Women in Peace Politics
Publication Year: 2008
Women in Peace Politics explores the role of women as agents and visionaries of peace in South Asia. Peace is redefined to include in its fold the attempt by women to be a part of the peace making process, reworking the structural inequalities faced by them and their struggle against all forms of oppression.
This volume, the third in the series of the South Asia Peace Studies, deals with the myriad dimensions of peace as practised by South Asian women over a period of time. It chronicles the lives of "ordinary" women—their transformative role in peace and an attempt to create a space of their own. Their peace activism is examined in the historical context of their participation in national liberation movements since the early twentieth ...
- Front Matter
- Back Matter
- Subject Index
- Section I: Ideas and Ideologies
- Chapter 1: Shefali
- Chapter 2: Security, Gender and Conflict Prevention: Perceptions from South Asia
- Chapter 3: Ethnicity and Democracy Meet When Mothers Protest
- Chapter 4: Afterword
- Chapter 5: Islam, Feminism and the Women's Movement in Pakistan: 1981–1991
- Chapter 6: Women, Nationalism and War: “Make Love not War”
- Section II: Movements
- Chapter 7: Women in Sri Lankan Peace Politics
- Chapter 8: Motherhood as a Space of Protest: Women's Political Participation in Contemporary Sri Lanka
- Chapter 9: Negotiating Peace: Feminist Reflections
- Chapter 10: The Space between: Women's Negotiations with Democracy
- Chapter 11: Minorities, Women and Peace: A South Asian Perspective
- Section III: Voices
- Chapter 12: Shed No More Blood: Mothers for Peace
- Chapter 13: WAF to Continue Protest against Discriminatory Laws
- Chapter 14: The Way of the World
- Chapter 15: Chadur aur Diwari
- Chapter 16: Drawing Lines, Erasing Lines: Feminism as a Resource in Opposing Xenophobia and Separatism
- Chapter 17: In Conversation with Dr Hanan Ashrawi
South Asian Peace Studies[Page ii]
Series Editor: Ranabir Samaddar
Other Titles in the Series
Volume 1: Peace Studies: An Introduction to the Concept, Scope, and Themes (edited by Ranabir Samaddar)
Volume 2: Peace Processes and Peace Accords (edited by Samir Kumar Das)
Volume 4: Human Rights, Human Rights Institutions and Humanitarian Crisis (edited by Ujjwal Kumar Singh)
Editorial Advisory Board
Daya Varma, Professor, McGill University, Montreal, President CERAS, Montreal, Canada
Ghislaine Glasson Deschaumes, Founder and Director of the international journal of critical thought Transeuropéennes, Paris, France
Itty Abraham, East–West Center, Washington DC, USA
Jyrki Kakonen, Jean Monnet Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Tampere, Finland
Oren Yiftachel, Professor, Department of Geography, Ben Gurion University, Beer Sheva, Israel
Paul Joseph, Professor of Sociology, and Peace and Justice Studies, Tufts University, MA, USA
Rada Ivekovic, Professor, Department of Sociology, Jean Monnet University, Saint Etienne, France
Shree Mulay, Director, McGill Centre for Research & Teaching on Women, McGill University, Montreal, Canada
Stefano Bianchini, Director, Europe and the Balkans International Network, University of Bologna-Forli Campus, Forli, Italy
Editorial Board for this Volume
Samir Kumar Das
Anuradha Bhasin Jamwal
Copyright © Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group (MCRG), 2008
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Women in peace politics/edited by Paula Banerjee.
p. cm. — (South Asian peace studies; v. 3)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Women and peace—South Asia. I. Banerjee, Paula.
ISBN: 978-0-7619-3570-4 (PB)
The SAGE Team: Elina Majumdar, Anushree Tiwari, Mamta Singh and Trinankur Banerjee
[Page v]To Flavia Agnes[Page vi]
Series Note[Page ix]
Peace has become a maximal concept, refusing to accept a minimalist version that stops with the all-encompassing idea of security. This was never so apparent than in the present time when draconian laws, outright aggression, plunder, global control of monopolies, resource wars, immigration control, and new racism—all are being justified in the West, particularly in the United States, in the name of security against terrorism and a new global order. At the same time, the world is being told that this is the pathway to peace. This series is intended to address the critical time that prevails now. It brings together writings, which refuse to accept the dominant ideas on peace given to us by national and international security establishments.
