What's Social about Social Cognition? Research on Socially Shared Cognition in Small Groups

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Edited by: Judith L. Nye & Aaron M. Brower

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  • Part I: The Group as a Cognitive Unit: Group Beliefs, Decisions, and Products

    Part II: Impact of the Group on Thinking about the Self and other Group Members

    Part III: Impact of the Group on Member Identification and Group Boundaries

    Part IV: A Look to the Future of Social Cognition Research

    Part V: Discussion of the Chapters

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    Preface

    This book is based on the premise that an ideal arena for studying the social and interactional aspects of social cognition is the small group. In this volume, we present exemplar research on various aspects of social cognition conducted within a small group context. This book expands on a special issue of Small Group Research (May 1994) that addressed this very topic. We invited prominent researchers in social cognition and groups research to present their research dealing with the more social side of social cognition.

    The book is organized into three main parts that describe central topics in the study of what's social about social cognitions. In the part titled “The Group as a Cognitive Unit: Group Beliefs, Decisions, and Products,” the chapters address the delicate and potentially explosive balance between the resources and talents of individual members and the interpersonal dynamics that go on between group members. This part includes chapters that address groups as they set about their tasks: Wittenbaum and Stasser (Chapter 1) discuss their research on how groups manage and use information; Haslam, McGarty, and Turner (Chapter 2) address the bias that group members tend to hold toward the credibility and relevance of information provided by their own group members; and Moreland, Argote, and Krishnan (Chapter 3) reveal that groups can be trained to work better than individuals in constructing products.

    In Part II, “Impact of the Group on Thinking About the Self and Other Group Members,” the chapters focus on how self-concept and perceptions of others in the group change based on group processes. These chapters address effects on the self and others based on “real” group interactions rather than on those that are analogue or imagined. Patterson (Chapter 4) focuses on the relationship between person perceptions and interactive behavior in groups and how they affect impression formation and management. Forsyth and Kelley (Chapter 5) describe how members shift their initial “egocentric” focus to a “sociocentric” one once their group coalesces. Nye and Simonetta (Chapter 6) describe which aspects of members’ perceptions of leaders change and which remain stable after group successes and failures and how both stability and change are influenced by members’ leadership schemas. Johnson and Neimeyer (Chapter 7) discuss unique interaction effects on member perceptions after perceiver and target effects are teased out. Finally, Oyserman and Packer (Chapter 8) describe how individuals view themselves differently depending on the groups with which they identify, and they note that one's sense of self has an inherent social component.

    The last of the three main parts, “Impact of the Group on Member Identification and Group Boundaries,” includes chapters discussing how group members tend to think about their own groups in relation to members of outgroups. All three chapters note that group entitativity (Campbell, 1958) is not rigidly determined—in fact, a group's sense of “we-ness” is constantly open to change. Mullen, Rozell, and Johnson (Chapter 9) demonstrate how factors as simple as group size can affect how ingroups and outgroups are represented in the mind of the social perceiver. Gaertner, Rust, Dovidio, Bachman, and Anastasio (Chapter 10) call on the common ingroup identity model to explain the cognitive mechanisms that can contribute to the reduction of prejudice between groups. Considering the impact of temporal factors, Worchel (Chapter 11) argues that as groups change over time, group members’ perceptions of ingroup and outgroups members and their habits of interacting change in predictable patterns.

    These empirical pieces are bracketed by two provocative chapters on the common ground between social cognition and groups research. In the Introduction, Fiske and Goodwin point out that, although the two areas have traditionally overlooked each other's offerings, “small group research and social cognition research need each other.” They suggest a number of research pursuits in which each area could address the shortcomings of the other, thus strengthening both. In the second to last chapter, Ickes and Gonzalez (Chapter 12) offer social (i.e., intersubjective) cognition as an alternative research paradigm. They argue that pursuing research that acknowledges the interdependence of cognitions that occurs in interaction situations may serve to enhance the overall quality and meaningfulness of social psychological research and theory. Finally, we close the book with a discussion of the 11 empirical chapters. We identify a number of the common themes within them that can help point the way to future research and thinking on the uniquely social aspects of social cognition.

    One can read this book straight through, or one can use each part as an example of how different authors view similar phenomena. Because this book brings together two major areas of research, we believe it will speak to a wide audience. Within social cognition research, social psychologists have been calling for a more social emphasis on the research for some time now—our book offers research that meets this challenge. Groups researchers, on the other hand, will find that the views provided by social cognitive theories may provide coherence to what Levine and Moreland (1990) call a “badly fragmented” field (p. 586).

    The empirical study of true social interactions is both devilishly complex and tantalizingly appealing. And although it may be a quixotic pursuit, it is where we feel true discoveries in academic psychology will be found. It is our sincere hope that this book can move us a step forward in this discussion.

    This book was, truly, a rewarding and challenging project on which to work—not exactly heavy labor but a labor of love nonetheless. We wish to acknowledge the contributions of several people in the development of this book. Jack Demarest, Don Forsyth, and Charles Garvin provided the initial encouragement to begin this project. Jim Nageotte and Nancy Hale at Sage Publications were invaluable in bringing it to completion. Karen Carlson, Jack Husted, and Janice Stapley reviewed chapters in rough form and served as sounding boards for the project at various points along the way. Both Monmouth University and the University of Wisconsin provided much needed support at critical stages in the production of the book.

    One wonderful outcome of this project has been the development of collaborative relationships among the authors contributing to this book. In addition to writing chapters, they very graciously reviewed the other chapters within their parts, which served to strengthen the overall coherence of the book. We wish to thank all of our authors for their commitment to pursuing good science while retaining their enthusiasm for capturing the complexities of real life.

    Finally, we wish to dedicate this book to Richard Su and Nancy, Jacob, and Nathaniel Brower. Their continuing love and support have made all the difference in our personal and professional lives.

    Judith L.Nye and Aaron M.Brower

    Introduction: Social Cognition Research and Small Group Research, a West Side Story or…?

