of anarchy and political disorder resulting from the national governments’ incapability to maintain order or provide even minimal services to their citizens. (Chapter 11)

    fast track authority—An arrangement in which Congress expedites the review and possible approval of trade agreements reached by U.S. presidents and foreign governments. (Chapter 4)

    feminist—Advocate and source of anti-establishment theoretical approaches to foreign policies and international politics stemming from an individuals beliefs in regards to gender, sexuality, and the rights of women. (Chapter 3)

    foreign policy The decisions of governments that are designed to influence how they relate to individuals, groups, and nations outside their own borders. (Chapter 1)

    Foreign Service—An elite corps within the Department of State who “conduct administrative and diplomatic tasks in foreign embassies and consulates” (second part provided by Hook). (Chapter 6)

    free riders Those who enjoy the benefits of collective action by others without bearing any of the costs of producing the collective outcome. (Chapter 5)

    free trade Economic exchange between nations unencumbered by tariffs, quotas, or other rules and procedures designed to limit the flow of goods from one country to another. (Chapter 4)

    globalization The increasingly interdependent status of national economies. (Chapter 3)

    Goldwater-Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization Act of 1986—A legislative initiative created to overcome what critics saw as the debilitating effects of competition for resources and influence among the several branches of the military. The act centered the duty to provide military advice to the president in the hands of the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, making all the branches of the military responsible to a single commander within specific regions or responsible for different functions, such as transportation, space, or special operations. (Chapter 6)

    Good Neighbor policy The policy promulgated by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in relation to Latin America in 1933-1945 when the active U.S. intervention of previous decades was moderated in pursuit of hemispheric solidarity against external threats. (Chapter 10)

    grand coalitions Those consisting of almost all states against no really formidable opponents. (Chapter 7)

    Great Leap Forward—A 1958 domestic economic reform campaign in China launched by Mao and based on agricultural communes and backyard iron-smelting operations. Ultimately, a tremendous disaster that led to economic turmoil and starvation. (Chapter 12)

    great power politics Interactions among the largest, most important, and most powerful states in the international system that focus on matters of security, distribution of wealth, interstate conflict, and war. (Chapter 1)

    Gulf of Tonkin resolution A 1964 congressional resolution that authorized Johnson to “take all necessary measures” to protect U.S. forces in Vietnam in the wake of the alleged attack of American ships by the North Vietnamese. (Chapter 8)

    Hamas—A Palestinian Islamist militant organization closely related to the Muslim Brotherhood, with the stated goal of conquering all of the State of Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza, including any secular Palestinian state that may come into formal existence, and replace it with an Islamic theocracy. (Chapter 13)

    hawks People who support an aggressive, militant foreign policy. (Chapter 5)

    hegemonic stability theory The notion that a free trade, market-based global economic order requires a predominant and willing leader to preserve itself and its stability. (Chapter 4)

    Hussein-McMahon Correspondence—A 1915-1916 exchange of letters between the Sharif of Mecca, Husayn bin Ali, and Sir Henry McMahon, British High Commissioner in Egypt, concerning the future political status of the Arab lands of the Middle East; the United Kingdom was seeking to bring about an armed revolt against the Ottoman Empire, a German ally during World War I. (Chapter 13)

    imperialism The policy of extending the rule or authority of one state over foreign countries, or of acquiring and holding colonies and dependencies. (Chapter 2)

    intelligence community The agencies and bureaus responsible for obtaining and interpreting information for the government. (Chapter 6)

    Inter-American Development Bank—A regional economic organization established by President Eisenhower, it is the main source of multilateral financing for economic, social, and institutional development projects and trade and regional integration programs in Latin America and the Caribbean. It is the oldest and largest regional development bank. (Chapter 10)

    interest groups, or special interests Specific sets of people within the general public who advocate and promote particular ideas or policies. (Chapter 5)

    internationalists People who hold the opinion that it is important for the nation to regularly play an active role on the stage of world affairs. (Chapter 5)

    interventionism A type of foreign policy based on active engagement in the affairs of other nations in an attempt to shape events in accordance with a nation's interests. (Chapter 2)