The first volume of the South Asian Peace Studies introduced the concept, scope and themes of Peace Studies. The second volume dealt with peace accords in this region. This, the third volume, narrates experiences of women in conflict and peace. The fourth volume deals with human rights institutions in this region.
This series of volumes is different from the usual conflict and conflict resolution studies that revolve around interest-based approaches and game theories. While it remains uncertain as to how much these studies have contributed to an enriched understanding of conflicts and the dynamics of their resolution, now it is reasonably clear that these studies, while focusing on conflicts, neglect the ideas and visions of peace, justice and reconciliation, and were often used as post-facto justification of the way in which a particular conflict was handled, the most well-known example in this region being the Indo-Pakistan wars over Kashmir. Conflict Studies, by and large, divorced the idea of conflict resolution and peace from practices of democracy and justice. More important, in this kind of studies, there was little recognition of the social and political realities of the colonial and post-colonial world. Peace with justice seems to be an [Page x]impossible agenda to the conflict and conflict resolution theorists and practitioners. The South Asian Peace Studies Series has been planned as an exercise against that politics of excluding justice and democracy from conflict resolution and peace—by bringing into light, practices of human rights, justice, dignity, reconciliation and democracy, and lodging them at the heart of Peace Studies. In a world characterized by structures of dominance and inequality and the received histories of freedom, the volumes will show that Peace Studies will have to be of a critical nature.Calcutta Research Group, Kolkata
This book's premise is that women are important actors in peace politics. Before addressing the question of why focus on women in peace politics, one perhaps has to make an attempt to define what is peace. Peace has long been a problem and a puzzle, not the least because more histories are written of war than of peace. Peace is neither sensational nor heroic enough to command its own genre of history. When Thucydides wrote of peace, he was yearning for a change from the fatigue brought forth by the grind of the Peloponnesian war. This is no exception; when histories are written of peace, then it is almost always as part of the dyad of war and peace. For histories of peace outside of war one has to sift it from other histories of dialogues, consultations and conferences. What is it in peace that denies a history of its own? To understand this riddle, one has to look at established discourses on peace. The Kantian logic of peace and Kant's own metaphysical ambitions that have for years set the tone for discourses on peace inexorably tie it to war. Even contemporary writers have inevitably posited peace against violence as in a recent monograph entitled Violence and Peace: From Atomic Bomb to Ethnic Cleansing. Again, we come back to the same dyad. Feminist scholars, among other analysts of critical theory, however, have tried to get away from the dyad. Betty Reardon envisions peace “as a complex of specific political, economic, and social changes that make the world in some part more just” (Reardon 1993: 4). Philosopher and self-avowed mother Sara Ruddick has defined peace politics as part of the complex, idealistic and pragmatic activities that mothers are involved in (Ruddick 1989). However, none of these scholars deny that war or violence is a great impediment to peace. If these can be said to be the meta-discourses on peace or its global dimensions, then it is interesting to probe what local dimensions of peace might be and whether that might give us a better understanding of peace. For a better understanding of politics [Page xii]of peace, perhaps one needs to look at practices of peace making. Most feminist analysts agree that it is facile to think of peace as a monolith. My own experiences show that there is no final or conclusive definition of peace. A few years ago, I asked a young girl in a conflict zone in Northeast India what peace meant to her. After giving me a thoroughly perplexed look, she said, “Perhaps when there is no sound of gunfire, there is peace”. The region that she comes from has witnessed armed conflict for over fifty years. After the 2001 ceasefire between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Sri Lankan state, I asked the same question to a young mother in Northeast Sri Lanka, who replied that peace would mean more food for the children. There are many such replies that could have been included here, but it will suffice to say that these answers reflect that perhaps there is no single definition of peace. The meaning of peace changes with the location from where it is imagined because peace in its pristine form is usually imagined. This volume then deals with the multi-dimensions of peace as imagined and as practiced over years by women in South Asia.