    Susan T.Fiske, Stephanie A.Goodwin

    Small group research and social cognition research need each other. Neither has dealt adequately with the other's phenomena. Recent reviews of each area bear out this simple observation of neglect, first in social cognition research: “The social perceiver … has been viewed as somewhat of a hermit, isolated from the social environment. Missing from much research on social cognition have been other people in a status other than that of stimulus” (Fiske & Taylor, 1991, p. 556). And in small group research, social cognition apparently can be utterly ignored. Nowhere in Levine and Moreland's (1990) Annual Review of Psychology chapter, “Progress in Small Group Research,” are social cognitive theories singled out as a fruitful past or future source of stimulation for small group research. Although social cognitive approaches have been accused of being imperialistic, threatening to dominate social psychology, the Annual Review of Psychology chapter might lead one to judge, at the opposite extreme, that social cognition is totally irrelevant to small group research. The situation resembles that of two rival gangs each having staked out their separate turf, crossing boundaries at their peril; this perception is the source of our West Side Story theme.

    AUTHORS’ NOTE: The writing of this paper was supported by the first author's NIMH grant 41801, which also supported the second author. Correspondence may be addressed to the first author at Department of Psychology, Tobin Hall, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA 01003.

    In contrast to gang warfare, we endorse a more spontaneous and open interplay between research on social cognition and small groups, as equal parties, both with a long history within social psychology as well as a bright future. To that end, as kibitzing outsiders, we commend the research in this volume, and we will offer some additional opportunities that seem to beg for research attention. In doing this, we do not wish to blur the distinction between individual and group phenomena, which we acknowledge differ fundamentally (e.g., Ruscher, Fiske, Miki, & Van Manen, 1991; Schopler & Insko, 1992; Tajfel, 1982). Nevertheless, many intriguing points of contact do emerge.

    There's a Place for Us

    There is a central place for the phenomena of both small groups and social cognition in social psychology, which follows from what we all do and how we all define ourselves as social psychologists. The earliest and most current definitions of the field unanimously endorse the need to study interaction as well as perceptions and interpretations. Allport (1954) defined social psychology as “an attempt to understand and explain how the thought, feeling, and behavior of individuals are influenced by the actual, imagined, or implied presence of other human beings” (p. 5). Prominent in this definition are both actual interactions and cognitively mediated interactions (imagined, implied).

    E. A. Ross (1908) asserted that,

    Social psychology deals only with uniformities due to social causes, i.e., to mental contacts or mental interactions. In each case, we must ask, “Are these human beings aligned … by their interpsychology, i.e., the influences they have received from one another or from a common human source?” … It is social only insofar as it arises out of the interplay of minds. (pp. 2–3)

    Again, prominent in the definition is the importance of actual interaction as well as mental interaction.

    According to Mead (1909, 1910), a social act is defined by one person serving as a stimulus to a response by another person and vice versa; such “interstimulation links them functionally together in a common social situation” (Karpf, 1932, p. 321), making a “conversation” of social stimulation and response. This conversation is mediated by meaning, images, symbols, and empathy.

    Whether social psychology is viewed as social influences, mental interaction, or conversation (interstimulation), each of these implies people together, and each implies that people are interpreting each other. These foundational definitions suggest a central place for face-to-face interaction, as studied, for example, within small groups, research on which has been present since the beginning of American social psychology. For example, the index to Karpf's (1932) American Social Psychology contains numerous references to the “group approach;” Dashiell's (1935) survey of experiments examining the influence of social situations on individuals explicitly defines itself in terms of person-to-person relationships and the effects of the group on the individual. More recently, Levine and Moreland (1990) conclude that small group research is alive and well but living elsewhere (in allied fields). The point is that social psychology, the study of people's impact on each other, requires or should require the study of person-to-person interactions of which small group research is a prominent part.

    The study of social influences, mental interaction, and conversationlike interstimulation also requires the study of minds in social settings. The influence of others is filtered through the individual's cognitive system. As Ross and Nisbett (1991) note, studying the impact of social situations requires studying the impact of social situations as perceived by the individual in question; they trace their idea of construing to Asch (1952), Brunswik (1956), and Lewin (1935). Lewin's (1935) concept of the life space, the situational forces perceived to be operating on the person, emphasizes subjective interpretation. So does the Brunswik (1956) lens model of social perception—the proximal cause of people's responses is their filtered perception, not the distal object. And Asch, along with Helen Block Lewis (Asch, 1940; Asch, Block, & Hertzman, 1938; Lewis, 1941), emphasized how meaning and judgment result from social standards. To honor the equal importance of social cognitions and face-to-face interactions, we will discuss first how social cognition has dealt with face-to-face interaction, and second how small group research has dealt or might deal with social cognitive issues. In doing this, we will suggest that it is not a case of the Jets versus the Sharks (or Montagues versus Capulets) but of more constructive potential interaction.

    The Rumble

    Rumors of discontent, even confrontation, have challenged social cognition research from early on. Over the past 15 years, the primary complaints have been three (e.g., Fiske, 1981; Manis, 1977; Taylor, 1981b; Zajonc, 1980): Social cognition research fails to deal adequately with affect; it fails to deal adequately with motivation; and it fails to deal adequately with actual interaction. The “hermit” criticism, noted in the opening paragraph, is shared by other commentators: “The focus [of cognitive psychology] has remained on the individual as a solitary and, for the most part, purely intellective being” (Levine, Resnick, & Higgins, 1993, p. 586). In a similar vein, Ickes and Gonzales (Chapter 12, this volume) endorse the need for a social cognition, citing the lack of affect, intersubjectivity, and naturalistic interaction.

    A more formal analysis of the established paradigm for studying social cognition reveals some cause for complaint along these lines. In an inspired survey of methods in major social and personality psychology journals of the 1980s, de la Haye (1991) has documented the most common paradigms for studying interpersonal cognition. As might be expected, they are short on actual interaction, affect, and motivation.

    Consider first interaction. In social cognition studies, interaction would be potentiated by the mode of presenting the target person. Only 15% of the studies involved the physical presence of the target person, with another 3% allowing audio or video presentation believed to be live, but neither set necessarily allowed interaction. In contrast, in 45% of the studies, the target person was presented in a purely verbal medium, which hardly represents interaction.