    Iran-contra project—Secret negotiations between the Reagan administration and the Iranian government that offered U.S. weapons in return for the Iranians’ help in securing the release of hostages then being held in Lebanon. It generated funds that were used to support the “contra” rebels in Nicaragua. (Chapter 13)

    isolationism The policy of not participating in or withdrawing from international affairs, especially as practiced by U.S. governments during the first half of the twentieth century. (Chapter 2)

    kleptocracy The outright theft of a nation's income by its leaders. (Chapter 11)

    leftist A person who believes in and/or supports the tenets set forth by radicals. (Chapter 3)

    liberalism A theory of foreign policy and international politics based on beliefs regarding the beneficent impact of market forces and the virtues of democracy. (Chapter 3)

    Liberia A state in sub-Saharan Africa created by the United States, likely thought up by the American Colonization Society. More than 22,000 black Americans emigrated to this nascent country from 1821-1900. (Chapter 11)

    loss-of-strength gradient The principle that holds that the power of a state decreases as the locus of any military contest moves farther from its home. (Chapter 8)

    manifest destiny—An ideology of expansion popularized as a campaign slogan; characterized by a belief that the huge portion of the North American continent ultimately designated the United States would inevitably emerge as one unified state as if through predetermination. (Chapter 2)

    Marshall Plan 1947 program initiated by the United States; formally known as the European Recovery Program; extended significant U.S. foreign aid to Europe after WWII. (Chapter 9)

    Marxist theory The basic idea set forth by Karl Marx (1818-1883) that capitalism as a social-political system had inherently self-destructive tendencies. Capitalism would therefore give birth to socialism, in which market forces would be brought under political control, to the benefit of everyone in the society except the small minority of capitalists. (Chapter 3)

    Missouri Compromise This 1820 agreement established the precedent stipulating that slavery would be prohibited in the remainder of the Louisiana Purchase north of 36°30’ latitude. (Chapter 11)

    Monroe Doctrine The 1823 declaration to Congress by President Monroe warning the European community against any intervention in the Western Hemisphere. This declaration was a clear anti-colonialist message to the European nations, and it served as an initial expression of the U. S. intention to achieve regional hegemony. (Chapter 2)

    moral hazard Kuperman (2004, 68) argues, “each instance of humanitarian intervention raises expectations of further interventions and thus encourages additional armed challenges that may provoke still more genocidal retaliation—further overwhelming the international capacity for intervention.” (Chapter 11)

    most-favored nation principle An economic principle aimed at fostering non-discrimination, or equal rather than privileged treatment, that stipulates that any advantage, favor, privilege, or immunity granted by any country shall be accorded immediately and unconditionally to the like product originating in or destined for the territories of all other contracting parties. In recent years, the U.S. Congress prefers to refer to this as “normal trade status.” (Chapter 4)

    national interest The set of objectives that enhances the welfare of the state. Usually the national interest is thought of in terms of protecting sovereignty, maximizing security or power, and improving national wealth. When two or more issues are linked together there may be many conflicting views of the national interest. (Chapter 3)

    National Security Council (NSC)—The principal forum for the consideration of national security and foreign policy matters, established by the National Security Act of 1947. Advises and assists the president in formulating policies to deal with those matters and to coordinate the implementation of those policies by the multiple governmental agencies that become involved in the foreign policy process. (Chapter 6)

    nation-building The process by which an external government, intergovernmental organization, or nongovernmental organization attempts to create the conditions necessary for a nation to gain internal cohesion and solidarity. (Chapter 11)

    neoconservatism A U.S. foreign policy perspective holding that the nation should freely use its immense power to change the world order in ways that reflect U.S. economic and political principles. (Chapter 3)

    neorealism A theory of international relations emphasizing the impact of the anarchic character of the international system, the resulting requirement for states to seek security, and the great importance of the distribution of power in the international system to an understanding of international interactions. (Chapter 3)

    new imperialism Europe's 1884 partitioning of Africa amongst various nations; allocated the whole of the continent to European control with the exceptions of Liberia and Ethiopia. (Chapter 11)

    nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)—Organizations comprising individuals or interest groups from two or more states focused on a special issue. (Chapter 5)

    North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) A multinational organization formed in 1949 to promote the Cold War defense of Europe from the Communist bloc (Barbour and Wright). (Chapter 9)

    offensive realism A perspective that holds that “states that gain regional hegemony have a further aim: to prevent other geographical areas from being dominated by other great powers” (Mearsheimer). (Chapter 11)