The volume is part of a series on South Asian Peace Studies. From the beginning, our effort is to portray the multiple trajectories of peace. In our discourse, peace is not merely the opposite or the positive/negative of war. As responses of women from different parts of South Asia portray here, an end to violence does not exhaust what is meant by peace. The United Nations (UN) Decade for Women brought forth a new terminology of positive peace as opposed to the negative peace that merely means an end to war. Positive peace is associated with the reworking of structural inequalities faced by women. Two decades later, South Asian women's practices in peace making clearly portray that peace is not merely a corrective. Although the definition of positive peace is more inclusive than largely masculine discourses on peace, it has its caveat. By trying to streamline experiences of peace, we take away not only much of its complexity but also the diversity and richness of experiences of the politics of peace. Perhaps, a more pragmatic approach then would be to resist altogether the temptation of trying to define what is meant by peace and let South Asian women's voices speak for themselves.
[Page xiii]Now we come to the second and possibly a more typical question: why a reader on women in peace politics? Are women's experiences important enough to merit such a volume? If the answer is yes, then where are the women in peace negotiations? It is interesting that such questions are raised when women claim their space in peace politics because when women enter the realm of war politics, they are always castigated to the “softer” realm of peace. Women's existence in either world is not cosy.
By now, it is no revelation that women and men support organized violence with equal fervour. Years back, Jane Addams had argued that the belief that a woman is against war simply and only because she is not a man cannot be justified. In every country, there are many women who believe that war is inevitable and righteous, and when their sons go into the army they feel that they are performing the highest possible service to the nation. Yet, women have rarely reaped the benefits of war. In fact, they have traditionally been distanced from the power centres of the state because ostensibly they do not make the “supreme sacrifice” of giving their lives in war. Feminist social scientists and activists have exploded even that myth. Bangladesh, Bosnia, Rwanda, Sudan have all portrayed that women's bodies are the fields where war is waged. Even then, it has been recognized that women are seldom called upon to make the decisions to either wage war or make peace and so they are expected to merely follow orders of the powers that be. Why then associate women with either war or peace? Unlike the association of women with war, the association of women with peace is altogether not new. Abdul-Baha, Gandhi and many other philosophers have seen in the so-called feminine qualities of love, service and moral power the hope for peace in an age where too many wars are being fought. Feminist scholars, though agreeing that women have a definitive role to play in peace, have viewed the issue from a different perspective. They question this unproblematic correlation of women with peace. The other framework that they challenge is one that looks at women as merely victims. They feel that although male leaders often decide questions of war and peace, women are equal participants in these through their everyday negotiations, and have great influence on such decisions. Their support, albeit crucial in both, is perhaps, as scholars such as Neloufer De Mel would have us believe, more [Page xiv]crucial in peace making as women play a more transformative role in peace than in war.
Feminist social scientists and peace activists agree that ideas of masculinity and femininity are intrinsic to the construction of the nation. They are also of the opinion that once constructed, the nation at best patronizes women and at worst infantilizes them, thereby making them unequal partners in state formation. By now it is an established premise that no nation treats its women as equal to its men. Conflict increases this inequity of women within the nation, no matter what their sacrifices, and adds on to their vulnerability. As Anuradha Chenoy points out, feminist scholars have highlighted “the gendered aspect of military violence by emphasizing that sexual violence continues to be the specific experience of women during war” (Chenoy 2002: 28). Recently Iraq's experience clearly portrayed once again that men are no longer immune to sexual violence in modern warfare. Can that violence be interpreted as a mode of feminizing the vanquished and thereby demoralizing, shaming and devaluing them just the way the Jews were feminized to legitimize the final solution? Whatever the explanation, women have been the recipients of such violence for centuries. Is it surprising then, that no matter what their ideological leanings, women in large numbers have joined the rank and file of peace movements?