    Consider next the role of affect in social cognition paradigms. To be fair, the purpose of this subfield has been to push cognitive explanations, not to study affect, but many would argue that social cognition requires affect. In any case, among the independent variables, affect is never mentioned in the de la Haye (1991) analysis. Among the dependent variables, a category called Subject's Involvement, found in 22% of the studies, includes liking, preference, social distance, and judged physical attractiveness; assumed similarity; and assumed familiarity and assumed relationship. A possibly overlapping 25% of the studies include judgments of the target, some of which are at least evaluative if not emotional in nature. And 24% of studies (again, potentially overlapping) include judgments of the target's transitory covert characteristics, such as affective states. Noncognitive dependent variables not included elsewhere are present in 24% of studies. So, at least on the dependent variable side, affect is not wholly absent. Although affect may not be represented often as full-blooded emotion (cf. Dijker & Fiske, 1993), at least some evaluative and affective judgments are clearly present. Admittedly, de la Haye omits a substantial literature on mood, but only some of it deals with mood effects on social perceptions.

    The presence of motivational variables is harder to gauge. Characteristics of the situation surrounding the subject, manipulated in a full 34% of the studies, include goals, success or failure, roles, and subject-target relationship. This is not a modest proportion of motivational variables. Moreover, a clear upswing of interest in goals and motivation has appeared after a decade's hiatus. Researchers have returned to some of the pragmatic themes implicit and explicit in the founding of social psychology, following the pragmatic Jamesian idea that thinking is for doing (Fiske, 1993b). Motivation and goals anchor this enterprise. Numerous social cognition theories address different types of interaction goals with which people approach social perception (for reviews, see Fiske, 1992; Hilton & Darley, 1991; Kruglanski, 1990; Snyder, 1992; Stangor & Ford, 1992). New editions of Social Cognition (Fiske & Taylor, 1991) and the Handbook of Social Cognition (Wyer & Srull, 1994), as well as Ross and Nisbett's (1991) new book, all address goals and motivation to a greater degree than the comparable efforts a decade ago. Three edited volumes (Higgins & Sorrentino, 1990; Sorrentino & Higgins, 1986, 1996) collect a variety of theoretical and empirical advances in motivation and cognition.

    In short, social cognition research stands accused of three main types of neglect: interaction, affect, and motivation. Of these, the accusation about affect is least credible: Affect has been a persistent junior partner in the enterprise from the beginning of the most recent two decades’ flurry of activity. One might argue that it should have had a bigger role or that emotion (rather than evaluation and mood) should have been focal, but it is hardly fair to criticize a cognitive approach for focusing first on cognition and only secondarily on affect.

    Turning to the status of motivation, it seems that there was indeed a period of neglect but that hiatus is flanked by an early interest in motivational issues, as reflected in the pragmatic origins of the enterprise, and by the current acceleration of interest in goals and motivation, as reflected in a recent upsurge of empirical and theoretical activity.

    Finally, we come to the neglect of interaction. The accusation here is completely justified. Social cognition research is guilty on this count: Our subjects sit alone in the lab, like Tolman's rats in the maze, lost in thought. In this limited but important sense, social cognition is insufficiently social. The importance of neglecting social behavior should be evident. To its peril, research on attitudes historically neglected overt behavior, initially assuming that social behavior would follow directly from attitudes. A major upheaval followed reviews arguing that the typically measured attitude-behavior relation was small (e.g., Wicker, 1969). Within social cognition research, so few studies have measured the cognition-behavior relation that one cannot even argue about its size.

    Would research on social cognition within small groups potentially answer these criticisms, especially the clear neglect of interaction? Not exactly. But it may help. The research represented in this volume, combining social cognition and small groups, varies on how much it deals with actual interactions. But there is clearly more social behavior reflected herein than in the usual sample of articles in the front section of the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. And the odds are, the more we examine social cognition in small groups, the more we will address affect, motivation, and (especially) interaction. As the next section indicates, social cognition research has already developed some of the relevant groundwork. The section after that examines activity within small group research that does or could relate to social cognition processes.

    Something's Coming

    Recent research in social cognition, as noted, is beginning to deal more actively with actual interactions and with issues related to interaction. As argued elsewhere (Fiske, 1992, 1993b), the core issues in thinking-for-doing are good-enough accuracy of perception, constructing meaning, and interaction goals. We will illustrate with special reference to issues likely to concern small group researchers.

    Accuracy

    Just a few years ago, the criticism was leveled that “the social perceiver is often viewed as having a somewhat lunatic disregard for external reality. This fantasizer seems to operate solely on whatever convenient fictions are in his or her own head” (Fiske & Taylor, 1991, p. 556). Some solutions are appearing to counteract this overemphasis on being in the head without reference to the stimulus world. After a considerable hiatus, accuracy has returned to the main agenda, particularly in the context of interaction.

    For example, Kenny's innovative social relations model (e.g., Kenny & Albright, 1987), which assesses every person's rating of every other person except perhaps the self, seems ideally suited to small group settings. It then separates components of accuracy, for example, disentangling effects contributed by the perceiver versus the target versus their unique relationship. Small groups provide a natural laboratory for examining accuracy as defined by observer consensus because everyone observes the same behaviors, which is crucial to consensus (Kenny, 1991). As observers see more overlapping behavior, if that behavior is consistent and if they generally agree about the meaning of behavior, then acquaintance can increase consensus accuracy. Small groups also provide a context for what Swann (1984) would call circumscribed accuracy. Fairly good accuracy can be negotiated, within certain interaction contexts and with certain partners, a description that fits many small group contexts. And empathic accuracy is a central issue in any interaction (Ickes, Stinson, Bissonnette, & Garcia, 1990).

    Accuracy refers not only to judgments but also to memory, on which judgments can sometimes later be based. The accuracy of memory relies on the constructive tension between prior knowledge, established by experience, and new information that may contradict it. Until recently, research on memory for people had little to say about small group settings and actual interaction. The paradigm indeed may have been the prototype, imagined by researchers outside of social cognition, as that best representing the whole subfield of social cognition. (Many social cognition researchers would take exception to this prototype.) The person memory paradigm isolated subjects reading lists of traits to form an expectancy and then reading standardized behaviors, after which they listed the behaviors they could recall. The most usual effect in this particular paradigm was a recall advantage for expectancy-inconsistent behaviors (Stangor & McMillan, 1992). However, altering the paradigm to make it more emphatically social, using factors that would apply to a small groups context, dramatically eliminates or reverses this effect. A group of targets, instead of an individual, attenuates or reverses the effect. Expanding the task beyond a single experimental setting alters the effect. Irrelevant tasks interpolated between exposure to the information and its subsequent recall similarly eliminate the inconsistency advantage. Task complications (multiple trait dimensions or task demands) have similar effects (Hamilton, Driscoll, & Worth, 1989; Stangor & Duan, 1991). Finally, receiving the information in a conversational format also eliminates the effect (Wyer, Budesheim, & Lambert, 1990; Wyer, Lambert, Budesheim, & Gruenfeld, 1992). In short, memories for people with whom one actively interacts are determined by both prior knowledge and incoming data, allowing the potential for at least good-enough accuracy. Making the paradigm more social alters the basic effects, and researchers are actively pursuing this insight.