    Olney Corollary Predating the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, Secretary of State Richard Olney affirms “[the U.S.'s] infinite resources combined with its isolated position render it master of the situation and practically invulnerable as against any and all other powers,” as a justification for U.S. regional hegemony. (Chapter 10)

    Open Door policy A policy adopted by the U.S. government in 1899 that called for free trade access to China and discouraged other trading states from dividing China into spheres of influence. (Chapter 12)

    Operation Pan America A policy to inaugurate a new era of political and economic cooperation between the United States and its Latin American neighbors. (Chapter 10)

    Organization of American States (OAS) A hemispheric alliance; arguably the world's first and oldest regional international organization. Its charter was adopted at the Ninth International Conference of American States held in Bogota, Colombia, in 1948. The charter, stating the Latin American nations’ desire “to achieve an order of peace and justice, to promote their solidarity, to strengthen their collaboration, and to defend their sovereignty, their territorial integrity, and their independence,” reflects the determination of the Latin American states to restrain the United States from taking advantage of its superior military (as well as economic) power in its relations with the neighbors to the south. (Chapter 10)

    Oslo Accords A series of agreements reached in 1993 between the Palestinian Authority and Israel that called for Israel to withdraw troops from Gaza and areas of the West Bank and for Israel and the PLO to recognize one another. (Chapter 13)

    Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) A political and paramilitary organization of Palestinian Arabs dedicated to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. (Chapter 13)

    Panama Canal Zone The 553-square-mile territory inside Panama that consists of the Panama Canal and an area generally extending five miles on each side of the centerline; controlled from 1903 to 1979 by the United States, which built and financed the construction of the canal. (Chapter 10)

    Partnership for Peace (PFP) A NATO auxiliary that provides for mutual consultations and the sharing of resources among its members, as well as possible future NATO membership. (Chapter 9)

    peaceful coexistence A Soviet doctrine emphasizing the possibility for peaceful relations between socialist and capitalist states. Purported that war—particularly nuclear—could be avoided while the ideologically opposed nations continued to compete politically and economically. (Chapter 12)

    Platt Amendment offered as a “rider” to an army appropriation bill in 1901 and then incorporated into a treaty with Cuba in 1903; stipulated the conditions for the withdrawal of U.S. troops remaining in Cuba since the Spanish-American War and defined the terms of Cuban-U.S. relations until 1934. (Chapter 10)

    poliheuristic A two-step approach to foreign policy decision making wherein having eliminated all options that seem too risky to their own individual political futures, leaders then choose among the remaining alternatives according to each option's perceived relationship to the national interest. (Chapter 3)

    postmodernists Those who attempt to read between the lines of political, cultural, and social debates in order to uncover their deeper meanings. (Chapter 3)

    Powell doctrine A quasi-official statement reflecting a post-Vietnam sense of caution; emphasized that U.S. troops should not be deployed in foreign conflict situations unless a clear national interest was involved, unless support from the government and the public was assured, and unless military force was the last remaining option. And, even then, according to Powell, the size of the force in question should be decisive, even “overwhelming.” (Chapter 8)

    power transition theory A theory of great power wars based on the idea that war is most likely when a challenger rises in power to equal and overtake the dominant state. In this theory the focus of attention is on the authority to set the rules and norms of international interactions. (Chapter 12)

    protectionism A trade policy designed to insulate or protect domestic industries from foreign competition. (Chapter 5)

    proxy war When two superpowers sponsor conflicts elsewhere—in third-party states or through terrorists—as a substitute for direct conflict. (Chapter 8)

    radical An analyst or advocate who believes that market forces have mostly unjust impacts and that the only effective manner of alleviating these impacts is to bring them under political control. (Chapter 3)

    rally round the flag effect Idea that the public will support almost any forceful, even military, action that a president undertakes, at least in the immediate aftermath of a military crisis. Generally attributed to a patriotic sense among citizens that national unity must be maintained in times of crisis. (Chapter 5)

    Rape of Nanjing Phrase that refers to what many historians recognize as widespread atrocities including rape, looting, arson, and the murder of an estimated 300,000 non-enemy combatants by the Japanese army in and around Nanking (now Nanjing), China, after the capital's fall to Japanese army in 1937. (Chapter 12)

    rational political ambition theory A theory of decision making that considers the effects of both external and internal political competitors on leaders; stems from the basic assumption that leaders want to stay in power and will make decisions perceived to be most consistent with this aim. (Chapters 1 and 3)

