The Social Meanings of Money and Property: In Search of a Talisman


Kenneth O. Doyle

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  • Dedication

    To MacKenzie Richardson Doyle


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    Writing a book is like going to confession: Nearly every chapter reveals some intimate feature of the author's life. Here, the chapter on law is surely the result of my having grown up in a family of Irish lawyers and judges, listening, long before television, to my father's nearly nightly declamations on jurisprudence, learning from those an abiding respect for the science (if not always the practice) of law. The chapters on philosophy and religion come directly from my experiences as a young monk, especially at the Gregorian University in Rome. In particular, Professor Filippo Selvaggi 's dialectical study of the history of ideas and Professor Bernard Lonergan's principle of transculturality excited my interest in similarities and differences between and within cultures. This curiosity about patterns of culture was strengthened by additional experiences as diverse as following (at different times!) the monastic life and married life; living in the suburbs and in the inner city; working on an Indian reservation; practicing financial planning with urban, suburban, and rural families and business owners; writing for and consulting with the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants, the International Association of Financial Planners, and other financial advising and counseling organizations; and collaborating with academic colleagues in various parts of Europe and Asia, most recently, the Republic of Georgia and the People's Republic of China.

    My interest in psychometrics, psychoanalysis, and the neurophysiology of temperament comes directly from my experience as a graduate student (more than a few years ago) in the Department of Psychology at the University of Minnesota, particularly under the tutelage of Professors John Darley, Marvin Dunnette, Auke Tellegen, Paul Meehl, David Lykken, and David Weiss. Under their influence I wound up, oddly enough, a psychometric researcher with an interest in the interaction of neurophysiology, psychoanalysis, and social psychology (Doyle, 1972). For their contribution to this inclination, I am truly grateful.

    My emphasis on the Quaternary flows from an unlikely source for an academic psychologist: sales training. Restless after ten years as a psychometric researcher, I took a sabbatical leave in 1981–1982 to join a financial planning firm with which I had been familiar for quite a long time. My first shock came early, when management dispatched me to a sales-training seminar. I was mortified. After all, I had a Ph.D. in psychology and a therapist's license—what could some sales trainer teach me? What he could teach me, and did, was “social styles,” in a quaternary form that reminded me of the patterns Professor Selvaggi had talked about. Even more important, he taught me to see how the quadrants work in relationships between husbands and wives, parents and children, and business associates, as well as between sales agents and prospects.

    At the end of my sabbatical year I was simply too attracted by the complexity, earthy realism, and potential rewards of the financial world to give it up completely, yet too drawn to variety, intellectual stimulation, and financial security to leave the Academy, so I divided my professional life between the two. It was my friend and business associate Al Rashid who planted the seed for an integration of psychology and money. Patiently listening to yet another of my lamentations about the fragmentation in my life—finance in the morning, psychology in the afternoon—he said simply, “You could combine them.” Many other good friends and colleagues at Strommen and Associates and Swenson Anderson Associates fertilized that seed, especially Bob Tufford, Dave Bosselmann, and David Williams.

    My colleague, mentor, and “big sister,” Beth Wales, led me to many clinical insights about money and family, and first called money a talisman. She, and Bill Wells, Irv Fang, Bill McKeachie, Tom Garman, Tom Crump, Matt Lamb, Paul Rosenblatt, Victoria Secunda, John Merrill, Phil Tichenor, Jin Wulun, Wang Shuren, Shota Gurchumelidze, and Don Gillmor, not only endured my chatter about this effort but read every page of one draft or another, goading me always to tighten my thinking, clarify my expression, and defend my assertions.

    Thanks also to the people at Sage Publications who helped bring this project to light. First and foremost, to George McCune—in pace requiescat—and Sara Miller McCune, who first urged me to write this book; to Linda Klein, who introduced me to the McCunes and provided lasting encouragement; to Harry Briggs and Peter Labella, who guided me along the way; to Diana Axelsen, who, as senior midwife in what we have come to call the “birthing process,” dealt personably and effectively with the demands of this anxious father; and to Kate Peterson, copy editor par exellence, who kept my propensity for disarray under control without making me feel boxed in. But however much I might want to share with all these people the responsibility for my errors, and for my more controversial assertions, for all of those I have only myself to blame.

    Speaking of controversy, I want to preview a few matters that will surely rub some people the wrong way. The first is my practice of emphasizing differences between groups, and downplaying differences within. The reason I do this is that I'm trying to stimulate research, which requires advancing hypotheses simple and sharp enough that people can test them rigorously. So I need to cut through some of the murkiness of real life, sacrifice some of the subtlety. The price of rigor is making life seem simpler than it really is.

    The second potentially controversial matter is that I connect particular propensities with certain groups of people, for example, acquisitiveness with people of European descent. In doing so I not only concentrate on differences between groups, but I connect those patterns with some of today's most sensitive topics: gender, ethnicity, and race. This comes dangerously close to stereotyping, which some people say is serious sin. On the contrary, I contend that the evil in stereotyping is not the creation of the generalized or abstracted image, because that's our natural way of dealing with a complex world; rather, the evil lies in the malevolent use of that image. If I use a generalization (stereotype) to deprive particular kinds of people of jobs without getting to know them as individuals, it is my use of the image that is evil, not the image itself. For I can just as easily use that image to understand and even celebrate different people's identities—which is precisely what I am attempting to do in this book.

    Similarly, my attention to European acquisitiveness does not mean that I don't see other propensities in people of European descent, expressiveness, for example, or orderliness or affiliativeness. Most individuals and groups are a dynamic mix of inclinations, though in every mix one or two generally stand out. Again for the sake of building theory, I need to concentrate on the predominant.

    I also suspect that my emphasis on the biological basis of attitudes and values will excite some passions, for biology implies heritability, heritability implies determinism, and determinism suggests all manner of real and imagined mischief. My view is that, as everywhere else in the nature-nurture controversy, the extremes repel. Whether for motives good or motives ill, we cannot dismiss biology any longer, as so many of us did in the 1960s and 1970s and some are still trying to do in the 1990s. There is simply too much information now about the anatomical and chemical basis of personality. But neither are there grounds for becoming biologically fatalistic—identical twins reared apart do not think, feel, and behave in exactly the same way. The best estimate these days seems to be that slightly more than half of human variability is explained by biology (nature), slightly less by environment (nurture); so we still have plenty of room for choice. I understand the pain and fear and compassion that motivates some socially active students and colleagues to resist the introduction of biological phenomena into social science. With due respect, I suggest that a better use of time and energy would be to work with biological and evolutionary psychologists to spell out the interplay of genes and will, rather than fight the incoming tide of biopsy-chological data.

    One of the most difficult things about writing a book like this is knowing when to stop. Nearly every paragraph could be doubled or tripled, nearly every idea expanded in many directions. Did I pay enough attention to the Jewish contribution? The Egyptian? The Arabic? What about other periods of history, for example, feudalism? And other disciplines, for example, linguistics and social geography? My best reply is that I think I have described enough ideas and experiences, I hope, that interested readers will be able to fill in where I have left gaps, to pick up where I leave off. Along with these errors of omission, there are surely errors of commission. I want to acknowledge the likelihood that, despite my best efforts to the contrary, this book contains at least its share of interpretative and even factual errors. Among the joys of multidisciplinary work is the enormous satisfaction that comes when disparate elements fall into place; among the sorrows is the certainty that through ignorance or accident, you will mislead your readers, and embarrass yourself. Finally, to everyone on whose work this book is built, on whose strong shoulders this work stands, my most sincere respect and gratitude.

