World Television: From Global to Local

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Joseph Straubhaar

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  • Chapters
  • Front Matter
  • Back Matter
  • Subject Index
    • Chapter 1: A Multilayered World of Television: An Overview
    • Central Issues
    • Globalization and Culture
    • Complexity, Structuration, and Cultural Agents
    • Structural and Cultural Process Frameworks for World Television
    • Colonialism and Imperialism
    • Cultural Imperialism
    • Postcolonial National Television
    • Globalization
    • Roles and Impacts of Technology
    • Asymmetrical Interdependence and Asymmetrical Cultural Interpenetration: A Proposed Model
    • Imported TV Versus Local and National: Producers Localize, Glocalize, and Hybridize
    • Cultural Identification and Proximity
    • Cultural Hybridization
    • Chapter 2: Hybridization and the Roots of Transnational, Geocultural, and Cultural-Linguistic Markets
    • Precolonial Cultural History and Television
    • Hybridization
    • Emergent Change Versus Hybridization
    • Hybridity and Television
    • The Roots of Transnational, Geocultural, and Cultural-Linguistic Regions and Markets
    • Precolonial Forces: Before 1492
    • European Colonialism
    • Imperialism
    • Broadcasting Models: From Colonial to Postcolonial
    • The Cold War and the Major Models for Broadcasting
    • Hybridity and National Development
    • Chapter 3: Creating National and Regional Television and Cultural Industries
    • Dependency, the Cold War, and Television Industry Production
    • Cultural Imperialism and Media Imperialism
    • Local Cultural Production
    • Cultural Imports
    • The Nation-State and Television
    • Dependency and Ownership
    • The State as Owner
    • The Economic and Political Role of States
    • Import Substitution in Cultural Industries
    • Adaptation and Glocalization of Foreign Models
    • Advertising
    • National Conglomerates and Competition
    • The Cultural Role of States: National Security and National Identity
    • Cultural Industries
    • Crucial Structural Conditions of National Cultural Industries
    • Achieving National Coverage via Satellite
    • Supplementing National Coverage via Satellite: Translocal Television in the Nation
    • Television Above and Below the National Level
    • Glocal Processes and National Identities
    • Chapter 4: Creating Global, U.S., and Transnational Television Spaces
    • Globalization Broadly Defined
    • Economic Globalization
    • Globalization as the Spread of Capitalist Modernity
    • Economic Neoliberalism and American Empire
    • American Empire: Film and Television
    • Rethinking Audiences for the U.S. Empire
    • Globalization, Changing National Policy, and the State
    • Deregulation, Liberalization, and Privatization
    • Global Spread of Market Capitalism
    • Global Economics and Advertising
    • Direct Investment and Partnerships
    • Resisting Liberalization and Privatization
    • Globalization via International Trade Regimes and Multilateral Governance
    • Migration as Globalization
    • Transnational Television
    • Geocultural or Cultural-Linguistic Regions
    • Asymmetrical Interdependence and World Television
    • Chapter 5: Increasing Complexity: The Technology of Creating Global and National Television Spaces
    • Television Technology as a Structuring Force
    • Technologies Facilitate Pattern Ruptures
    • Cycles of Technology
    • Technology and Production
    • Technology and Media Distribution and Flows
    • Satellites
    • From Cross-Border Spillover to Direct Satellite Broadcasting
    • Satellites and Cable TV
    • Satellite TV at Global, Regional, and National Levels
    • TV Technology, Access, and Choice
    • Economic Capital and Access to Television Technologies
    • Cable and Satellite TV Relative to Broadcast TV
    • Geography, Language, and Other Barriers to Satellite or Cable TV