Women's engagements with peace started centuries ago, perhaps simultaneously with their engagements in war. We hear of Lysistrata in Aristophanes’ famous Greek drama. The known history of women's activism in peace movements is a more recent phenomenon. From the early 20th century, the cause of women and the cause of peace were seen as inseparable. Jane Addams helped convene a group of women at Hague to deliberate on how to create institutions that would serve as an alternative to war. Frances Willard, a few years later, spoke of a world republic of women without distinction of race and colour. From the very beginning then, women's vision of peace internationally was tied to addressing other forms of inequities such as slavery, poverty, race, etc. This was borne out in the South Asian context as well. Women's peace activism was linked to women's participation in national liberation movements from the early 20th century. As chronicles of Viramma or participants in the Telangana struggles portray, this liberation was much [Page xv]larger than independence from the British rule. This was a fight against myriad forms of injustices because, for most women activists, peace without justice had no meaning. As many of the articles presented here portray, this legacy continues even today. Women's fight for peace in South Asia is a fight against all forms of oppression.
This volume chronicles women's various roles as visionaries and agents of peace in South Asia. Following the previous two volumes, this volume is also divided into three sections with their own sectional introductions. The sections are entitled Ideas and Ideologies; Movements and Voices, reflecting the three genres through which women's peace politics in South Asia are often played out. In Ideas and Ideologies, it becomes clear that desire for peace is not restricted to women from any particular ideology and as a strategy it is constantly evolving. The next section portrays how movements, or rather practices, create peace politics. The third section underscores the idea that to understand women in peace politics, one has to listen to women's voices. Taken cumulatively, the volume portrays that peace is not merely a derivative of war for women in South Asia. It is a desire to end repression that cuts across caste, class, race and gender. Women such as Kamalamma speak against caste and class repression and gender is part of this gamut of repression. The volume largely chronicles the lives of many “ordinary” women and among them is Shefali, who in certain ways symbolizes women's unending quest for peace and justice. She, who is perpetually relegated to the borderlands of citizenship, merely wants a corner to remain in peace, far away from the patriarchies that buy and sell her and then deem her superfluous, unwanted. For her, peace has little to do with war between states, and a lot more to do with her everyday battle against inviolable borders and her constant negotiations till she can breach those borders.
The volume also includes South Asian women's practices of more structured negotiations for peace. It chronicles some mother's movements, which have been a significant aspect of women's peace politics in many parts of the world today. The idea of peace is influenced by many aspirations and among them remain yearnings for a more moral world and attachment to human relations, both of which are reflected in maternal politics [Page xvi]for peace. The mother's associations in certain ways epitomize women's peace making roles in South Asia. In the Sri Lankan conflict, there were at least four mother's associations at different times. Even in the Indian context, there are the Naga Mother's and the Meira Paibis, who made remarkable progress in their movements for peace. The mother's associations in South Asia appeared largely in the 1980s. These were results of women's spontaneous peaceful protest against protracted violence in their own societies. None of these women's groups were created to intervene in peace politics but they were able to create spaces for themselves through peace politics. There are many who critique such maternal politics of peace and point out to the closures created by appeals for peace, which are inevitably gendered. But it has to be remembered that the turf of war is a masculine turf. For women to enter this turf is often impossible. Motherhood has proved to be one avenue for women to enter this turf. In South Asia, it has allowed women to speak for peace with some authority, especially in situations of tremendous aggression. It has also to be remembered that Northeast India and Sri Lanka, where women have successfully organized mother's movements for peace, are the two regions where women made successful claims to sit in ceasefire negotiations, which is often a largely male domain of bargaining. Although, this did not give these women the right to substantially influence the negotiations, at least they appropriated the right to be heard. These protests show that women's negotiations for peace have the potential to change the situation of women even in traditional societies. It has also led to a democratization of society in as much as democracy can be equated with social justice.