    June 19, 1998


    This by his Name I swear, whose sacred Lore First to Mankind explained the Mystick/owr, Source of Eternal Nature and Almighty Pow'r—Pythagoras, Golden Verses

  • Notes

    1. Willing to give up. Whether or not we objectively have a surplus may be less important than whether or not we feel we have a surplus. See O'Guinn and Wells (1989) on “subjective discretionary income.”

    2. Exchange our produce. This situation comprises what economists call the “double coincidence of wants,” a circumstance the rarity of which alone was enough that money had to be invented. See Newlyn (1971), cited in Crump (1981, p. 53).

    3. Go home happy. Economists generally view the exchange as “self-liquidating,” that is, with no lasting connection between the exchanging parties, social or otherwise. Other social scientists view this assumption as generally unrealistic. See Crump (1981, p. 54).

    4. Barter. For thoughtful discussions on barter, see Humphrey and Hugh-Jones (1992), Sahlins (1972), Gregory (1997), and Lauterbach (1954).

    5. Portable, durable, etc. These are the classic qualities of money. For elaboration, see Burstein (1963) and Galbraith (1975).

    6. Coins. For essays on coins in primarily Western history, see Casson and Price (1981) and Porteus (1969). For essays on coins in Eastern history, see Glathe (1939) and Coole (1936). And for a Jungian interpretation of coins, see Lockhart (1983). For a recent and especially readable history of money, see Weatherford (1997); see also Williams (1998). For the classic histories of money, see Del Mar (1885/1968), Hepburn (1903), Quiggin (1949), and Angell (1929).

    7. Creates new money. Part of the magic of banking is the creation of new money. For a discussion of this function, see Galbraith (1975, chap. 3). Good histories of banking include Knox (1969), Green (1989), and Piergiovanni (1993).

    8. Plastic card form. Weatherford (1997) includes a particularly interesting discussion on the history of credit and debit cards, as well as checking and Internet banking. Sloan and Stovall (1993) and Fang (1997) provide broader histories of communication technology, within the context of which these innovations occurred.

    9. Occasional trysts. As early as 1914, Wesley Mitchell, whom Schumpeter described as “the grand old man of economics” (quoted in Zelizer, 1994, p. 10), called for more association between economics and psychology, to bring passion and human variability into economic equations.

    10. More the utilitarian. Alfred Marshall, whom Scitovsky called “the most distinguished British economist of the turn of the century,” criticized Jevons and others for too much emphasis on the “lowest instincts of humanity” (Marshall, 1930, pp. 88–90). Scitovsky himself (1986, p. 187) called Jevons “the most abstract and formalistic economist of his time.”

    Marshall challenged the theory of consumption, the linchpin of scientific economics, arguing that “although it is man's wants in the earliest stages of his development that give rise to his activities, yet afterwards each new step upwards is to be regarded as the development of new activities giving rise to new wants, rather than of new wants giving rise to new activities” (Marshall, 1930, pp. 89–90; quoted in Scitovsky, 1986, p. 187).

    11. Welfare. Welfare in this context refers not to assistance, or the “dole,” but to the common weal, or “happiness.” Happiness, sadly, has been largely neglected by social scientists in general, until very recently. For standard critiques of welfare economics, see Parsons and Smelser (1956, pp. 30–32) and Schumpeter (1954/1994, pp. 1069–1073). For studies of happiness, see, for example, Lykken and Tellegen (1996), Emmons (1986), Deiner (1994), and, of course, Aristotle.

    12. Diminishing marginal utilities. The concept behind the utility equation, the consumption function, and diminishing marginal utilities originated with Jeremy Bentham but was formalized by John Maynard Keynes (1936, p. 96). The essence is that the more we earn, the more we will spend or save, but as our incomes grow our spending or savings increases less with each successive occasion. The psychologist's quarrel with this principle is that, at best, it describes some mythical average consumer, masking the interesting fact that some kinds of people will spend more than their incomes increase, and others will spend far less, for psychological rather than economic reasons.

    In addition, although most goods do have “decreasing marginal utility,” that is, people want a little less with each successive purchase, some items, like salted nuts and addictive drugs, have “increasing marginal utility,” at least for a while. Money and property probably fall into the former category for some people (e.g., Drivers), the latter for others (e.g., Analytics).

    13. Objectively and efficiently. An interesting side question is, What phenomena of nature and nurture have sorted these people into these two camps?

    14. General and comparative theory. Harris, 1974, p. vii.

    1. Born in Africa. As anyone knows who monitors the New York Times, U.S. News & World Report, and other national media, discoveries about the origins of humans seem to be appearing nearly every month, so it would be wise to consider my account quite tentative. Traditional assumptions about serial relationships among humanid, humanoid, and human species seem especially vulnerable. Fortunately, my goal here is only to lay the groundwork for a plausible account of biopsychosocial differentiation (natural selection and cultural selection), so it is not essential to know, for example, whether Homo erectus sired Peking man and Neanderthal man, simply preceded them in time, or even lived contemporaneously with them. For elaboration, see Rushton (1995).

    Similarly, some anthropologists have taken issue with the conventional view that “life was hard for Homo Erectus (e.g., Lee & DeVore, 1968, and Harris, 1977, p. x).

    Cattell (e.g., 1948) emphasized the importance of studying how group “personality,” which he called “syntality,” influences individual personality. He proposed describing syntality with the same rigor, and perhaps the same dimensions, with which one tries to describe individual personality.

    2. Envy and jealousy. Envy and jealousy have received relatively little attention from social scientists, perhaps because they exude a quasi-religious quality. For thoughtful discussions, see Klein (1957), Cancian (1965), and Salovey (1991). Nancy Friday (1983) provides a more popular account.

    3. In due time. DNA research, by matching the known rate of mutation to the number of mutations from one population to another, can describe the speed and direction of the branching of genetic trees. Some studies indicate that the first anatomically modern humans appeared in Africa roughly 200,000 years ago, that from this population a distinct non-African population broke off about 100,000 years ago, and that this latter population split into Mongoloid (Asian) and Caucasoid (European) subpopulations about 40,000 years ago (Cann, Stoneking, & Wilson, 1987; Gibbons, 1991; Stringer & Andrews, 1988; Vigilant, Stoneking, Harpending, Hawkes, & Wilson, 1991). Other studies, for example, Wilson and Cann (1992), suggest that the mutations rates are slower than generally assumed, hence that the first modern humans date to as much as 850,000 years ago, the subsequent population separations proportionally more distant. To compound the complexity, McNeill (1979) and others argue that the pace of cultural development is so much faster than that of biological evolution that “the variables that change human conduct through time do not seem to be related in any calculable way to biological variations among different human populations” (p. 8).

    4. Fewer offspring. MacArthur and Wilson (1967) and others distinguished “r-strategy” and “K-strategy” populations, on the basis of their sociobiological integration with the environment, r-strategy populations produce a large number of offspring and provide little parental care to any of them; K-strategy populations produce few offspring and provide a great deal of care. Rushton (1995), amid great controversy, has extended this line of thinking to intraspecies research, specifically the human races. Jung (1923/1971, pp. 180–181) described these strategies as “not merely analogous to, but the actual foundation of, our two psychological modes of adaptation,” that is, introversion and extraversion. One could see in the risk-taking competitiveness of capitalism a reflection of r-strategy, as opposed to the K-strategy (socialistic) use of nurture to minimize risk.