    • Chapter 6: Producing National Television, Glocal, and Local
    • Structuring the Producers' World
    • Television Genre and Structure
    • Cultural Industry Producers
    • Economic Boundaries on Television Genre and Program Development
    • Material Versus Symbolic Boundaries
    • Complexity, Patterns, and Genres
    • Cultural Boundaries: Feedback to Producers
    • Complexity, Prefiguration, and Cultural Hybridity
    • Complexity and Cultural Change
    • Ricoeur and the Hybridization Process
    • Glocalization
    • Localization as Japanization or Brazilianization
    • Structuration and Television Production in Brazil
    • The Hybrid History of the Telenovela
    • Brazilianization as Hybridization
    • National Television Flows and Production
    • Limits to Focusing on National Flows and Production
    • TV Genres and TV Flow in the 1950s
    • TV Genres and TV Flow in the 1960s
    • TV Genres and TV Flow in the 1970s
    • TV Genres and TV Flow in the 1980s
    • TV Genres and TV Flow in the 1990s
    • TV Genres and TV Flow in the 2000s
    • TV and Genre Flow Conclusions
    • Chapter 7: TV Exporters: From American Empire to Cultural-Linguistic Markets
    • Genre Imperialism?
    • Genres Flowed Before Programs
    • Delocalization
    • Trends Toward Regionalization of Television
    • Flows of Television Programming and Genres in the 1960s
    • Flows of Television Programming and Genres in the 1970s
    • Flows of Television Programming and Genres in the 1980s
    • Flows of Television Programming and Genres in the 1990s
    • World, Regional, National, and Local Genres and Flows in the 2000s
    • Overall Trends in Broadcast Television Flows
    • Global Flows
    • From Program Genre and Idea Flows to Licensed Format Flows
    • Localization of Global and Transnational Television Channels
    • Broadcast Television Genre Flows Versus Satellite, Cable, and Internet Flows
    • Chapter 8: Multiple Proximities Between Television Genres and Audiences: Choosing Between National, Transnational, and Global Television
    • Culture-Bound Reception and Multiple Proximities
    • Genre Proximity
    • Cultural Shareability
    • Thematic Proximity
    • Value Proximity
    • Cultural Capital, Cultural Proximity, and the Audience
    • Cultural Capital and Media Choices in Brazil
    • Media Access, Cultural Capital, and Class in Brazil
    • Cultural Capital in Rural Communities
    • Layers of Reception within Brazil and Italy
    • Marimar in Rural Northeast Brazil
    • Terra Nostra in the Italy of the North and in the Italy of the South
    • Cultural Proximity within Culturally Bound Reception Practices
    • Chapter 9: Making Sense of World Television: Hybridization or Multilayered Cultural Identities?
    • From Local to Global
    • Multiple Levels of Audience Identity and Cultural Choices
    • The Process of Hybridization
    • Hybridization Versus Multiple Layers of Identity and Culture
    • Multiple Identifications
    • Researching Audiences and Their Identities
    • Cultural Geography: Cultural Distance, Global, National, and Local Identities
    • Case Example—In the Nation's Periphery: Rejecting Cosmopolitan Mores in National Television
    • Language/Culture-Defined Spaces and Markets
    • Multilevel Identities and Social Class
    • Hybridization and Social Class
    • Television, Cultural Geography, and Poor Brazilians
    • Working-Class Cultural Identity
    • Middle-Class Cultural Identity
    • Upper-Middle- and Upper-Class Cultural Identity
    • Some Broadly Shared Globalization via Television
    • Hybridization: Race and Ethnic Identity
    • Gender Identity and Television
    • Telenovelas, Gender, Sexuality, National Values, and Local Values
    • Layers of Identity as Boundaries for Choices and Understandings
    • Layers of Identities as Mediators of Media Meaning
    • Reconfiguration and Synthesis of Identities
  • Dedication