The volume reflects multiplicity of women's role in peace politics in South Asia. The inevitable question that arises is whether women have added a new dimension to peace making in South Asia. Experiences from Northeast India and Sri Lanka portray that such a claim might be sustained. Women's efforts in peace making show that to sustain a successful movement for peace, women practice coalition building. In Manipur, Meira Paibis formed the Apunba Lup with 32 other human rights groups. At least in the case of Northeast India, women do not believe in either going alone or recognizing that they are the only stakeholders for peace. In Sri Lanka too, as Saro Thiruppathy [Page xvii]and Nirekha De Silva's writings portray, many groups of women have come out strongly in favour of peace. There is also a strong strand of belief in justice running through women's peace movements in South Asia. As Cynthia Cockburn would have us believe, this is what makes women's movement, feminist and thereby transformative. This collection not only shows the different agentive role played by women in peace politics, but it is also raises a number of queries. It responds to the often raised question: Is there anything in women's lived experiences that makes them particularly suitable for the role of peace making? By highlighting women's tremendously diverse experiences in peace making at the micro level, we hope to answer this question. From their lived experiences, women may have culled out some knowledge which, if collectively taken cognizance of, might lead to a more antimilitaristic policy. What is more pertinent for us, however, is to portray that it is not the only way by which women define the politics of peace or peace making. For women, peace movements begin with struggles over their ability to be heard and lead on to a fight against all forms of imbalances and oppressions. This is not to say that women are always on the side of justice, or that they do not take part in genocidal attacks, as in Gujarat. But thankfully, none of the women's groups have called it peace. This brings us to the question of how successful women are in peace making in South Asia. The South Asian region has emerged as one of the most conflict prone zones in the world and so, it is apparent that, the agenda for peace has, as yet, not received the attention that it should. Kumari Jayawardena had written in her commentary on feminism and nationalism, that women's movements do not occur in a vacuum but correspond to the wider social movements of which they form a part. While writing on women's peace movements in Northeast India, I had argued that these movements too do not occur outside of their own social realities and are often determined by other human rights and civil society movements. But in South Asia, women's activism for peace is hardly ever taken seriously. The security pundits ignore women peace activists, not understanding how transformative their actions are in the field of social justice.
True, wider social movements often determine women's initiatives, but women do not stop there and accept the limitations [Page xviii]that society places on them. At every stage they point to the fallacies of what is considered as a norm. As articles presented here portray, their actions therefore, in turn, influence the wider social movements, such as their protests against honour killings in Pakistan or against Armed Forces Special Powers Act in India, all of which have impacted larger movements for justice. In this way, women have acted as agents of change in peace politics and not as mere rank and file of these movements. However, here we do not want to chronicle the lives of only extraordinary women, no matter how essential such a study might be. Here our ambitions are limited, and if this volume is able to convince readers that, when speaking of justice all women need to be heard, then we will think it is a job well done.
An anthology of any form might at times appear limited. There might be particular issues that have not been covered. We have tried to bring out diverse aspects of women's engagement with peace politics in this volume. But we also urge the readers to consult the other volumes of South Asian Peace Readers, because each of these has a gender dimension. This volume was prepared collectively after long hours of debate among the editors and the editorial team. We thank all the contributors and publishers who have agreed to reprint their articles. We also thank all the paper writers who have given us new articles. We would particularly like to thank the series editor, Ranabir Samaddar, who is undoubtedly a closet feminist, and who inspired us to look at women in peace politics from diverse and new angles. We take this opportunity to thank our young friends Pritima Sharma, Dolly Kikon, Deepti Mahajan and Nirekha De Silva for diligently preparing the bibliography for this volume. Shreyashi Chaudhuri, among others, deserves special thanks for all her help and support with the bibliography and also for accepting myriad editorial demands with her ever-gracious smile. A number of writers were thoughtful enough to provide us with lists of references. I would also like to thank Purna Banerjee for her long distance editorial comments. It is time now to thank all the members and office staff of Calcutta Research Group (CRG), particularly Ram Prasad Mahato and Samaresh Guchait among others, for typing, printing, and generally providing all support so that the manuscript can be prepared.