    5. Spared for exchange. It is impossible, of course, to date the first use of money, but Del Mar (1885/1968, pp. 15–17) assures us that states with established commerce necessarily employed some form of money. Contrary to other authors, he argues that money preceded the alphabet, noting that the earliest writings, like the Vedic poems and the Code of Manu, all allude to money, but there is not a word of writing on the earliest coins. He further argues that money came into use before the pastoral stage ended, pointing out the pastoral names for early money, like pecus/pecunia. Most commentators agree that the international character of Phoenician trade encouraged the invention of both the phonic alphabet and coins (Albright, 1961, pp. 452–453; Freedman, 1961, pp. 288–289).

    6. First in the West. Although we now describe the area that was Mesopotamia as the “Middle East,” it is culturally more Western than Eastern, so I take the liberty of claiming Sumer for the West. Quiggin (1949, p. 271) faced the same issue and came to the same conclusion. The Smithsonian curators are apparently of the same view, in that they begin their history of the West with Mesopotamia.

    7. Medicine. Garrison (1929) tells us that the Babylonians produced the first theory of bodily fluids, or “humerology,” long before Hippocrates.

    8. Games of chance. Gaming has a long history. Painted pebbles found in the Pyrenees may suggest that Mesolithic people engaged in games of chance. The earliest known dice or board games trace to Ur (2600 b.c.), the Indus Valley (2000 b.c.), and Egypt (1900–1800 b.c.). Religion has uniformly condemned gambling, either as an affront to Divine Providence or an addictive distraction from the pursuit of virtue. But see Job 1:6–12 for God's implied wager with Satan that Job will remain blameless and upright. Social scientists are in general agreement that the excitement involved in gambling is reinforcing, perhaps habituating, perhaps even addicting. For deeper interpretation, see Culin (1907/1992), Geertz (1971, 1973, pp. 412–453), and Hiltebeitel (1987). Geertz's interpretation centers in “deep play,” which is similar to Csikszentmihalyi's (1996, 1997) “flow.”

    9. Disks or rings. It's curious that these early pre-coins should be circular (with center hole) rather than square or rectangular, for the latter would have been easier to make. It's additionally curious that contemporary consumer research indicates that people prefer package designs based on the circle to those of any other shape. A psychoanalyst might suggest that a hole-in-circle has a sexual connotation, which, if true, could help explain its popularity. Sometimes, however, a pre-coin is just a pre-coin.

    10. Gilgamesh. Elsewhere in the Gilgamesh epic, as well as in other myths, the gods decide to punish humankind by sending a great flood. The god Enki spares a pious man by instructing him to build a large boat and bring his family and various animals on board. As the flood recedes, the man sends out a swallow and a raven to reconnoiter. When the land is found dry, the man offers a sacrifice to the gods. The Gilgamesh epic antedates Moses by roughly a thousand years.

    11. Cowries. Cowrie shells, many from the Straits of Madagascar, were the first near-universal pre-money. In larger and smaller varieties, and in white or natural black, they have been found in excavations on all continents. As with the Mesopotamian disks, there is a possible sexual connection with cowries, again female: Sea, birth, mother-goddess, and the vulval look of these particular shells. See Marglin (1987), on “Yoni.”

    12. Strong and threatening. The Germans and Celts were neighbors in time and space. They shared a concentration of strife, war, and mythic destruction of the world. Said Caesar of the Celts: “Of gods they worship Mercury most of all. … They believe him the most influential for money-making and commerce” (Gallic Wars, 6.17).

    13. Homer and Hesiod. The Heroics seem have anticipated the later Western ambivalence about the morality of wealth and property. Maclntrye (1984) notes that those who pursue a life course (like warrior) that makes them deserving of prosperity pursue at the same time “a course whose characteristic end is death” (p. 127).

    14. Role in society. The key word is themis (later the name of the god of justice), which describes the divine agency from which the kings' judicial judgments flowed. Themis is judgment based on the dike, the custom of the people, the natural law foundation of Greek democracy (Maine, 1931).

    15. Apollo/Dionysius. Nietzsche views Dionysius as the symbol for the plunging of the unfettered self into the ocean of life. He sees Apollo, on the other hand, as order and control, the principle of restraint that channels the exuberance of Dionysius into a beautiful result. Nietzsche did not assert that humankind must choose between the Dionysian and Apollonian ethics, nor did he subscribe to the view that Apollo/control must dominate Dionysius/passion. Rather, he believed that the fusion of the two would produce the most life-giving result, the Übermensch (Schmidt, 1987, pp. 378–379, 385). Baker (1947) similarly argued that such symbols “had as their theme the superiority of soul to body; [they reflected] the principle of ekstasis [stepping out]—the severance of soul from body in order to escape the terrible reincarnations of the wheel of birth and to achieve the divinity of a bodiless existence” (p. 6). Recognition of the polarity was not limited to Greece; in the Hindu world, Shiva was to Dionysius as Vishnu to Apollo (Parrinder, 1983, p. 222).

    16. Hermes/Hestia. For a lengthy and thoughtful discussion of “the spirit of Hermes,” see McClelland (1961). For a presentation of “Hestian feminism,” see Thompson (1992). See also Shelmerdine (1995), the Homeric Hymn to Mercury and the Homeric Hymn to Hestia.

    17. Sacrifice of a bull. The merger of the Minoan culture in Crete with the Mycenaean culture on the mainland produced a native Aegean culture in which the principal deity was the Mother of All Life, and her holy child was later viewed as the infant Zeus (Friess & Schneider, 1932, p. 214). Here animal sacrifice was common, and the bull was the sacred animal, noted (as always) for his strength, fertility, and sexual apparatus. The cults were connected with sacred stones, pillars, caves, and groves, all of which had sexual connotations.

    The bull's vitality and sexuality formed the basis for Laum's theory on the origin of Western coins. Laum (1924, 1929, in Desmonde, 1976a, 1976b) finds the origin of coins in these ancient ceremonies. In his view, the sacrificial bull was the representation of the priest/king, and the distribution of its roast flesh was a communion ritual in which the king's mana was parceled out to the citizens in proportion to status and patronage. In time, he argues, medallions came to replace the morsels of roast bull, and those medallions evolved into coins. Because they signified the priest/king's favor, these medallions carried talismanic powers. Desmonde imposes a variety of psychoanalytic interpretations on these rituals.

    18. Chinese calligraphic system. While Chinese script is not technically “calligraphic,” the term seems adequate for present purposes. In any event, Jenner (1992, pp. 212–213) observes that the writing system, just as it contributed to China's precocious cultural advancement, also retarded its later economic development.

    19. Cosmic order. This notion of cosmic order pervades Chinese thought. Another example is Chinese medicine, which is built on a system of specified “social” relations among body parts (Garrison, 1929, p. 73) and in which disease occurs when the relations are in disharmony. Oriental thought, probably more than occidental, is consistent with Wilson's (1998) goal of “consilience,” or the unity of knowledge across disciplines.

    20. Early indigenous Americans. The conventional wisdom is that, during the last stages of the last Ice Age, groups of Mongoloid people emigrated from China across a land bridge to the Yukon, thence, over thousands of years, to North, Central, and South America, as far south and east as Patagonia. More recent thinking is that settlement occurred much earlier, 30,000 to 50,000 years ago. Some researchers argue that certain similarities between South American Indians and Polynesian, Melanesian, and some Southeast Asian people are so strong that there must have been a substantial degree of transoceanic migration (Mason, 1957, pp. 21, 23). Still other authors argue for a spontaneous appearance of human beings on the various continents. Some of the scholars who disbelieve the land-bridge theory argue that it is Christianity's need to maintain the Garden of Eden story that accounts for the durability of the conventional explanation.