    Not only can one complicate the person memory paradigm by making targets multiple, but one can also make the perceivers multiple. Wegner (1987) proposes that groups divide up the memory tasks, enabling individuals to concentrate on smaller domains, thereby presumably remembering more. Moreland, Argote, and Krishnan (Chapter 3, this volume) argue that the development of such transactive memory systems accounts for their research findings that work groups perform better when their members are trained as a unit rather than as separate individuals. Moreover, committing people to a group makes people remember an ingroup message more accurately (Haslam, McGarty, & Turner, Chapter 2, this volume). Groups provide an interesting context for the study of accuracy and consensus about social perceptions. More important, knowing when and how groups are accurate and consensual in their social perceptions is a crucial research agenda for intergroup relations and for decision-making groups, as the next section indicates.

    Meaning Making

    Until recently, the major metaphor of social cognition research was the cognitive miser, beset by an overwhelming stimulus environment and hoarding scarce mental resources. One of the clearest cognitive miserly strategies is to construct or recycle coherent, compact structures (schemas) that adequately contain the challenge of messy new input. This is one form of meaning making that is actively researched (for reviews, see, e.g., Fiske & Taylor, 1991, ch. 4; Higgins & Bargh, 1987). The renewed pragmatic approach also points out that meaning can be made more elaborate when necessary to achieve particular goals. Individual-level analyses have indicated the role of traits as rich descriptors, stereotypes as associatively complex portraits, and stories as generating meaning (Fiske, 1993b). Each of these readily carries over to small group research.

    If anything, shared meaning and its impact on consensus (Kenny, 1991) is even more important in interactions, dyadic or group. People communicate more effectively when they know the other's level and kind of understanding (Fussell & Krauss, 1989a, 1989b; Krauss & Fussell, 1991), and people are often not bad at estimating the other's knowledge (Fussell & Krauss, 1991). But establishing that common ground is clearly a central task of interaction.

    One of the intriguing ideas to emerge from this insight is the possibility that small group processes and individual processes are parallel in some respects. For example, Ruscher and Hammer (1994) studied how dyads negotiate joint impressions of a third party. They found that studies of dyadic impression formation can use the same stimuli and parallel forms of the same measures, for example, attention as conversation time, thought content as conversation content, and linguistic structure as an indicator of psychological meaning. Dyads apparently try to achieve common ground or a shared understanding of a joint target of social perception. When that shared impression is disrupted by negative or perhaps inconsistent information, the dyad tries to adjust by spending more time discussing how impression-consistent information fits and generating exemplars of the complex of information.

    The negotiation of a shared meaning structure also occurs in decision-making groups. Juries, for example, construct a shared narrative understanding of the events to be explained (Hastie & Pennington, 1991; Pennington & Hastie, 1991). The story must account for the evidence, follow rules of narrative form, and fit world knowledge. The best stories are comprehensive and coherent, thus enabling a decision. It would be useful to apply such a model to other types of decision-making groups such as personnel committees. In its extreme, rigid form, such shared meaning would suggest groupthink, research on which is integrated in a paper by Mullen, Anthony, Salas, and Driskell (1994).

    Meaning making does not just occur as external social perception, not just as individuals, dyads, and groups dealing with stimuli external to the perceiving body. Patterson (Chapter 4, this volume) discusses meaning making within the group: how individuals within groups interact and form mutual impressions depending on relative attention and effort devoted to self and others. Meaning making within groups depends on expectancies, goals, and incoming information just as it does for individuals. The small group literature has long known this (see Levine & Moreland, 1990) but only borrowed sparingly from social cognition perspectives to enrich its analysis.

    Meaning making also occurs between groups. This insight is represented by some chapters in this volume. Mullen, Rozell, and Johnson (Chapter 9, this volume) discuss representations of ingroup and outgroup as a function of relative group size. They suggest that smaller groups may be represented as single abstract prototypes, whereas larger groups may be represented as a series of concrete exemplars. Gaertner, Rust, Dovidio, Bachman, and Anastasio (Chapter 10, this volume) discuss how intergroup contact can create the representation of a common ingroup identity, more inclusive than the previously separate multiple outgroups. All this shows the role of representations as meaning making for intergroup relations.

    Implicit in these discussions is the idea that stereotypes (as generic representations) inherently misrepresent individuals, and (as outgroup members) usually in a negative direction. An interesting alternative viewpoint is that stereotypes can serve to provide additional information beyond what is known about the individual, thereby enriching social understanding (Oakes & Turner, 1990). In a related vein, Leyens (1990) suggests that stereotypes can serve the function of smoothing interactions by providing expectancies as mutual frames of reference for interactants. These ideas, which run counter to the traditional ways of viewing stereotypes, deserve some research consideration.

    In conclusion, meaning making occurs not only within individuals but also within dyads and groups and between groups. This collection of small group research showcases papers that make this point especially clear. A variety of research on meaning making suggests that the cognitive miser metatheory is less relevant than previously thought.

    Goals and Control

    With the reintroduction of motivation into social cognition research, a new metatheory for social perceivers is the motivated tactician (Fiske & Taylor, 1991), who has available a variety of strategies for understanding other people, choosing among them according to current goals. As noted earlier, social cognition researchers have focused more explicitly on a variety of goals, taking a pragmatic perspective that reflects longstanding concerns dating back to the origins of social psychology as a field (Fiske, 1992). The pragmatic perspective fits well with the applicability of much small group research. Studying people in applied (or applicable) settings brings home the importance of people's own goals, precisely because it is not an artificial, isolated, irrelevant, or rarefied atmosphere. Social cognition research has examined two major types of goals, and within each type are many directly relevant to small group interaction (for reviews, see Fiske, 1992; Hilton & Darley, 1991; Kruglanski, 1990; Ruble, 1994; Snyder, 1992; Stangor & Ford, 1992).