    To my wife, Sandra, and my children, Julia, Rolf and Chris, who have contributed vastly to my learning about and enjoyment of many of the places where this research took place.

    Copyright

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    Preface

    This book reflects work conducted since the mid-1970s by the author and more recently by him and several colleagues. The interests reflected here started in a 1972 undergraduate class on mass media and national development at Stanford University. Lectures by Emile McAnany and others kindled a strong interest that led me to graduate school at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, where Rosemary Rogers, Hewson Ryan, Ithiel de Sola Pool, and others I met or studied with gave me a strong basic sense of the importance of development and international relations issues in media.

    Although I had been very involved with anti-Vietnam politics, I had also been raised with a strong sense of interest in public service. So with some mistaken idealism about helping improve communications between countries, and with the more concrete goal of learning Spanish or Portuguese very well and having time to do extended fieldwork for a dissertation, I joined the U.S. Information Service (the culture and press service, which was then separate from the State Department). I spent three years in Brazil and five in Washington, where many colleagues, including Rodolfo Valentini, Bob Brown, Bob Cross, David Gibson, Charles Spencer, James McGregor, and Norman Painter helped me learn a great deal about language, culture, Brazil, and social research methods, as did colleagues at a University of Michigan summer institute in survey research, which the USIS Office of Research enabled me to attend. All these forms of support (and the considerable patience of my wife, Sandy, who was working on her own dissertation at the time) enabled me to finish my Ph.D. dissertation in 1981 while working at the USIS Office of Research. So one of my first real acknowledgments of crucial support must be to the U.S. Foreign Service and the former USIS, which was foolishly scaled back and folded into the State Department in the late 1990s.

    In Brazil, I also met academic friends and colleagues who still influence me to this day: José Marques de Melo, Fred Litto, Carlos Eduardo Lins da Silva, Anamaria Fadul, Luis Fernando Santoro, Sergio Mattos, Ethevaldo Siqueira, and others. I also began to benefit enormously from the generosity of Brazilian media professionals, including Paulo Mora and Orjan Olsen of the Instituto Brasileiro de Opinião Publica e Estatistica (IBOPE) and Homero Sanchez Icaza of TV Globo, who shared a great deal of knowledge with me over the years.

    Going from promoting human rights in Brazil under Jimmy Carter to supposedly helping the Reagan Administration understand foreign public opinion about the United States and its policies turned out to be very difficult—a sort of ideological whiplash. The Reagan people didn't particularly want to know that Latin Americans had actually liked the previous human rights policy. So I acted on my original impulses, left USIS, and went back to academic life.

    I benefited enormously from a very fortunate first academic job at Michigan State University (MSU), where I learned a great deal about social research from Brad Greenberg, Carrie Heeter, Tom Baldwin, Bella Mody, Chuck Atkin, Tom Muth, Bob LaRose, and many others over 11 years, from 1983 to 1994. I also learned a great deal from colleagues in Latin American and International Studies there, such as Scott Whiteford, Jonas Zoninsein, Leni Silverstein, and David Wiley. MSU Latin American Studies led me to get involved in work in the Dominican Republic, through programs supported by the Partners of the Americas and the Universidad Católica Madre y Maestra. I took a Fulbright Fellowship to the latter in 1987. I was becoming interested in places smaller and less culturally autonomous than Brazil. Those grants and times for fieldwork in the Dominican Republic permitted me to do one sample survey about social class and use of broadcast versus cable television (Straubhaar & Viscasillas, 1991) and one in-depth interviewing project (Straubhaar, 1991) that enabled me to begin to understand connections between social class and preferences for foreign versus local television, breaking down social class connections into more useful components based on Bourdieu's (1984) ideas of economic and cultural capital. That insight came via feedback on a paper I gave at the International Communication Association (ICA), a nurturing and enlightening forum for testing out ideas and learning new ones from others.

    I was able to resume fieldwork in Brazil and learn about ethnography by participating in an anthropological study grant (from 1985 to 1986) with Conrad Kottak about television's impact in Brazil. A University Affiliation/Exchange grant from the Institute for International Education/USIS in communications studies between MSU and the University of São Paulo also supported several research trips with similar results. I spent a sabbatical in São Paulo, Brazil, in 1989 and 1990, supported by MSU and that Institute for International Education grant; I spent that year teaching at the University of São Paulo's School of Communication and Arts under Professor Marques de Melo and leading a study-abroad group for MSU. During my sabbatical, I began the ongoing in-depth interviewing in Brazil that is reported at length in Chapters 8 and 9 of this volume. In 1994, I found myself in the very enlightening position of being the trailing spouse and followed my wife, Sandy, to Brigham Young University. There I benefited greatly from four years of excellent research and travel support from the Department of Communication. I also enjoyed the stimulating intellectual company of Dan Stout, Allen Palmer, Steve Thompson, and Scott Hammond. The latter introduced me to complexity theory approaches to communications, which inform this book strongly.