[Page xix]The senior researchers of CRG are a constant source of support and inspiration for us and we are happy to be part of that team. Our heartfelt gratitude to SAGE Publications and the SAGE team. At the end of the day we would like to thank our friends because, after all, this is a collection made up of writings of good friends.[Page xx]
Further Readings on Themes in Peace Studies[Page 301]Selected Readings: General1995. “August Anarchy: The Partition Massacres in Punjab 1947,”South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, Special Issue on “North India: Partition and Independence,” XVIII: 13–36. Melbourne: South Asia Studies Association..2001. Violence Against Women in Bangladesh-2000: A Report. Dhaka: Bangladesh National Woman Lawyers’ Association..1997. “The Women's Peace Union and the Outlawry of War, 1921–1942” in Syracuse Studies on Peace and Conflict Resolution. Syracuse University Press: First Syracuse University Press edition.. October1993. Peace as a Women's Issue: A History of the U.S. Movement for World Peace and Women's Rights. New York: Syracuse University Press..1995. Bangladesh: Fundamental Rights of Women Violated with Virtual Impunity. London, UK: Amnesty International..1989. Women-Nation-State. London: Macmillan.and .Appadorai, Arjun, F.J.Korom and M.A.Mills (eds). 1991. Gender, Genre and Power in South Asian Expressive Traditions. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.2005. “Peacekeeping and Conflict Management: South Asia,” and “Peace Movements: South Asia,” Encyclopedia of Women in Islamic Cultures, Volume 2. Netherlands: Brill Publications..2001. “Between Two Armed Patriarchies: Women in Assam and Nagaland,” in RitaManchanda (ed.), Beyond Victimhood to Agency: Women, War and Peace in South Asia. New Delhi: Sage Publications..2005. Internal Displacement in South Asia. New Delhi: Sage Publications., and .2004. Building Constituencies of Peace: A Women's Initiative in Kashmir, Documenting the Process. WISCOMP..2004. Samanbal: Spaces for Reconciliation, Building Constituencies of Peace: Stakeholders in Dialogue IIIWISCOMP.and .1994. “Gendering Conflict Resolution,”Peace and Change, 19(4): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.1994.tb00661.x. [Page 302]1987. “Feminism and Pacificism: Historical and Theoretical connection,” in Ruth RoachPierson (ed.), Women and Peace. Sydney: Croom Helm..Bhasin, Kamla, SmituKothari and BindiaThapar (eds). 2001. Voices of Sanity: Reaching Out For Peace. New Delhi: Lokayan.Bhasin, Kamla, RituMenon and Nighat SaidKhan (eds). 1994. Against all Odds: Essays on Women, Religion and Development from India and Pakistan. New Delhi: Kali for Women.1998. Living on the Edge: Essays on the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Kathmandu: SAFHR., and2004. No Peace Without Freedom: Race and the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, 1915–1975. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press..1981. “Perspectives of Women Researchers on Disarmament, National Security, and World Order,”Women's Studies International Quarterly, 4(1): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0148-0685%2881%2996328-4.1989a. Feminine Perspectives on Peace and Peace Education. New York: Pergamon Press..1984. Black Women and the Peace Movement. Bristol: Falling Wall Press..1998. Alternative Dispute Resolution Practitioners Guide. Cambridge, MA: Conflict Management Group., and .1990. “Feminist Approaches to Peace: Another Step for Peace Studies,”Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 19(1).1998. The Other Side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India. New Delhi: Penguin Books..Burguires, M. and TanikaSarkar (eds). 1995. Women and the Hindu Right: A Collection of Essays. New Delhi: Kali for Women.Cambridge Women's Peace Collective. 