    One kind of goal tends to motivate people to attempt accurate social perceptions (for a review and references, see Fiske, 1993b, pp. 172–178). Among the more interaction-oriented goals are simple instructions to be accurate, clear social norms to individuate, and personal feedback. Social relationships can encourage accuracy goals: When individuals are interdependent (either cooperatively or competitively), they attempt more accuracy in their understanding of each other. Subordinate status makes having a sense of accuracy more important to social perceivers. Accountability to third parties also makes people try to be more careful. In each case, these variables are natural phenomena within small group contexts; none of them guarantees accuracy, only greater efforts toward a sense of accuracy.

    Another type of goal tends to encourage people to make rapid, good-enough decisions with less effort. Capacity-limiting conditions such as time pressure or noise make people more likely to use prior expectancies over additional information. Such contextual features are relevant to the ecology of small groups, as the next section will review. Being action oriented, preparing to interact, or being in the midst of interaction also makes people more decisive and less thorough.

    All of these kinds of motives, reviewed elsewhere, support the view of the social perceiver as situated in interaction contexts, often in small groups. It would seem that the goal-oriented view of social cognition, along with work on meaning making and accuracy, all support the perspective that thinking is for doing, making this view completely consistent with a small group perspective. We turn now to areas of small group research that offer opportunities for contact with social cognition perspectives.

    One Hand, One Heart?

    Much small group research is applied or applicable and investigates how various characteristics and dynamics of the group influence outcomes such as group performance, interaction, and satisfaction. On the one hand, an applied approach broadens interest and distributes investigations across many topics. On the other hand, it can also inhibit the development of more general theories as investigators across domains find it more difficult to share results and to collaborate. Levine and Moreland (1990) suggest that the multidisciplinary approach to small group research has left the field “badly fragmented” (p. 586).

    Our intention in this section is to build some conceptual collages, that is, to indicate areas of small group research that may be pieced together using social cognitive views as the glue. In fact, several small groups theorists are already leaning in the cognitive direction, even though much of their language belies their interest in cognitive variables. Levine and Moreland's (1990) review of the field provides a useful structure for addressing social cognition issues within this area of research. Our discussion therefore focuses on the major areas of research as presented in their review: ecology, composition, structure, conflicts, and performance.

    Ecology

    How individual group members perceive and think about their physical and social environments should, of course, have some bearing on the group's outcomes. Several cognitive themes emerge when one considers research in this area. First, the environment can affect group members’ abilities to process information. For example, crowded and exotic environments lead group members to experience cognitive overload and to think more rigidly (Argote, Turner, & Fichman, 1988; Staw, Sandelands, & Dutton, 1981). “Overstimulation” and “cognitive load” may be mediating mechanisms for the deleterious effects of situations on social interaction and performance (Cox, Paulus, & McCain, 1984; Paulus & Nagar, 1989). Social cognition research on cognitive busyness and attribution (e.g., Gilbert, Pelham, & Krull, 1988) would lend some support to these hypotheses, yet researchers in neither field have addressed these issues adequately using both interactional group settings and cognitive measures.

    The interaction environment can also influence people by altering the way information is processed (e.g., filtering of information, differential weighting of information). Certain group settings may prime individuals to interpret information in terms of their prior expectations about a particular situation (i.e., their schemas, defined as cognitive structures that organize knowledge about a particular object, person, or event).

    Some background on the schema concept is necessary to understand how this construct might play a role in small group research. Schemas are thought to be hierarchical structures that include both identification information (e.g., managers in this company all wear navy suits) as well as other information acquired through direct and indirect experience (e.g., managers make important decisions). When schemas become activated, they guide the way information is attended and processed. For example, people not only prefer information that confirms their expectations, they also tend to process this information more quickly than information that does not fit their schemas.

    Consider the range of schemas potentially relevant to small group contexts. One may differentiate between those that pertain to events (scripts) and those that pertain to people (person schemas). Scripts contain information about the sequencing of social events and provide templates for social interaction (e.g., what to do at a managerial meeting). Person schemas are further distinguished as (a) schemas about individuals (e.g., one's boss), (b) schemas about groups of people (e.g., bosses in general), (c) overgeneralized schemas about members of a particular group, also called stereotypes (e.g., women, Asians), and (d) schemas about people with certain personality characteristics, also called implicit personality theories (e.g., anxious people). Priming social schemas can influence the way an individual thinks and, consequently, behaves in a particular situation. If a stereotype becomes active (e.g., bosses are unapproachable), it can lead a group member to ignore or reinterpret disconfirming information about a particular target person (e.g., my boss's open door is not an invitation for discussion but an opportunity to eavesdrop on the employees). Whether or not a schema becomes primed is in part contingent on stimuli in the environment. For example, the presence of sexually explicit materials may prime sex-role stereotypes for women (Bargh & Raymond, 1995; Borgida, Rudman, & Manteufel, 1995).

    The schema concept may be easily applied to research on small group environments. For example, research in job satisfaction and working conditions could perhaps use analyses of how the physical environment primes particular schemas. For example, if people in a work environment tell jokes about the management, it is likely to prime negative schemas about worker relations, which in turn could influence job satisfaction and productivity.

    Similarly, research on crowded and threatening environments might build on understanding people's schemas for these situations. Research indicates that it is not the actual social or spatial density that predicts group performance, but instead, it is the individual group members’ perceptions of crowding that make the difference (Paulus & Nagar, 1989). Apparently, features of the environment prime people to interpret their environment in negative or threatening ways. These issues remain to be tested.

    We should also bear in mind that the relationship between perceiver and environment is not unidirectional. The environment may influence the perceiver, but the perceiver also may manipulate the environment. Research issues such as territoriality and responses to threats in small groups could be enhanced by considering the group's perceptions of control as well as its social identifications (i.e., schemas about one's own group in relationship to other group identifications).