    21. Trading networks. In addition to cowries, wampum was popular pre-money. Wampum is short for wampumpeag, the Algonquin name for the tubular beads the Indians made from various shells. Eventually the term generalized to all money (Quiggin, 1949, p. 305). The beads that bought Manhattan Island were probably shell beads.

    22. Slow and steady dancing. Likewise, the ghost dance, a modern version of the ancient prophet dance intended to protect against natural cataclysm, involved a solemn shuffling side step. The Plains versions of both the sun dance and the ghost dance were more Dionysian. The Lakota, for example, in the sun dance, deprived themselves of food and water for days, and often inflicted great pain on themselves to foster visions; in nineteenth-century versions of the ghost dance, they worked themselves into trances and donned white “ghost” shirts to protect themselves against the soldiers' bullets. See Hultkrantz (1987a, 1987b), Gill (1987), and, especially, Walker (1917, pp. 143–147).

    23. Contribute what he could. Consistent with that philosophy, most Indian communities were scrupulously egalitarian, and individual efforts to stand out met with firm disapproval. Exceptions were gaming and warfare. Gaming has a long history among the indigenous Americans, as among the Asians. In South America, betting seems to have been limited to races and games in which the result is clear and immediate (Cooper, 1949). In North America, gaming was more sophisticated. The Mississippians played a wide variety of games, and they gambled on the outcomes of all of them, apparently to increase the excitement. Later, the Oglala frequently played a particularly rough-and-ready version of lacrosse, and a game called “moccasins” in which the goal was to identify the moccasin under which a pebble was hidden, and the method was to read the facial expressions on the one who hid it (Walker, 1982, pp. 66–67; see also Witkin, Dyk, Faterson, Goodenough, & Karp, 1962, and Wapner & Demick, 1991, on field dependence). In similar fashion, the Indians used war less for assertion and acquisition, more to satisfy a need for excitement (except for occasional “border skirmishes,” about which they were deadly serious). In both gaming and fighting, victory brought prestige rather than wealth. Even among the particularly aggressive Plains Indians, a successful warrior “could still enhance his status by showing generosity to the poor, sharing his goods with relatives, engaging in lavish hospitality, and living cooperatively with others” (Flannery-Hertzfeld, 1994, p. 380).

    24. Old cities. The cities generally had populations of a few thousand, except for Cuzco City, which held 100,000. City dwellers stored and traded maize, and sometimes called it money, although most commentators would quarrel with that usage. See, however, Taxay (1970, pp. 13–15) for an emphatic challenge to the conventional interpretation.

    25. Diametrically opposed. For a scholarly argument supporting the diametric opposition of European and American Indian cultures, see Berkhofer (1979).

    26. Engage in trade. Grierson (1903) describes “silent trade,” in which, in the dead of night, pygmy hunters would hang a fresh carcass from a tree at the edge of a village, and, in the morning, the villagers would leave in its stead a suitable quantity of salt or other commodity. He notes that the pygmy blowguns assured fairness in the exchange.

    27. Free-flowing sexuality. African sexuality and humor are also apparent in myth. According to one common myth, for example, the Supreme Creator originally made people without sex organs. They lived together happily for a long time but eventually became bored and asked the Supreme Creator to send other kinds of people. In return, he sent sex organs. At first, the sex organs behaved just like people, walking about by themselves. One day, when the people had separated themselves into two camps, the male sex organs attached themselves to the people in one camp, the female organs to people in the other. From that time on, there has been conflict and discord between the sexes (Willis, 1993, p. 93).

    28. Benevolent. The lesser gods were not so benevolent, and they had to be propitiated through gifts (Parrinder, 1983, p. 60). Money was, and is, viewed as a particularly effective propitiation.

    29. Natural sanguinity. Archaic African and American Indian cultures are similar in important respects, such as the use of ridicule (shaming) to control behavior, and the horizontal expansion of relationships, as contrasted to the vertical expansion seen in Asian and European cultures (DeLoria, 1944, passim; Maquet, 1972, pp. 59–60, 76–77). At the same time, Europeans and Asians fenced their lands, while Africans and American Indians kept the land open. Old laws and practices regarding fencing have taken on a new importance in contemporary treaty-rights litigation, for example, Mille Lac Band of Ojibwe v. Minnesota, 861 F. Supp. 784 (D. Minnesota 1994).

    30. The four strains. I use the word “strain” instead of “race” because the latter has taken on excess baggage in recent years. For an early effort to “deconstruct” race, see Montagu (1960).

    31. Biological differentiation. The contrary view is politically more popular but scientifically less satisfying: Why, other than for political reasons, would we think that biological differences among the races are limited to gross anatomical structures? The connection between body and soul is too intimate to be anything less than the joint product of cultural adaptation and biological inheritance.

    32. Substantial influence. As early as 1975, Eysenck observed that “the fact that between 60% and 70% of the ‘reliable’ variation is genetically determined … means that extraversion, like most other traits, reflects genetical polymorphism and as such is exposed to the direction, stability or disruptive influence of natural selection” (Eaves & Eysenck, 1975, p. 195). Tellegen et al. (1988) and Lykken, Bouchard, McGue, and Tellegen (1993) similarly conclude that somewhat more than half of the variation in human characteristics is the result of heritable neurophysiological differences (“nature”) as distinguished from social and other environmental factors (“nurture”).

    33. Of human life. Por a thoughtful anthropological discussion of cultural differences regarding money and property, see Parry and Bloch (1989).

    1. Wealth. To economists, money is an instrument of commerce, like coins or paper currency, while wealth is the total of what one owns, including but not limited to money. To people in general however, “money” also means “wealth,” as in “My aunt has quite a bit of money,” and wealth often implies riches, as “My uncle was a man of wealth.” Sometimes even “money” implies a large amount, as in “After she came into money, she became intolerable.” My compromise term for the economists' wealth is “money and property,” though, for variety, I will occasionally use wealth or even money alone as a substitute for that phrase.

    For a precis of the history of Western thinking about wealth, see Syntopicon (1990) and Davis (1987).

    2. Social or psychological conceptualization. Wilson's (1998) point is that the new task for natural and social scientists alike, indeed, for scholars in all disciplines, is to try to unify knowledge through identification of a small number of fundamental elements. I would like to think that the present synthesis is a step in that direction.

    3. Capitalism versus socialism. For a good history of capitalism and socialism, see Baran and Sweezy (1966). See also Ward (1888), Hayek (1954), Wuthnow (1989), Brandes (1976), Braudel (1985, 1994), Schumpeter (1954/1994), and Tawney (1920, 1926).

    4. Drivers. Merrill and Reid (1981) seem to be the originators of this particularly comfortable nomenclature, which I adopt with appreciation—Drivers, Amiables, Expressives, and Analyticals (Analytics).

    5. Quaternary. Some authors, like Pythagoras, Jung, and Schopenhauer, see the quaternary as fundamental to all of existence. For all practical purposes, some quaternaries are universal, like north/south/east/west and summer/winter/spring/fall. Others are culture linked, like Matthew/Mark/Luke/John, and, in the American Indian medicine wheel quaternary, red/white/ yellow/black.

    6. Types. The fourfold structure suggests “types,” which are controversial in many quarters because they imply no variation among people of a given type and because they suggest that an individual of a type may validly be described as an instance of any other individual of that type. I will use the word “type” for convenience, but with the understanding that there is always variation associated with type: Everyone over 6′2” and male might be called a tall man, but some men are taller than others. At the same time, I would encourage using a primary type, a secondary type, and even an opposite countertype, or “shadow” (Jung, 1951/1971, pp. 144–146).