1984. My Country Is the Whole World: An Anthology of Women's Work on Peace and War. Unwin Hyman.1987. “Feminism and Pacifism: Historical and Theoretical Connections,” in RoachPearson (ed.), Women and Peace, pp. 2–28. London: Croom Helm..1993. War and Peace through Women's Eyes. New York: Greenwood Publishing Group. (Palestine): Gaza Centre for Rights and Law..2002. Militarism and Women in South Asia. New Delhi: Kali for Women.1993. “Popular Attitudes, Legal Institutions, and Dispute Resolution in Contemporary Bangladesh,”Legal Studies Forum17(3): 291–300.1998. The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender and National Identities in Conflict. London and New York: Zed Books..CynthiaCockburn and DubravkaZarkov (eds). 2002. The Postwar Moment: Militaries, Masculinities and International Peacekeeping-Bosnia and the Netherlands. London: Lawrence and Wishart.CIDA. 1998. “Gender Equality and Peacebuilding: A Draft Operational Framework”. Ottawa: CIDA.[Page 303]1998. “Afghan Women in the Peace Process” in Lorentzen and Turpin (eds), The Women and War Reader. New York and London: New York University Press.1983. Women Everywhere: Dreams, Ideas & Actions from the Women's Peace Movement. London: Pluto Press.and .Cook, R.J. (ed.). 1994. Human Rights of Women: National and International Perspectives. Philadelphia: Princeton University Press.Corrin, Chris (ed.). 1996. Women in a Violent World. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.2005. Athwaas: Expanding Parameters of Local Access, Building Constituencies of Peace: Stakeholders in Dialogue IV.and .2005. South Asian Peace Studies, Volume. II. New Delhi: Sage Publications..1998. “Moral Mothers and Stalwart Sons: Reading Binaries in a Time of War,” in LoisLorentzen and JenniferTurpin (eds), The Women and War Reader. New York: New York University Press..1997. “Role of Women in Decision-Making in the Peace Process,” in S.Wolte (ed.), Human Rights Violations against Women during War and Conflict, pp. 12–18. Geneva: Women's International League for Peace and Freedom..Dutta, Madhusree, FlaviaAgnes and NeeraAdarkar (eds). 1996. The Nation, The State and Indian Identity. Calcutta: Samya Publication.1996. Hatreds: Racialised and Sexualised Conflicts in the 21st Century. New York, NY: Routledge..1995. Women and War. Chicago: University of Chicago Press..2000. Manoeuvres: The International Politics of Militarizing Women's Lives. Berkeley. CA. University of California Press..1983. Does Khaki Become You: The Militarisation of Women's Lives. London: South End Press..1993. Women, War and Peace, Research Report No. 14. Uppsala: Life and Peace Institute..1975–1980. Essays in Peace Research, Vols 1–5. Copenhagen: Christian Ejlers.2000. “Protection of Women in Armed Conflict,”Human Rights Quarterly, 22(1). http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2000.0007.2004. Transcending Conflict: A Resource Book on Conflict Transformation. WISCOMP.and .Guanadason, Aruna, MusimbiKanyoro and Lucia AnnMcSpadden (eds). 1996. Women, Violence and Non-Violent Change. Geneva: World Council of Churches.1999. Nari Obhiggota CHT: 1 (Women's Experience in CHT: 1) in Shongskriti, March.1986. “Gender Violence in Bangladesh: the Role of the State,”The Journal of Social Studies, no. 30.2001. “Internally Displaced Women from Kashmir: The Role of UNCHR” in SARWATCH. Dacca..1989. Rocking the Ship of State: Toward a Feminist Peace Politics. 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About the Editor and Contributors[Page 311]The Editor
Paula Banerjee is a member of the Calcutta Research Group (CRG). She specializes in issues of conflict and peace in South Asia. She has published extensively on issues of gender and forced displacement and autonomy. She has co-edited a number of books of which the most recent ones are Internal Displacement in South Asia (2005) and Autonomy Beyond Kant and Hermeneutics (2007). She has also been working on themes related to women, borders and democracy in South Asia. She is on the editorial board of a number of international journals such as Prachya and Forced Migration Review. She is currently teaching and is the Chair of the Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Calcutta.The Contributors
Malathi de Alwis is a feminist scholar and activist at the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Colombo, Sri Lanka. She was Visiting Professor at the New School for Social Research, New York.