    More broadly, I benefited greatly from innumerable conversations at meetings of the International Communication Association (ICA), the International Association for Media and Communication Research (IAMCR), the Broadcast Education Association (BEA), and, more recently, the Global Fusion conference network. Doug Boyd, one of my most important mentors and friends, steered me toward active participation in these venues. Once a year at ICA, I see some of my more valued intellectual colleagues and friends: Doug Boyd, Don Browne, John Mayo, and many others who have been enormously influential and have made intellectual growth enjoyable. Another valuable intellectual resource has been the series of Global Fusion meetings on international communication, attended not only by U.S. scholars but also by international ones, such as Marwan Kraidy and Hussein Amin.

    My continued work in Brazil and other Latin American countries has also benefited enormously from conference invitations, speaking visits, and seminar opportunities that colleagues there have extended to me. Just as I found ICA to be a nurturing U.S. conference home, so I have learned a great deal from attending more than a dozen annual meetings of INTERCOM, the Brazilian Association for Interdisciplinary Research in Communications, and a number of meetings of the Latin American Association for Communication Research (ALAIC). Beyond the Brazilian colleagues I originally met and mentioned above, I have met Immacolata Lopes, Cesar Bolaño, Mauro Porto, Sylvia Borelli, Othon Jambeiro, Marcos Palacios, and Sonia Virgínia Moreira. With Sonia Virginia and Immacolata, I have helped organize a series of bilateral Brazil-U.S. research meetings that have been financed by INTERCOM, Fulbright, and University of Texas's College of Communications and Institute for Latin American Studies. At ALAIC, I have also met a number of valued colleagues: Enrique Sanchez Ruiz, Raul Fuentes, Jorge Gonzalez, Delia Crovi, and José Carlos Lozano in Mexico, Guilhermo Mastrini in Argentina; and Lucia Castellon in Chile; as well as Gaetan Tremblay of Montreal, whom I see frequently at these Latin American meetings. Lucia Castellon in particularly pushed me to start working more in Spanish and invited me to Chile several times to help make that happen faster. I have also learned a great deal by participating in the Association of Portuguese-Speaking Communication Researchers (LUSOCOM), where I have met Helena Souza and Manuel Pinto of the University of Minho in Portugal and Eduardo Namburete of the Eduardo Mondlane University in Mozambique, among many others. Grants from their universities, the Portuguese-American Society, and the U.S. Agency for International Development have enabled me to participate in several important meetings and to begin research on how media flow among the Lusophone countries.

    I have developed several key research partnerships. One of the longest is with the University of São Paulo, particularly its School of Communications under Jose Marque de Melo, and its School of the Future, with Fred Litto and Brasilena Passarelli. Our work on both television and the digital divide has been financed by Institute for International Education exchange and USIS American Participant grants, the Fulbright Commission, MSU, the University of Texas, and other grants. Another major partnership has been with Othon Jambeiro and Marcos Palacios, with whom I am still working to compare information about knowledge societies in Brazil and the United States, supported in part by a grant from the Brazilian Commission for the Improvement of Higher Education (CAPES) and the University of Texas. Another important research partner is Jorge Gonzalez, now at the Autonomous University of Mexico. His work with me in Austin was largely financed by the University of Texas's Title VI grant and the Tinker Foundation. Quite of bit of the work on U.S. Latinos discussed in Chapter 9 developed in this partnership. Another has been with Lucia Castellon, former dean of journalism at the Universidad Diego Portales in Santiago, Chile, financed by their seminars and the University of Texas. Another connection, growing in importance to my work in Texas, has been with Jose Carlos Lozano and his colleagues at the Technological Institute of Monterrey, Mexico, who have supported several conferences and visits, with grants from the Televisa and Monterrey Technological Institute research chairs.