    The quaternary also raises questions of categorical versus continuous measurement, which Kagan (1994, chap. 2) addresses in detail. This is an empirical question: The data themselves say whether they require categorical or continuous measurement. If the data are naturally arrayed along a continuum, they are continuous, and to treat them as categorical is to lose information (but perhaps to find convenience). If the data naturally cluster within cells such that mere is no significant within-cell variance, they are categorical, and to treat them as continuous is to capitalize on measurement error. From a statistical point of view, continuous data are generally more convenient and always open to more powerful analyses. The question is still open as to which data are continuous, which categorical.

    1. As civilizations advanced. Newman (1983) contrasts the older practice of overemphasizing general trends and abstract principles regarding the evolution of cultures to the recent practice of overemphasizing detailed differences, and she tries, successfully, to find a middle road. My intent is to be similarly temperate, identifying abstract patterns not for all humankind but for each of the four principal cultures and acknowledging analogous patterns in subcultures within each of those. It goes without saying that there is an indeterminate (but considerable) amount of individual variation on each level.

    2. Natural law. The most succinct presentation of natural law is the dictum “Do good and avoid evil,” prescient of Freud's pleasure principle and Thorndike's law of effect (cf. Summa Theologica, 1964, I–IIQ 94, A 2.). The devil is in the details: What exactly is good, and what is evil, can be devilishly hard to decipher. See Brown (1960, pp. 128–132) for elaboration.

    3. Toward good and away from evil. Natural law operates in three arenas: the good of the individual, the good of the family, and the good of the community (Ryan, 1965, p. 28). The good of the individual requires us to do whatever is necessary to preserve life, for example, to avoid undue risk, to refrain from homicide or suicide, and, by extension, to spend what is required to promote individual health and welfare. The good of the family requires us to do whatever is necessary to preserve the essence of family, that is, to ward off threats to monogamy and to provide whatever else is necessary for the benefit of the family. The good of society requires us to do whatever is necessary to preserve social organization, for example, to protect health and promote welfare, to protect the weak from the strong, and to ward off threats to harmony. Thus natural law emphasizes the pursuit of good over the avoidance of evil, like Heroic and classical Greek philosophy, and in contrast to post-Enlightenment legalism.

    4. Nature versus nurture. This ancient bifurcation is no less distracting in the study of law than in the study of personality. The reality is that behavior is the result of biopsychosocial forces, an interplay the intimacy of which we are just beginning to understand. Damasio (1994) presents the biopsychosocial point of view. See also Eysenck (1982) and Franklin (1987).

    5. Urukagina. In Urukagina's decrees the word “freedom” occurs in writing for the first time, pictographed as “return to the mother.” Freedom may thus be rooted in life in the mother's womb, before the fetters and demands of life outside; in the light of the similar connection between cowries, sea, and mother, freedom and money may have the same root.

    6. Protecting the poor. The Sumerians and Babylonians by and large did not have much respect for the poor. Kramer (1963, p. 263) cites several aphorisms of the time: “When a poor man dies, do not try to revive him.” “Wealth is hard to come by, but poverty is always with us.” “The poor have no power.” Many of the early laws were apparently intended to deal with those attitudes.

    7. Written legal code. Archaeologists have uncovered thousands of clay-tablet contracts, promissory notes, deeds, wills, and court decisions, which together indicate a lively commercial trade during the period the Ur-Nammu Code was prepared (Kramer, 1956, p. 51). Money as exchange was already in high gear in those ancient days; presumably money as communication was not far behind.

    8. Sense of justice. The values underlying the Code of Lipit-Ishtar, taken as a whole, sound remarkably like the values of Golden Age Greece, Golden Age Rome, and the United States of the 1940–1950s. Indeed, Kramer (1963, chap. 7, esp. pp. 264–265) argues that it was these values—justice, ambitiousness, competitiveness, etc.—that won for Sumer the achievements that have stood for 4,000 years. McClelland (1961) will show that it was the presence of these qualities that made civilizations wealthy, the absence that prevented or dissipated wealth.

    9. Mina. The different coins were related by means of a clear formula: one shekel equaled one-half ounce avoirdupois; one mina, 60 shekels; one talent, 60 mina (Goodspeed, 1921, pp. 71–73, 77, 355).

    10. Well-defined conception. The Code of Hammurabi contains provisions for what seems to be the first Q-TIP trust (qualified terminable interest property): The property a husband leaves his wife she can devise only to her children by him, not to other heirs, and not to her children by another husband.

    11. Religious ethics. The religious nature of the Mosaic law made it the first to try to regulate daily life, as distinguished from occasional problems. In addition, Mosaic law is apodictic, a presentation of abstract principles, as distinguished from casuistic, a presentation in terms of the facts of a case: “When a man …” See Boecker (1980, pp. 54–55).

    12. Prohibited usury. Strictly speaking, the Mosaic Code prohibited usury against other members of the Hebrew community: “If you lend money to any of my people with you who is poor, you shall not be to him as a creditor, and you shall not exact interest from him” (Exodus 22:25, emphasis added). This exclusion enabled the medieval Jews to become the bankers of Europe.

    13. Detailed guidelines. The detail in some of these debates suggests a particularly analytic, even legalistic, mentality among some commentators, such as a debate about what rights the poor have to grain that falls into an anthole.

    14. Distinguished the Mosaic Code. For a scholarly account of the laws of the Hebrew and surrounding cultures, see Smith (1931). For a discussion of consistency and conflict between biblical content and archaeological findings, see Wright (1965).

    15. Its predecessors. For a scholarly account of the relations between the laws of Babylonia and the laws of the Hebrew people, see Johns (1914).

    16. Customary laws. Allott (1960) observes that, at the prejurisprudential stage, customary laws around the world “tend to resemble each other more than any single Customary Law resembles a written system of law” (p. 62). Garrison (1929, chap. 1) makes the same point about “the identity of all forms of ancient and primitive medicine.” Nevertheless, I would argue that the differentiation begins very early, as a function of the temperament of the culture.

    17. In this instance. We concentrate on Athens, even though, in the earliest days, each city-state had its own laws. Family law was quite consistent across the ancient city-states, owing it its source in Heroic ideals. By Demosthenes' time (d. 322 B.c.), commercial law was similarly general.

    18. Mesopotamians. For discussion of Greco-Roman private ownership versus Mesopotamian palace and temple economy, see Finley (1973).

    19. Range of laws. Van D'Elden (1987, pp. 191–199, in Johnson, 1987) points out how natural fear combined with a drive toward “solidarity” eventually to produce the first loose life-insurance arrangements among the Roman legions during the Second Punic War. He also traces the first fraternal insurance organizations to the Middle Ages, and the first insurance contract to London's Peace Guild in 925 A.D. Weatherford (1997) cites other interesting “firsts.”

    20. Mancipatio or the nexum. Mancipatio and nexum involved components that date to antiquity. Both required five witnesses, upon whom the solemnity of the rite placed heavy obligations. Both required valuable consideration, and both limited the transaction to objects present. In earliest times, the transactions were restricted to that which could be held in one hand; later, when people wanted to buy and sell large items like houses, they substituted symbols for the objects themselves (e.g., a handful of soil).

    21. Nearly 1,000 years. Other ancient Roman codes include the Gregorian Code (304 A.D.), the Hermogenian Code (365 A.D.), and the Theodosian Code (438 a.d.). For detail, see Pharr (1952). For classical expositions of Justinian laws, see Williams (1893), Ritterhausen (1840), and Collections de Novelles de l'Empereur Justinien (1912–1914).