Aditi Bhaduri is a gender consultant and a freelance journalist based in India. She is currently working on Kashmiri Pandit women.
Cynthia Cockburn is a feminist researcher and writer working at the intersection of Gender studies and Peace/Conflict Studies. She is a Visiting Professor in the Department of Sociology at City University, London. Since 1995, she has been working closely with women peace activists in conflict zones such as Cyprus, doing qualitative action-research.
[Page 312]Samir Kumar Das is a research coordinator of the Calcutta Research Group (CRG). Presently, he is a Professor in the Department of Political Science, University of Calcutta. His researches on the society and politics of the Northeast and Assam in particular, are widely known.
Sumona DasGupta is the Assistant Director of WISCOMP. Her thesis on the Trends of Militarization in Indian Politics in the 1980s is widely read.
Fauzia Gardezi has worked as a research associate at the University of Toronto. She is associated with the Élisabeth Bruyère Research Institute, Ottawa, Ontario.
Meghna Guhathakurta is currently working in Research Initiative Bangladesh. Formerly, she was a Professor in the Department of International Relations, University of Dhaka. She is a well-known human rights and gender activist in Bangladesh.
Rada Ivecovic is a Professor of Philosophy in France. Since 2004, she is the Program Director at Collège International de Philosophie at Paris. Among her numerous research interests, the most prominent are Feminist Theory and Feminist Philosophy as well as Political Philosophy.
Anuradha Bhasin Jamwal is Executive Editor of the Kashmir Times. She has worked and written extensively on the Kashmir conflict, focusing on the need for intra-state dialogue between India, Pakistan and the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Her work has also focused on issues of displaced people in Jammu and Kashmir.
Kalpana Kannabiran is Professor of Sociology at NALSAR University of Law, India and founder member of a women's collective, Asmita Resource Centre for Women where she coordinates legal outreach for women. She is the current Chair of RC32 (Women in Society) of the International Sociological Association. Her areas of specialization are Sociology of Law, Jurisprudence and Gender Studies.
[Page 313]Vasantha Kannabiran is the Founder of Asmita, which brings diverse groups of women into networks that address a range of issues spanning conflict, peace, survival, women's rights and secularism. For over 30 years now, Vasantha has been closely involved with the questions of armed militancy, civil liberties and the meaning of peace for women in Andhra Pradesh.
Jean Luc Racine is a CNRS Senior Fellow, Centre for the Study of India and South Asia at the School for Advanced Studies in Social Sciences (EHESS), Paris. He is also the Director of the International Programme for Advanced Studies, run by the Fondation Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, Paris, in cooperation with Columbia University.
Josiane Racine is co-author of the celebrated volume, Viramma: Life of an Untouchable.
Fehmida Riyaz is a celebrated poetess who started the first women's publishing house in Pakistan. She launched a magazine, Awaz, which criticized the government. She was exiled from Pakistan by Zia ul-Haq for her liberal views regarding Muslim women, and has since lived in India.
Ranabir Samaddar is the Director of the Calcutta Research Group (CRG) and the Editor of its journal, Refugee Watch. He is known for his work on cross border migration, autonomy and dialogue as an instrument of politics and social justice.
Nirekha De Silva is involved in monitoring and protecting the Rights of Sri Lankan IDPs through various research projects and advocacy work. She was a Researcher at the Disaster Relief Monitoring Unit of the Human Rights Commission and at the National Peace Council of Sri Lanka.
Stree Shakti Sanghatana After the Emergency was lifted in 1977, a group of women came together to form Stree Shakti Sanghatana. Historically rooted in Telangana, with headquarters in Hyderabad it brought many women from various backgrounds together. It is a small articulate group set out to politicize women's issues.
[Page 314]Saro Thiruppathy is a researcher and a feminist activist in Sri Lanka.
Volga is the Founder Member of Asmita Resource Centre for Women. She has written the lyrics for War and Peace, and Lakshmana Rekha — Kuchipudi ballets on the effect of war and domestic violence which have been performed across the state.