    Another important relationship has been with Helena Souza and Manuel Pinto at the University of Minho in Portugal; they have enabled me to participate in several events about the Lusophone cultural linguistic sphere of communications, supported in part by the Portuguese-American Foundation. Giovanni Bechelloni and Milly Buonanno of the University of Florence, Per Jauert of the University of Aarhus in Denmark, and Kaarle Nordenstreng of the University of Tampere in Finland have opened a number of doors to my participating in European research meetings on television and media research. Their universities, Ellen Wartella and Rod Hart as deans of communication at University of Texas, and the Amon G. Carter, Sr., Professorship of Communication at University of Texas, have all helped support that.

    Professors Lee Tain Dow of Taiwan, Georgette Wang of Hong Kong, and Joseph Man Chan of Hong Kong have all helped me participate in meetings and research on television in Asia. Those meetings helped introduce me to the work of Koichi Iwabuchi, Yoichi Ito, Eric Ma, and other Asian scholars. Most recently, I am particularly grateful to Professor Ang Peng Hwa, chair of communications at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, who arranged for me to spend a month there as the Wee Kim Wee Distinguished Professor of Communication in 2006, which greatly facilitated research on Asian television for this book.

    At the University of Texas, I have been blessed with remarkably interesting colleagues and good institutional support. Dean Ellen Wartella helped sponsor several conferences on communication in NAFTA and Mercosur, on the digital divide, and on global television, which enabled me to work with colleagues from Latin America, Asia, and Europe. Partners in Latin America, including Jose Marques de Melo (Brazil); Delia Crovi, Enrique Sanchez, and Jose Carlos Lozano (Mexico); Guillermo Mastrini (Argentina); and Gaetan Tremblay (Canada) have organized similar meetings and enabled me to participate in them. The College of Communication awarded me the Amon G. Carter, Sr., Centennial Professorship in Communication, which has supported some of my travel, some conferences, and graduate student work on projects, all of which has been invaluable. I am very grateful to the Amon G. Carter, Sr., family for that support. The Department of Radio-Television-Film under the chairs John Downing, Tom Schatz, and Sharon Strover has also been supportive. I have been well-supported by the Lozano Long Institute of Latin American Studies (LLILAS), under Nick Shumway and Brian Roberts, which has helped support travel, conferences at the University of Texas, and research networks with Latin American colleagues. I have had great colleagues in the Brazil Center of LLILAS, which I directed for 3 years, supported in part by the Brazilian government. Strong support for access to books and materials has come from the University of Texas Benson Collection on Latin America, under Anne Hartness. Much of my time on the ground during a number of summers in Brazil has come in connection with study-abroad programs, first at MSU, then at Brigham Young, and most recently at the University of Texas; these programs have been strongly supported by Helena Wilkins-Versalovic and John Sunnygard at Texas and others.

    Last but not least, my colleagues and graduate students have provided enormous insight and joy in learning. Aside from colleagues mentioned above, many of my current Texas colleagues—Karin Wilkins, Rosental Alves, Shanti Kumar, Madhavi Mallapragada, Steve Reese, Joe Potter, and Bob Wilson—along with former colleagues John Downing, Nikhil Sinha, Chuck Whitney, and Horace Newcombe have been influential in this work. Equally important have been former graduate students, now colleagues: Antonio La Pastina, Viviana Rojas, Luiz Guilherme Duarte, Consuelo Campbell, Patricia McCormick, and Michael Elasmar. Current graduate students, Martha Fuentes, Juan Pinon, Jeremiah Spence, and Nobuya Inagaki, have also contributed materially to the research and ideas represented in this book. I would also like to thank Todd Armstrong and his staff at Sage Publications for providing encouragement and support throughout this project.