    Schemas, both those held by the individual and those shared by the group, may also play a role in the temporal ecology of the group. For example, scripts may influence group members’ expectations about development of the group (e.g., whether members expect the group to dissolve or to grow over time). Similarly, schemas may influence group expectations about pace within task groups, consequently influencing performance and satisfaction within the group. Finally, research indicating that older groups become more rigid and rely less on outside information may be explained in terms of schemas and cognitive processing (Katz, 1982). As groups age, their shared scripts may be played out automatically, leading to less interaction outside the group and more rigid information processing within the group. Theories of automatic cognitive processing by individuals, such as those in Uleman and Bargh (1990), could be applied to test these ideas in group settings.

    Group Composition

    Given cognitive capacity limitations and the impact of schemas on processing, the composition of a group could clearly influence individual group members’ perceptions, group identifications, and cognitive-processing strategies. Research suggests that as group size increases, production and satisfaction decrease. In cognitive terms, this may be related to issues of cognitive capacity. As the number of group members increases, individuals within the group have fewer resources to manage social interactions, to maintain attention, and so on. In addition, larger groups require individual members to maintain more relationships, which in turn requires more cognitive resources. Job satisfaction and productivity may suffer as a result of these factors, first, because they reduce group members’ abilities to complete their tasks and fulfill their roles in the group and, second, because they may increase group members’ perceived levels of stress. The context of the group composition (e.g., number of men vs. women) can also have an influence on group members’ satisfaction. Social cognition research suggests that a solo (e.g., the only Asian American in a group of Anglo Americans) is more salient and, as a result, receives more attention from other group members (Taylor & Fiske, 1978). The consequences include being seen as more influential, being evaluated more extremely, and being evaluated in stereotypic terms. In a meta-analysis of studies using solo gender targets, Mullen (cited in Fiske, Bersoff, Borgida, Deaux, & Heilman, 1993) reports that these effects are quite robust. Solo effects could alter the overall interaction of the group and satisfaction levels. Heterogeneous groups may also set the stage for priming stereotypes. To the extent that salient characteristics of group members activate stereotypes, these schemas may then influence social interactions within the group.

    Group Structure

    The small groups literature has explored several characteristics of group structure, including status, norms, roles, and cohesion. All of these factors influence group members’ cognitive processing. Schemas and scripts may define the roles and norms that guide behavior within the group. For example, group expectations or shared schemas about leaders may influence their evaluations of the leaders’ behavior (Lord, 1985).

    Small group research suggests that status hierarchies develop very rapidly, oftentimes within the first few minutes of interaction. The two theoretical explanations for this phenomenon, expectation states versus ethological theories, both posit a cognitive comparison process whereby individuals are sized up relative to some personal characteristic. In the case of the expectation states theories, characteristics vital to achieving the group's goals are more important in the comparison process (Berger, Rosenholtz, & Zelditch, 1980). For the ethological theorists, physical appearance and demeanor play the crucial role (Mazur, 1985). In either case, the fact that status roles develop so quickly suggests that group members rely on schemas or expectations about what these characteristics imply in order to process the information quickly. This in turn suggests some level of automatic cognitive processing. One could further predict more conflict regarding status roles within a group or more change in status hierarchies over time, to the extent that group members do or do not share the same expectations about status.

    Conflicts

    Several areas of small group research fall under the topic of conflict research, including communication, power, and minority-majority influence. These areas of research reflect stronger trends toward social cognition as compared to other areas of small group research.

    In the area of communication, Bodenhausen, Gaelick, and Wyer's (1987) analysis of the communication process begins to address the significance of group members’ cognitions. Their model, originally developed to describe communication in romantic dyads, suggests that a critical component of the communication process is each member's perception of what is being communicated. This acknowledges that people may be differentially interpreting or processing what is communicated based on their individual or shared schemas.

    Power research using both social cognition and small groups paradigms is perhaps on the eve of convergence. Recently, theories of power from both views have come to the same conclusion—the nature of interdependent relationships determines who has power over whom (Cook, 1987; Deprét & Fiske, 1993). Research suggests that the nature of power relationships influences evaluations of both the powerful (Kipnis, 1984; Stevens & Fiske, 1995) as well as the powerless (Goodwin & Fiske, 1995). For example, perceivers who have outcome control, the powerful, are motivated to use both effortful and effortless attention strategies to confirm stereotypic expectations about subor-dinates (Goodwin & Fiske, 1995). Closely related to this issue is Nye and Simonetta's contribution on followers’ perceptions of leaders (Chapter 6, this volume). Future research should extend existing theories into interactional settings to determine if these findings are stable. In addition, the study of how people respond to the exercise of power could benefit from analysis in these terms. For example, job satisfaction and productivity may be related to how group members perceive the nature of asymmetrically interdependent relationships. Group influence research has already adopted one important cognitive theory to explain how minority-majority group members alter group opinion. Chaiken's (1987) heuristic-processing model, which posits several underlying cognitive mechanisms that determine the outcome of an influence attempt, has successfully been applied to group influence situations in laboratory settings (Chaiken & Stangor, 1987). Still, this theory remains to be tested outside the lab and in interactional settings.

    Performance

    The literature on group performance is heavily intertwined with many of the areas of research that have already been discussed. For example, much of the previously mentioned research has been conducted in service of understanding and improving productivity and satisfaction within groups. In addition to that already discussed, the social information processing theory of productivity (Salancik & Pfeffer, 1978) is clearly cognitive. According to this model, the route to improved productivity lies in changing perceptions of the group's task, not necessarily in changing the task itself.

    Unlike some other areas of small group research, cognitive theories of leadership have been well integrated into the literature. For example, Lord's (1985) work on implicit theories of leadership addresses shared beliefs and expectations about leaders and how these factors influence perceptions of the leader. From the perspective of how leaders view others, Green and Mitchell's (1979) theory posits an automatic attributional response that affects how leaders evaluate their subordinates. Although these theories have received empirical support in laboratory settings, replication in more interactive settings is still to follow.

    Finally, decision-making theorists have ventured further out into cognitive waters, as evidenced by the application of persuasion and social comparison theories as well as computer-simulated models of decision-making processes (e.g., Hastie, Penrod, & Pennington, 1983; Stasser, 1988; Stasser, Kerr, & Davis, 1989). In contrast to these quantitative approaches, qualitative approaches to decision-making research are much less cognitive. This area of research could nevertheless recognize how cognitive factors may affect qualitative features of decision making. For example, group discussions tend to be dominated not by new information but instead by shared information and by information that confirms existing expectations (Stasser, Taylor, & Hanna, 1989; Wittenbaum & Stasser, Chapter 1, this volume). This could be explained in terms of schema-driven processing biases at the group level.