    22. First known … Chinese legal code. Hulsewe (1985, chap. 1) proposes that the first true legal codes appeared in some parts of the empire as early as the eighth century b.c. (about the time of Homer in the West), and throughout the empire in the middle of the fourth century B.c. (in Mencius' and Aristotle's time).

    23. Penal in nature. For all its infamy, the penal system was unimportant in the lives of most Chinese because the system was difficult to administer, because it became corrupt and lost its credibility, and because Confucian values penetrate more deeply into daily life than the threat of punishment. Of greater concern was the civil system, which in the East was mediational rather than adversarial. In the mediation, a respected neutral party comes between the disputants and applies considerable Confucian social pressure in the pursuit of a settlement. To go to court, under Confucian values, was necessarily to lose face (Chen, 1973, pp. 4, 7–12). The 1990 film The Story of Qiu Ju illustrates mediation in contemporary China.

    24. Words for law. Confucian li is like natural law—control via moral obligation. Legalist fa is like positive law—control via punishment and fear (Chen, 1811; Chen, 1973, pp. 28–29). See also Needham (1962, Vol. 2, pp. 530–532). Chen (1973) quotes from Han Shu's Treatise on Punishments and the Law: “[The sages] shaped the rules of proper behavior (li), created teachings, established laws (fa), and instituted punishments (hsing), always acting in accordance with the feelings of the people and patterning and modelling themselves on Heaven and Earth” (pp. 15–16).

    25. Suits of armor. Paying fines with armor may also be a symbolic ritual in which he who receives the armor becomes stronger, and he who gives it up becomes more vulnerable. Armor, in the shape of a person, seems particularly easy to perceive as an extension of oneself.

    26. Han Code. Chen (1973, p. 15, emphasis added) quotes a commentator who sees a natural law foundation in Chinese law: “Social righteousness has its origin in what is fitting for the many. What is fitting for the many is what accords with the minds of men. Herein is the essence of good government!, that law] … springs from the midst of men themselves, and by being brought back to man, it corrects itself (from the Huai-nan hung-lieh-chieh, 100 B.c.). For further detail on money in ancient China, see Pan (1950).

    27. Bamboo bastinado. Like so much else, the specifications for the bastinado were provided by central authority, for example, a five-foot bamboo rod, knots shaven off, one inch at the root, one half inch at the tip, applied to the bare buttocks in multiples of 100 strokes, up to 500. Noting that the victims often died before the specified number of strokes had been administered, later authorities reduced the number of strokes by half or even more. Even the lightened punishment often resulted in death or permanent disability (Hulsewe, 1955, pp. 128–129).

    The shame component of Asian punishment should not be overlooked. At the time of the caning of an American teenager in Singapore for vandalism, an Asian student in the United States described to me his view of the horror of that punishment. With obvious anxiety, he described the humiliation that would come from being identified as a malefactor and publicly disrobed; he never even mentioned the physical pain or the possibility of disability.

    28. Sub-Saharan African law. As a result of colonization, much of Africa today is covered by one body or another of formal European law. However, the farther one moves inland from the coastal cities, the more like one is to find effective and intact bodies of customary law.

    29. Individual ownership. The right to alienate land is the difference between communal ownership (vested in the state or the clan or family) and individual ownership. Rattray (1929) observes: “The whole history of our own early laws seems to show a struggle to attain the right to alienate land. Every device and legal subtlety of the legal mind had to be brought to bear to destroy the barrier raised in the remote past, owing to deeply rooted and perhaps now forgotten causes which were in opposition to alienation” (p. 362).

    30. Matrimonial contract. The customary law is somewhat lopsided. The husband can expel an adulterous wife, keep the consawment, and refuse to pay maintenance, but a wife can't expel an adulterous husband. However, if arbiters decide the marriage dissolution is the husband's fault, the wife can demand her premarital property back, and the husband forfeits his consawment or marriage expenses (Sarbah, 1904, p. 52).

    31. Homicide, adultery. Homicide is a broad concept in customary law. It includes not only murder and manslaughter but also adultery and defloration, for all are considered “taking of the person”: adultery because it deprives the spouse of his or her exclusive sexual relationship with the participant, defloration because it “kills” virginity.

    32. Perceptual operations. Jung further subdivided the operations into “perceiving” operations (sensing and intuiting) and “judging” operations (feeling and thinking). These are the P and J at the end of the well-known Myers-Briggs acronyms, for example, INTJ, ENSP.

    1. Magical rites. In much of the world, religion among the common folk in the countryside was far less formal than religion among the gentry in the cities, often concentrated in highly erotic rites intended to assure the fertility of the crops, the herds, and the peasants themselves.

    2. Aryan warriors. Along with their chariots, the Aryans brought their castes, which still obtain in India: Brahman (priest or teacher), Kshatriya (warrior), Vaisya (tradesman), and Sudras (worker/serf), in descending order of social status (Reinach, 1930, pp. 53–54).

    3. Upanishads. In the Prasna Upanishad and the Taittirya Upanishad appears the Vedic view of the four elements: earth, water, heat, and wind—plus space or “ether” (Radhakrishnan & Moore, 1957, pp. 50, 57).

    4. Abandonment of desire. There is in Hinduism a “performance” music that promotes another kind of abandonment, to the ecstasy of divine love. The intensity increases through many stages until it culminates in twitching, weeping, shouting, dancing, and collapsing (Roche, 1987).

    5. Code of Manu. Various authorities date the Code of Manu from the nineteenth-sixteenth centuries b.c. Del Mar (1885/1968, pp. 60, 139) estimates the thirteenth-twelfth century b.c., noting that the Code is a recompilation of a much older code, now lost. For a scholarly relating of the Code of Manu to economic theory, see Spengler (1980, chap. 3).

    6. Pursuit of knowledge. Women, however, must have an interest in material things: “Men who seek their own welfare should always honor women on holidays and festivals with gifts of ornaments, clothes, and dainty foods” (Manu III, 59).

    7. Morally neutral. Sri Aurobindo (Ghose), the twentieth-century mystic-philosopher, points out that although most people believe that spiritual life must be an ascetic life, from a broader vantage “a complete purity and self-mastery … would remain the same in poverty or in riches; for if it could be shaken or sullied by either, it would not be real or would not be complete” (Ghose, 1949, p. 945).

    8. Disdain wealth. The Old Testament describes wealth as a reward for the disparagement of wealth! See Kings 3:10–13; Job 42:10–12; Proverbs 11:24–25. See Schmidt (1987, p. 43).

    9. In which they predominate. In Japan the people practiced the Way of the Kami, or Shinto, a mysterious and supernatural religion that emphasized trying to understand the Kami's will for the people. Shinto and Buddhism have accommodated well, and most Japanese practice the two simultaneously (Naofusa, 1987).

    10. Money suddenly becomes corrupt. Like the Hebrew Essenes, the Hindu Jains and Vaishnavas, and the Chinese Taoists, the Sufi Moslems emphasize control of the senses, renunciation of the world, and mystical union.

    11. Of the countryside. For further reading on religious variety, see James (1902/1961), Smith (1958), and, for browsing, Eliade (1987).

    1. Taoists … sought equilibrium. The philosophical Taoism of the fourth and third centuries b.c. is distinguished from the religious Taoism of the second and third centuries A.D. by the relative absence of ritual. Both versions emphasized longevity, even immortality, and used mysticism and ecstasy to escape from civilization and the material world. In addition, Taoists condemn all discursive knowledge because it introduces multiplicity rather than unity. Lao-tzu says, “Femininity far surpasses the manly virtues” (quoted in Baldarin, 1987, p. 291).