    Sage Publications gratefully acknowledges the following reviewers: Divya C. McMillin, University of Washington Tacoma; Nitin Govil, University of California, San Diego; Timothy Havens, The University of Iowa; and James Hay, University of Illinois—Urbana-Champaign.

  • Methods and Data for the Television Flow Study

    This book rests in part on a foundation of data collected about television programming in several countries around the world. These data are discussed at length in Chapters 6 and 7.

    Methodology

    The data for this study were generated through a simple content analysis of television listings in TV guides and newspapers during sample periods since 1962. Each program was categorized, and the number of minutes each program lasted were added up to create a total number of minutes for that category. Categories were located in a matrix between program types/genres (news shows, variety shows, etc.) and program sources (national, regional, U.S., other international, coproduction). The genre subcategories were originally developed during studies in the Dominican Republic and Brazil; the genre categories used by industry experts were compared with genre categories that emerged from in-depth interviews with audience members. The resulting list of genres was valid in terms of being accepted by both creators and consumers of television and reliable across interviewees in both countries. As countries were added to the sample, care was taken in further coding, particularly in countries outside Latin America, to make sure that the same overall genre categories still applied.

    In the data, prime-time broadcasting is distinguished from the total broadcast day. This strategy permitted a rough measure of which programs were relatively more popular because in all countries used in the study, the most popular programming tended to be concentrated in that period of time when, by definition, the most people were watching. Local designations of prime time varied, depending on the national culture and habits, but they generally fell between 7 p.m. and 11 p.m. This prime time vs. total broadcast day distinction was used in a study of Brazil by Straubhaar (1981) and in the second round of the UNESCO study by Varis and Nordenstreng (1985). It has proven useful in isolating the programming intended to be most widely viewed, typically reflecting the programmer's anticipation of what will be most popular (Havens, 2006).

    Participants or coders were selected for their familiarity with program names, types, and sources over time. Coders were trained in categorizing programs by genre and by country of origin. The coders were initially treated more as a panel of experts than as a set of interchangeable coders in a standard content analysis. They consulted with other people from their respective countries to make sure that the accepted definitions of genre categories applied within their country or culture. Substantial agreement was sought before coding the category definitions; in addition, an intercoder reliability analysis was conducted for subsamples of the coded schedule in all but two of the initial countries. Intercoder reliability exceeded 90%, which is not surprising, given that the coding was quite basic: simply categorizing programs by commonly accepted genre definitions and by country of origin. When coders had any doubts about how to identify or categorize a program by genre or origin, they contacted other people from that country to make sure that they had correctly identified the type and source of the program. A list of standard genre category descriptions, or coding instructions, was created and used, although for some countries, categories emerged that did not fit in the overall pattern of genres.

    Sample

    Sample countries are drawn from six geocultural or cultural-linguistic areas: Latin America (including the U.S-Hispanic cultural market), the Anglophone (English-speaking) nations and cultural markets (including Anglo-Canada), Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. In Latin America, a regional market has been well-developed for decades; in East Asia, national production has been strong, and regional production seems to be developing; in Africa, a regional market might be logical, but as yet, countries are having little national production or regional exchange. Countries were selected to represent a diverse range of market sizes and production abilities within those six regions of the world.

    The sample periods are one week in March or November in 1962, 1972, 1982, 1991/1992, and 2001/2002; that is, five 1-week periods. (When this project began in the early 1980s, a 1-week sample was considered adequate. Some scholars now argue that at least 2 weeks per year is necessary, but lacking the staff or financial resources to redo early data, 1-week samples were used for comparability.) Some minor variations took place, particularly in the 1960s and again in 2001/2002. Data from Brazil were available for 1963, 1971, and 1981, not 1962, 1972, and 1982. Overall, the dates provide some comparability with the Nordenstreng and Varis UNESCO studies, done in 1972 and 1982. When a country did not yet have television in 1962, the first data were collected in the first year of broadcasting, whenever that was, and then in the ensuing regularly sampled year. Copies of TV guides and newspapers were obtained from libraries in hard copy or in microfilm/fiche. Some countries were coded during 1999, some in 2001, and a few in 2002, depending on material resources and when coders were available. Despite these minor variations, the data will be presented as though they were collected every 10 years beginning in 1962.