    Gee, Officer Krupke

    We have tried to provide some context for the discussion of links between small group research and social cognition research. After noting that the two domains are both core features of the social psychology enterprise, we also noted that they rarely cite each other and even square off as adversaries to the extent that social cognition research neglects person-to-person interaction and small group research neglects cognitive processes. A change is in the air, as social cognition research becomes more concerned with the pragmatic issues of consensus and accuracy, meaning making, and interaction goals. Similarly, as the collection of chapters in this volume indicates, social cognitive analyses hold much promise for small group phenomena; we have also illustrated some possible openings for social cognition in small group settings. As social cognition researchers addressing small group researchers, we would like to close by saying, with the Jets of West Side Story, “We ain't no delinquents; we're misunderstood; deep down inside us, there is good.”

    What we all have in common, social cognition and small group researchers alike, is social psychology. Together, we need to make our shared case to a sometimes skeptical larger society, a case that rests on our common interests. To quote the Jets again: “Gee, Officer Krupke, we're down on our knees, ‘cause no one wants a fella with a social disease…. “What are we to do?”1

    Note

    1. “Gee, Officer Krupke” from West Side Story. Music by Leonard Bernstein, lyrics by Stephen Sondheim. Copyright © 1956, 1957 (renewed) by Leonard Bernstein and Stephen Sondheim. The Leonard Bernstein Music Publishing Company LLC, U.S. and Canadian Publisher, G. Schirmer, Inc., worldwide print rights and publisher for the rest of the world. International copyright secured. All rights reserved. Reprinted by permission.

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    Author Index

    About the Contributors

    Phyllis A. Anastasio is a social psychologist interested in changing group stereotypes through intergroup interaction. She is currently Assistant Professor of Psychology at Holy Family College.

    Linda Argote received a PhD in Organizational Psychology from the University of Michigan and is currently Professor in the Graduate School of Industrial Administration at Carnegie Mellon University. She has also taught at the Kellogg Graduate School of Management at Northwestern University and in the Department of Industrial Engineering and Engineering Management at Stanford University. Her research and teaching focus on how groups and organizations acquire, retain, and transfer information. She is a Department Editor for Management Science and a Senior Editor for Organization Science. She also serves on the editorial boards of the Journal of Organizational Behavior, the Journal of Engineering and Technology Management, and the Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin.

    Betty A. Bachman is a social psychologist interested in intergroup relations in organizational settings, particularly during mergers and acquisitions. She is currently Assistant Professor of Psychology at Siena College.

    Aaron M. Brower received his PhD in 1985 from the University of Michigan and is Associate Professor and Associate Director of the University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Social Work. His current research explores differences between American subcultural groups in their educational attainment and life course decision making and on the roles played by goals and self-appraisals in meeting educational and developmental transitions. He has published widely in professional journals and is the Associate Editor of Small Group Research. In addition to coediting What's Social About Social Cognition?, he coauthored Social Cognition and Individual Change and Advances in Group Work Research.

    John F. Dovidio is a social psychologist who does research on intergroup relations, prosocial behavior, and interpersonal dominance. He is currently Professor of Psychology at Colgate University.

    Susan T. Fiske, PhD, is Distinguished University Professor, Department of Psychology, University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Her federally funded research focuses on motivation and stereotyping, and she is the coauthor, with Shelley E. Taylor, of Social Cognition (1984; 2nd ed., 1991). She is also the coeditor, with Daniel Gilbert and Gardner Lindzey, of the forthcoming 4th edition of the Handbook of Social Psychology.

    Donelson R. Forsyth is Professor of Psychology at Virginia Commonwealth University. He received his PhD in Social Psychology from the University of Florida in 1978. His research interests include individuals’ and groups’ reactions to performance feedback, self-maintenance, and ethical thought.

    Samuel L. Gaertner is a social psychologist who does research on racism and intergroup relations. He is currently Professor of Psychology at the University of Delaware.

    Richard Gonzalez, PhD, is Associate Professor of Psychology at the University of Washington. His research interests include decision making, group processes, statistical modeling of data, and psychology and law.

    Stephanie A. Goodwin, MS, is finishing the PhD program in personality and social psychology, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, after completing her undergraduate training at the University of Texas at Austin. Her graduate work has also included a year at the University of Louvain at Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium. Her research interests lie in social cognition, especially stereotyping and power.

    S. Alexander Haslam completed his undergraduate degree at the University of St. Andrews in 1985. After that he spent a year at Emory University as a Jones Scholar before completing his PhD as a Commonwealth Scholar at Macquarie University under the supervision of John Turner. After lecturing in the Faculty of Health Sciences at the University of Sydney, he took up a post as a postdoctoral researcher in the Department of Psychology at the Australian National University. He is now a Lecturer in the same department. His primary interests are in the areas of stereotyping, social categorization, and group processes. He is the coeditor (with Craig McGarty) of the forthcoming book The Message of Social Psychology: Perspectives on Mind in Society and the coauthor (with Penny Oakes and John Turner) of Stereotyping and Social Reality (1994).

    William Ickes is completing his PhD as a Commonwealth Scholar at Macquarie University under the supervision of John Turner. After lecturing in the Faculty of Health Sciences at the University of Sydney, he took up a post as a postdoctoral researcher in the Department of Psychology at the Australian National University. He is now a Lecturer in the same department. His primary interests are in the areas of stereotyping, social categorization, and group processes. He is the coeditor (with Craig McGarty) of the forthcoming bookssistant Professor in the Department of Psychology at Hofstra University. His research interests include social cognition and (inter)group perceptions.

    Craig Johnson, PhD, is Assistant Professor in the Department of Psychology at Hofstra University. His research interests are in the areas of social cognition and (inter)group processes.

    Marianne E. Johnson has served on the faculty of the Department of Psychology at the University of Manitoba since completing her PhD in Clinical Psychology at Vanderbilt University in 1988. In collaboration with Hans Strupp, she has investigated recurrent relationship themes and other aspects of the psychotherapy process and has a particular interest in the use of the social relations model to study group process. She has recently completed training as an analyst at the C. G. Jung Institute in Zurich, Switzerland.