    2. Practice of virtue. Socrates apparently practiced what he preached. Xenophon (Memorabilia 1:31) says he was “the most self-controlled of men in respect to his sexual and other appetites. … He had so trained himself to be moderate in his requirements that he was very easily satisfied with very slight possessions.” Furthermore, Socrates “expressed surprise that a man who offered to teach goodness should demand to be paid for it.”

    3. Property ownership. Plato condemns purchase/sale as well as usury. He goes so far as to void any transaction that involves interest (Laws 742e, 849e, 915e).

    4. “That insatiable craving.” In his effort to eliminate craving, Plato even stripped competitiveness from social relations. The Heroics had described athletic contests as opportunities for individual achievement and acquisition, but Plato viewed them instead as opportunities to demonstrate excellence as such. Like dialogues and debates (in Plato's view), such activities should be contests without competitiveness. After reading his dialogues, it's difficult not to suspect in Plato a little repression of competitive inclinations.

    5. Substantial fees. The young Socrates studied under Protagoras for a while, but could only afford the less expensive “short course” (Stumpf, 1971, p. 34). The existence of such a course suggests an early form of target marketing on the part of the pragmatic Protagoras.

    6. Money. While Plato implied a “cartal” theory of money, in which money is independent of the material of which it is made, Aristotle preferred a “metallist” theory, in which money should be readily convertible into a particular commodity, preferably a metal, for example, gold (Schumpeter, 1954/1994, pp. 63, 288). For useful summaries of different economic theories of money, see Crump (1981, pp. 20–29) and Schumpeter (1954/1994, passim).

    7. Charging interest. Aristotle describes a particularly noxious group of undesirables: “those who ply sordid trades, pimps and all such people, and those who lend small sums at high rates” (Ethics 1121b, emphasis added).

    1. Collectivist ideals. The reason Marxism and Christianity, so philosophically compatible (Maclntyre, 1984, p. 261), are such political enemies is Marx's view that human powers objectified become gods: “The more man places in God, the less he retains in himself” (Marx, 1844/1964, in Maclntyre, 1968, p. 49). Schumpeter himself (1942/1962, p. 5) noted a “religious quality” in Marxism, according to which, by virtue of the assumed moral superiority of the philosophy, there is no excuse for dissent. One also notes that such unconscious forces as the reaction formation have had enormous influence in the development of economic values and philosophies. For collectivist exhortations in an individualist culture, see West's Shoes of the Fisherman (1964) and Rolfe's Hadrian VII (1950).

    2. Communism of the early Church. If Proudhon, the extremist, is right, that “property is theft,” then communism, the antithesis of property, must be the cure. The essential characteristic of “crude communism” is that, in its reaction against property-as-oppression, it denies property ownership to everyone and in so doing robs them of some part of their identity, their “extended self (Chapter 10). Through its ruthless denial not only of property but of humanity, communism, the antidote, becomes imperialism, the poison (Maclntyre, 1968, pp. 53–55).

    3. Christianized Aristotle. There is a streak of utilitarianism that runs from Aristotle to Aquinas to Adam Smith and his successors. Like the early British economists, Aquinas supported individual ownership (for better maintenance and less haggling) and focused on the “common good,” a concept approximately equal to “welfare economics.” For elaboration, see Schumpeter (1954/1994, pp. 92, 97, 182). In addition, Thomas produced the same metallist theory that Aristotle had and Adam Smith would.

    4. Interest is sinful. It was the Scholastics of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries who found that interest was “the merchant's tool” and that to charge interest could sometimes be just.

    5. Doctrine of indulgences. The Church's enthusiasm for indulgences is reflected in Friar John Tetzel's sales techniques, for example: “Priest! Noble! Merchant! Wife! Youth! Maiden! Do you not hear your parents and your other friends who are dead, and who cry from the bottom of the abyss: We are suffering horrible torments! A trifling alms would deliver us; you can give it, and you will not!” (Friar John Tetzel, “indulgence agent,” quoted in Powell, 1962, p. 62).

    6. The sale of relics. Powell (1962, p. 62) lists relics that have received “infallible approval” from various popes: Moses' staff, Noah's beard, Joseph's carpentry tools, and bread left over from the Last Supper.

    7. Reformed values. In addition, John Wesley (1703–1791) preached a concise and consistent message: “Gain all you can, save all you can, give all you can,” never exploiting, never dissipating, never yielding to self-gratifìcation. His flock for the most part was enthusiastic about two of those principles (Powell, 1962, pp. 92–93).

    8. New European disposition. The other major theme of the Enlightenment was the shift from “classical rationality,” that is, the thinking of the Ancients and the Fathers, to “empirical rationality,” that is, the views and methods of modern science (Popper, 1972, and Lonergan, 1958, in Lamb, 1992). Under empirical rationality, science was in, philosophy and (especially) theology were out. Empirical rationality would lead not only to astonishing scientific advance but also to an overemphasis on phenomena that are easier to observe and measure (behavior, matter) and a corresponding underemphasis on things more difficult (intuition, will, virtue).

    1. Temperament. Historically, “temperament” has implied more of a biological component than “personality,” so the words were generally taken to describe different domains. On the basis of recent factor analytic studies, and because I assume that personality and temperament are biopsychosocial, I use the terms interchangeably, unless the context clearly calls for one or the other. See Angleitner and Ostendorf (1994).

    2. Ncurophysiological, psychometric, and psychoanalytic research. The psychoanalytic, legal, religious, and philosophical studies discussed here represent the classical rationality, the psychometric and neurophysiological studies the empirical rationality. The main advantages of the classical studies are that they have, to a substantial extent, stood the tests of time and place and that they can be as profound as human cognition is penetrating; the main disadvantage is that they are seldom submitted to, and often not supported by, external verification, least of all empirical verification. The main advantages of the empirical rationality are that its methods and findings can be verified by independent research and that its measures are less likely to suffer from human idiosyncrasy and other frailties. Its main disadvantages are that it is likely to measure structures and processes that are of limited depth and importance. In particular, the psychometrics of personality and temperament generally use self-report questionnaires to collect data, and the neurophysiology of motivation and emotion, even assuming reliable measurement, has rarely been tested for generalizability.

    The Quaternary reflects both the classical and empirical rationalities. In addition, through its attention to a variety of cultures and epistemologies, it seeks to reflect Lonergan's contemporary perspective, the “transculturat” rationality. See Lamb (1992).

    3. “Tomboyism.” The androgenized girls also showed a higher IQ than girls not exposed to androgen. But see Sloane (1993, pp. 174–184) for discussion regarding the IQ difference, the social meaning of tomboyism, and an environmental interpretation of these findings.

    4. Androgen. Levy and Heller (1992) point out some developmental phenomena inconsistent with this traditional androgen-emphatic model and suggest a still unclear role for the female hormone, estrogen, particularly in prenatal development.

    5. Homogeneous categories. More precisely, “factors” are weighted linear composites of variables that define space constructed on a matrix of product-moment correlations, usually of items. Because the mathematics are more complex than the definition, there is plenty of room for argument, for example, the Big Five versus Giant Three (see Basic Psychometric Dimensions of Personality later in this chapter).