    Within each country, not all broadcasting stations are represented. One major city in each country was selected as a sample. Particularly in Latin America, some minor channels represented nonmainstream patterns of programming, which might distort the validity of the kinds of television that were actually being watched. Stations that had less than a 5% share of the audience, according to local ratings data, were therefore excluded. In Brazil, validity checks compared all stations with those that had more than a 5% audience share. The result was exclusion of some government stations, some educational stations, and some very minor, usually new, commercial stations, which did tend to use much more U.S. programming than other stations. I decided that including those stations would overstate the effective presence of U.S. programming in Brazil. For this very reason, some earlier research used weighted-measure audience hours to reflect media absorption more accurately, with hours being weighted by ratings to indicate actual audience viewing habits (Antola & Rogers, 1984; Straubhaar, 1981; 1984), but that measure was impractical in this phase of the study because the ratings data for all of the countries and years are not available. Readers may note that the trends seen here correlate with those observed in the audience-hour studies in Latin America (Antola & Rogers, 1984; Straubhaar, 1981; 1984), another indication of general validity. The U.S.-Hispanic data is based on Spanish-language Channel 26 in Chicago.

    Data and Analysis

    The data are presented in the following tables. See Chapters 6 and 7 for further analysis.

    Table A.1 Percentages of Prime-Time Television and Total Broadcast Day Occupied by Nationally Produced Programs

    Table A.2 Percentages of Prime-Time Television and Total Broadcast Day Occupied by U.S.-Produced Programs

    Table A.3 Percentages of Prime-Time Television and Total Broadcast Day Occupied by Cultural-Linguistic Regional Programs

    Table A.4 Percentages of Prime-Time Television and Total Broadcast Day Occupied by Internationally Produced/Origin Unknown Programs

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    About the Author

    Joseph D. Straubhaar is the Amon G. Carter Professor of Communication in the Radio-TV-Film Department at the University of Texas. He was Director of the Brazil Center in the University of Texas Lozano Long Institute for Latin American Studies, 2002–2005. He previously was a Professor of Communications and Director of the Communications Research Center at the Department of Communications, Brigham Young University, and Professor in the Department of Telecommunication, Michigan State University. He has a Ph.D. in International Communication from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University. He worked as a Foreign Service Officer, in Brazil and Washington, and as a research analyst for the U.S. Information Agency.

    Much of Professor Straubhaar's work has focused on globalization of media, starting with the development of television in Brazil and the conceptual challenge it presented to then-dominant theories of dependence and imperialism. He has published extensively on international media, particularly Brazil and Latin America, including a number of articles and book chapters which have developed concepts of cultural proximity, asymmetrical interdependence, transnational cultural-linguistic markets, local vs. national vs. regional and global television markets, multiple television flows among global, regional, and national cultural markets, cultural hybridity, and multi-layered identities in the use of global cultural products.

    He has also worked quite a bit on information technologies, and on development of information societies in both the United States and Latin America, particularly the issue of the digital divide among different social classes and ethnic groups. He has co-written Media Now: Communication Media in the Information Society, now in its third edition. He has written and consulted on telecommunications privatization and deregulation, including an edited book, Telecommunications Politics: Ownership and Control of the Information Highway in Developing Countries. On the digital divide, he is now doing comparative work on Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. He has edited a book comparing information society issues in Brazil and the USA with Othon Jambeiro, coeditor of Políticas de informação e comunicação, jornalismo e inclusão digital: O Local e o Global em Austin e Salvador (Information and communication policy, journalism and digital inclusion: The local and global in Austin and Salvador), published by Federal University of Bahia Press (2005). He is now finishing a book for the University of Texas Press, The Persistence of Inequity in the Technopolis: Race, Class and the Digital Divide in Austin, Texas, a case study of the digital divide persisting within a highly information-oriented city. He is also working on media and migration into Texas.


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