    Karl N. Kelley graduated in 1987 with a PhD in Psychology from Virginia Commonwealth University. He is currently Assistant Professor at North Central College. His research interests include attributional and affective reactions following performance feedback and social psychology applied to organizational and education settings.

    Ranjani Krishnan is a PhD student in the Katz Graduate School of Business at the University of Pittsburgh. Her research interests include group behavior, employment contracts, and incentive systems in managerial accounting.

    Craig McGarty was educated at the University of Adelaide and Macquarie University, receiving his PhD from Macquarie University in 1991 (where he was a tutor from 1985 to 1989). His PhD (supervised by John Turner) was on categorization and the social psychology of judgment. He spent 1990 as a Lecturer in Social Psychology/Social Interaction at the University of Western Sydney, Nepean. In 1991, he moved to the Australian National University as a research associate. Since 1993, he has been a Lecturer in Psychology in the Division of Psychology at the Australian National University. He has worked on a wide variety of topics in experimental social psychology, approached from the perspective of self-categorization theory; his recent work has focused on categorization, social stereotyping and the perception of minorities, and social influence and persuasion. He is the coeditor (with Alex Haslam) of the forthcoming book, The Message of Social Psychology: Perspectives on Mind in Society.

    Richard L. Moreland received a PhD in Social Psychology at the University of Michigan and is currently Professor of Psychology and Management at the University of Pittsburgh. He is interested in many aspects of small groups, especially the changes that they undergo over time. This interest has led him to study such phenomena as the formation and dissolution of groups, group development, and the socialization of group members. He is an Associate Editor for the Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin and serves on the editorial boards of the journal of Experimental Social Psychology and the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

    Brian Mullen, PhD, is Professor in the Department of Psychology at Syracuse University. His research interests include social cognition perspectives on (inter)group phenomena and meta-analysis.

    Robert A. Neimeyer, PhD, is Professor in the Department of Psychology, University of Memphis. An active contributor to psychotherapy theory and research, the majority of his work has drawn on concepts and methods in personal construct theory and related constructivist approaches to personality and psychotherapy. He has published 14 books, including Personal Construct Therapy Casebook (1987), Advances in Personal Construct Theory, Vols. 1, 2, & 3 (1990, 1992, 1995), and Constructivism in Psychotherapy (1995). He is the coeditor of the Journal of Constructivist Psychology and serves on the editorial boards of a number of other journals. In recognition of his scholarly contributions, he was granted the Distinguished Research Award by the University of Memphis in 1990.

    Judith L. Nye, PhD, is Associate Professor of Psychology at Monmouth University, New Jersey. Her current research focuses on social cognition group processes, specifically impression formation and the interaction between leaders and followers. Of additional and related interest are the effects of sex role stereotypes on impressions of leaders.

    Daphna Oyserman received her PhD in Social Work and Social Psychology from the University of Michigan and taught at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem until 1991 when she joined the Merrill-Palmer Institute (Wayne State University), where she is currently a Research Scientist. Her research interests focus on the interplay between sociocultural context, self-concept, and everyday behaviors. Her research, currently funded by NIMH and the W. T. Grant Foundation, focuses on the interplay between social context, gender and ethnic identity, possible selves, and everyday behaviors, with a particular focus on school persistence, social obligation, coping, and well-being.

    Martin J. Packer, PhD, is Associate Professor in the Psychology Department of Duquesne University. His research focuses on children's development in social context, employing an interpretive methodology. He is coauthor, with Richard Addison, of Entering the Circle: Hermeneutic Investigation in Psychology (1989).

    Miles L. Patterson, PhD, is Professor of Psychology at the University of Missouri-St. Louis. He is the author of two books and more than 50 chapters and scholarly articles on nonverbal communication. From 1986 to 1991, he served as the editor of the Journal of Nonverbal Behavior.

    Drew Rozell is a graduate student in the Department of Psychology at Syracuse University. His research interests include intergroup perception phenomena, particularly the effects of skin tone on ethnic perceptions.

    Mary C. Rust is a graduate student in the social psychology program at the University of Delaware. She is interested in intergroup relations.

    Leo G. Simonetta, PhD, is Assistant Professor of Public Administration and Urban Studies at Georgia State University in Atlanta. He is also the Polling Director at the Applied Research Center at that university. His current research interests include group development and the socialization of new group members.

    Garold Stasser received his PhD in Social Psychology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and is currently Professor of Psychology at Miami University (Ohio). His major scholarly interests include group decision making, information exchange and idea generation during group discussion, and computer simulation of social interaction. He currently serves as a Consulting Editor of the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology and the Journal of Experimental Social Psychology.

    John C. Turner is Professor of Psychology at the Australian National University. He did his BA (1971) and PhD (1975) degrees in Social Psychology in England at the Universities of Sussex and Bristol, respectively. He is a past Visiting Member of the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, New Jersey (1982–1983), and has also held appointments at the University of Bristol and Macquarie University in Sydney. He is currently (1994–1996) Dean of the Faculty of Science at the ANU. His research interests are in social identity, intergroup relations, group processes, and social cognition, particularly from the perspective of self-categorization theory. He is coauthor of Rediscovering the Social Group: A Self-Categorization Theory (1987) and, more recently, has published Social Influence (1991) and, with Penny Oakes and Alex Haslam, Stereotyping and Social Reality (1994).

    Gwen M. Wittenbaum is Assistant Professor of Communication at Michigan State University and received her PhD in social psychology from Miami University (Ohio). Her research interests lie at the interface between social cognition and small group processes. Recent research has examined the impact of group discussion on social judgment, the effect of member status on information use in decision-making groups, and the influence of task and social information on group coordination. Along with Sandra I. Vaughan and Garold Stasser, she recently completed a chapter on group coordination to appear in the book Social Psychological Applications to Social Issues: Applications of Theory and Research on Groups.

    Stephen Worchel, PhD, is the McFadden Professor of Liberal Arts at Texas A&M University. His research interests include group dynamics, conflict and conflict resolution, and intergroup behavior. More recently he has become interested in applying research in group dynamics into the areas of ethnic identity and conflict and political processes.


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