    Reagan Doctrine A policy that called for active efforts to subvert Communist or leftist regimes; replaced the more passive policy of “containment” that had merely tried to combat its spread to new areas and countries. (Chapter 6)

    realism A decision-making theory positing that policymakers base their choices on what is best for the states they lead, defined in terms of power. See also national interest. (Chapter 3)

    Roosevelt Corollary President Theodore Roosevelt's 1904 expansion of the Monroe Doctrine that proclaimed that the United States had authority to act as an “international police power” outside its borders in order to maintain stability in the Western Hemisphere. (Chapter 2)

    selectorate The group of people within any political system who choose the government's leadership and from whom members of the winning coalition can potentially be recruited. (Chapter 3)

    Single European Act A 1986 agreement to create a better-integrated market by abolishing many of the obstacles to the freer movement of capital and labor within and among the member states. (Chapter 9)

    Sino-Japanese War Conflict between China and Japan that began in 1937 and resulted in the deaths of 1 million military personnel (250,000 Japanese and 750,000 Chinese); the war ended on December 7, 1941, when, according to at least one authoritative data set, it became part of World War II. (Chapter 12)

    size principle A principle asserting that, in a variety of social and political settings, “participants create coalitions that are just as large as they believe will ensure winning and no larger.” (Chapter 7)

    Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act Protectionist tariff law passed by Herbert Hoover in the wake of the stock market crash of 1929 and the onset of the Great Depression; considered a significant catalyst in the ensuing tariff wars of the interwar period. (Chapter 6)

    social constructivists Adherents to an anti-establishment approach to foreign policy and international politics that affirms there is no automatic link between the anarchical international system and national policies that seek power and security through the traditional policies of arms buildups, military alliances, and if necessary, military action. Rather, states and their leaders develop interpretations about the meaning of anarchy in the course of interactions with each other. (Chapter 3)

    special economic zones Geographical regions that have economic laws different from a country's typical economic laws; usually the goal is an increase in foreign investment. Special economic zones have been established in several countries, including the People's Republic of China, India, Jordan, Poland, Kazakhstan, the Philippines, and Russia. North Korea also has attempted this to a degree. (Chapter 12)

    sphere of influence The set of countries whose foreign (and perhaps domestic) policies are dominated or even determined by a foreign power. (Chapter 2)

    stagflation The theoretically anomalous combination of high inflation and slow economic growth. (Chapter 4)

    states The only political entities endowed with the sovereign authority and the absolute right to use force to enforce agreements or contracts within their borders and to protect the actions within their borders from external threats or incursions. (Chapter 3)

    tariff wars The protectionist governmental economic intervention policies, including currency devaluation and increased tariffs, in response to the economic crisis of the Great Depression. (Chapter 4)

    Teller Amendment An 1898 agreement pledging that the United States would not annex Cuba. (Chapter 10)

    Tet Offensive Vietcong military campaign in January 1968 during Tet, the lunar new year, that resulted in a much higher death count for the Vietcong than for the Americans, but which is seen by many as the turning point in the Vietnam War, as it exposed the Vietcong's “willingness to suffer” for the cause. (Chapter 8)

    think tanks Groups of individuals dedicated to high-level synergistic research on a variety of subjects, usually in military laboratories, corporations, or other institutions. Usually this term refers specifically to organizations that support theorists and intellectuals who endeavor to produce analysis or policy recommendations. (Chapter 5)

    Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance The 1950 agreement between Mao Zedong of the People's Republic of China and Joseph Stalin of the Soviet Union. (Chapter 12)

    Treaty of Ghent The treaty that brought the War of 1812 to an end; the United States pledged to cooperate with Great Britain in the suppression of the trans-Atlantic slave trade. (Chapter 11)

    treaty ratification Constitutional provision that requires a two-thirds majority of Senate approval. (Chapter 6)

    United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) A UN committee organized in 1947 to resolve the dispute of rightful ownership of Palestine between the Jews and Arabs. (Chapter 13)

    Vance-Owen Plan Divided Bosnia into a patchwork of separate enclaves for different ethnic groups. (Chapter 9)

    War Powers Resolution A legislative measure approved by Congress in 1973 that required presidents to inform Congress in order to bring the troops home after sixty days if a majority of legislators oppose the deployments. Rarely invoked and routinely dismissed by presidents as unconstitutional. (Chapter 6)

    wars of national liberation Conflicts fought by indigenous military groups against an imperial power in the name of self-determination. (Chapter 13)

    Washington Consensus A shared understanding among other industrialized countries regarding the development strategies of smaller economies that emphasizes the developing nations’ need to promote private enterprise and open markets while restricting state intervention. (Chapter 10)

    winning coalition A group of individuals that controls sufficient resources to defeat rival combinations. (Chapter 3)

    Zionism An international political movement established in the late nineteenth century that supported a homeland for the Jewish people in the Land of Israel, a goal achieved in 1948. (Chapter 13)

    For Further Research

    Online Resources
    Government
    Central Intelligence Agency. https://www.cia.gov/
    Congressional Budget Office. http://www.cbo.gov/
    Department of Defense. http://www.defenselink.mil/
    Department of Homeland Security. http://www.dhs.gov/index.shtm
    Department of State. http://www.state.gov/
    National Security Council. http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/
    United States House of Representatives. http://www.house.gov/
    United States Senate. http://www.senate.gov/
    Interest Groups and Nongovernmental Organizations
    American Enterprise Institute. http://www.aei.org/
    American Friends Service Committee. http://www.afsc.org/
    American Israel Public Affairs Committee. http://www.aipac.org/
    Amnesty International. http://www.amnesty.org/
    Brookings Institution. http://www.brook.edu/
    Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. http://www.carnegieendowment.org/
    Council on Foreign Relations. http://www.cfr.org
    Cuban American National Foundation. http://www.canf.org/
    Heritage Foundation. http://www.heritage.org/
    Human Rights Watch. http://www.hrw.org/
    International Committee of the Red Cross. http://www.icrc.org/
    National Council of Churches. http://www.ncccusa.org/
    Presidential Addresses or Official Publications
    Bush, GeorgeW.2002a. “The President's State of the Union Address.” January 29. http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/01/20020129-11.html.
    Bush, GeorgeW.2002b. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America. http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.
    Bush, GeorgeW.2000c. “President's Remarks at the United Nations General Assembly.” September 12. http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/09/20020912-1.html.
    Books, Journals, Magazines, and Other Resources
    Africa
    Challenor, HerschelleSullivan. 1977. “The Influence of Black Americans on U.S. Foreign Policy toward Africa.” In Ethnicity and U.S. Foreign Policy, edited by AbdulAzizSaid. New York: Praeger.
    Clarke, Walter, and JeffreyHerbst. 1996. “Somalia and the Future of Humanitarian Intervention.” Foreign Affairs75: 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047489
    Dickson, DavidA.1985. United States Foreign Policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa. Lanham, Md.: University Press of America.
    Digital National Security Archive. 2004. “South Africa: The Making of U.S. Policy, 1962–1989.”
    Duignan, Peter, and L.H.Gann. 1984. The United States and Africa: A History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Hargreaves, JohnD.1988. Decolonization in Africa. London: Longman.
    Kuperman, AlanJ.2001. The Limits of Humanitarian Intervention: Genocide in Rwanda. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press.
    Lyman, PrincetonN., and J.StephenMorrison. 2004. “The Terrorist Threat in Africa.” Foreign Affairs83: 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033830
    Mazrui, AliA.2004. The African Predicament and the American Experiment: A Tale of Two Edens. Westport, Conn.: Praeger.
    Metz, HelenChapin, ed. 1991. Jordan: A Country Study. Washington, D.C.: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. http://countrystudies.us/jordan/.
    Pakenham, Thomas. 1991. The Scramble for Africa: White Man's Conquest of the Dark Continent from 1876 to 1912. New York: Random House.
    PBS Online and WGBH/Frontline. 1998. “Ambush in Mogadishu: U.S. Charges Relating to Osama Bin Laden's Connection to the 1993 Mogadishu Attack.”
    Schraeder, PeterJ.1994. United States Foreign Policy toward Africa: Incrementalism, Crisis, and Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511598784
    Americas
    Allison, Graham, and PhilipZelikow. 1999. Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis.
    2nd ed.
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