    6. Our own questionnaire study. Through the courtesy of DDB Needham Worldwide and Professor William Wells, University of Minnesota, we had available data from the 1992 and 1993 administrations of the Life Styles Survey, a 900-item, self-report, Likert-type inventory that addresses a wide range of topics dealing with consumer values, attitudes, and practices. The Life Styles Survey employs standing-panel quota samples representative of the U.S. adult population. Of the 2,500 females and 2,500 males surveyed by mail in the spring of each of the two years, usable responses were obtained from 1,725 males and 2,197 females in 1992, and 1,673 males and 2,017 females in 1993. The reliability and validity of Life Styles Survey data have been reported in, for example, O'Guinn and Wells (1989). Michael Swenson, a graduate student at the University of Minnesota, analyzed the data.

    7. Consensus. For a superb early history of the structure of temperament with an emphasis on Introversion/Extraversion, see Eysenck (1953, esp. chaps. 4 and 5). It is worth noting that Eysenck found what appears to be Introversion/Extraversion in a second-order factor analysis of Guilford's primary mental abilities, thus introducing a healthy blurring of the cognitive and personality domains (pp. 181–183), of which subsequent researchers have lost sight.

    8. In the psychoanalytic arena. For convenience, I use the term “psychoanalytic” to include what is generally called depth psychology and even psychoanalytically influenced clinical psychology, as well as psychoanalysis per se. My apologies to the memory of Dr. Freud, who asked even Jung not to use the term to describe anything but Freud's own line of thinking (Müssen & Rosenzweig, 1973, p. 191).

    9. Focus their energy inward. Freud considered introversion incipient neuroticism: “[The introvert] must develop symptoms … if he does not find other outlets for his pent-up libido” (1920, quoted in Eysenck, 1953, p. 178). Jung disagreed: “It is a mistake to believe that introversion is more or less the same as neurosis. As concepts the two have not the slightest connection with one another” (1921, quoted in Eysenck, 1953, p. 179).

    Krech et al. (1974, in Hall & Lindzey, 1957/1970, p. 327) distinguished between “deficiency” motives and “abundancy” motives. The deficiency motives have an introverted flavor, for example, need for succor (Amiable), need for security (Analytic); the abundancy motives have an extraverted flavor, for example, need to act on the surrounding environment.

    10. Epistemological foundation. In the modern era, Kant and Wundt continued Galen's line of thinking, with a quaternary built on strong/weak and quick/slow responses to stimulation. In the contemporary era, Eysenck described a similar quaternary nearly fifty years ago (1953, pp. 367–369, 1982, p. 9), in his effort to synthesize even earlier work by Thurstone (1934), Rundquist and Sletto (1936), Darley and McNamara (1938), and Ferguson (1939). Eysenck found two factors, the first of which he interpreted as radicalism/conservativism, the second as practical/theoretical or, in James's terms, Toughminded/Tenderminded. Since then, at least three dozen variations have appeared, at least a few apparently independent of the psychometric tradition (e.g., Jung, 1923/1971).

    In Eysenck's schema, as in Galen's before and Kagan's after, choleric was diagonally opposed to phlegmatic, and sanguine to melancholic. Timorously, mine makes choleric diagonally opposed to melancholic, and sanguine to phlegmatic, sharpening the dialectic.

    More than the philosophical or psychological nomenclature, I lean toward Merrill and Reid's (1981) names for these constructs because these seem less cumbersome. Regardless of the nomenclature one uses, the important thing is to concentrate on the attributes themselves, rather than the labels.

    11. Fell into disrepute. Conventional wisdom has it that work by Rostan's (1824) successors has been largely discredited—Viola (1909), Kretschmer (1921/1925), and Sheldon (1942, 1954). These three researchers all produced three-part frameworks that, to my reading, would have been quaternaries had the culture of the time permitted more explicit study of the female physique. In particular, Sheldon's visceratonia/endomorphy is characterized by a pronounced orality, cerebretonia/ectomorphy by a strong anality, but his somatotonia contains both “anti-oral” and “anti-anal” elements, suggesting a masking effect. I suspect that if Sheldon had dared to study women as thoroughly as he studied men, his Mesomorphs would have separated into masculine and feminine versions (competitive, aggressive, inclined toward paranoia versus restless, claustrophobic, inclined toward hysteria), thus completing the Quaternary. For further encouragement, see Eysenck (1953, chap. 9), Humphreys (1957), and Hall and Lindzey (1957/1970, chap. 9).

    Sheldon received some posthumous notoriety in the 1990s, when the national media reported that a cache of his nude research photographs had been uncovered, in which some nationally recognized physiques figured prominently.

    12. Divergent cognitive associations. The tendency of the nonthreatened organism to engage in divergent thinking and expansive behavior seems consistent with Jung's construct of the Wunderkind, the unfettered and creative child, before socialization.

    13. Persistence. Cloninger added “persistence” because his original set of three categories “did not consistently differentiate individuals with personality disorders or poor social adjustment from other well-adapted individuals with extreme personality profiles” and could not explain the paranoid and schizotypal personality disorders, among others (Cloninger, Svrakic, & Przybeck, 1993, p. 976).

    14. Five-factor interpretation. Two of these five factors are considerably less reliable than the others, namely, emotional stability and intellect (a.k.a. open to experience). See Zuckerman (1994, p. 54).

    15. As a moderator framework. Wernimont and Fitzpatrick (1972), Yamauchi and Templer (1982), and Furnham (1984) factor analyzed various aspects of the financial domain, obtaining factors that seem to emphasize what I have been calling the Analytic and Driver dimensions. Because financial behavior is a special case of general behavior, one should expect that an expanded collection of items suitably framed should produce basic financial factors analogous to the basic personality factors discussed here, that is, the Quaternary.

    16. Four psychosexual life stages. One important difference between Freud's and Jung's systems is that Freud's sequential approach implies that succeeding stages are “better” or “healthier” than preceding ones, while Jung's functions each have their healthy and unhealthy aspects. Quadrant theory is more Jungian in this respect.

    It is worth noting that, expressed in Quaternary terms, Freud's system would array the anal and phallic “stages” at opposing ends of one continuum, the oral and genital stages at opposing ends of the other. If I am right that the four middle steps of Maslow's hierarchy correspond to the four quadrants, it is also interesting to observe that the two sequences—Freud's and Maslow's—reverse the first two steps or stages: Freud's oral-anal-phallic-genital versus Maslow's security (anal)—affection (oral)—esteem through strength—esteem through reputation.

    It is also important to note that stage theories have been developed with emphasis on male psychosexual development and in a European American cultural context. Stages more broadly derived may be the same or, more likely, different. Brody (1985) and Franz and White (1985) provide discussions of female development.

    17. “Sense of Inferiority.” Adler viewed maturity as the capacity to go beyond one's own interests to those of other people, that is, altruism; hence he viewed the lust for power over other people as a central characteristic of the immature personality. Adler's system was more social and less biological than Freud's, hence more appealing to the American temperament. As we shall see in Chapter 8, his “sense of inferiority” is an intimate part of the Driver/Amiable dimension. Adler at various times described the primary motive also as the “will to power” and “striving for perfection.”

    18. Quaternaries of their own. Horney, Maslow, and Peck, psychoanalysts all, each proposed a version of the Quaternary. Horney's (1937) comprised “compliant people,” who need affection, approval, and a strong partner on whom they can depend; “detached people,” who need to restrict life, to keep it under control; “aggressive people,” who need power, achievement, and people whom they can exploit; and (untitled) assertive people, who need people who will admire them.

    Abraham Maslow (1954) proposed a hierarchy of six needs, the middle four of which are the most descriptively useful and correspond to the Quaternary: “esteem through reputation,” or a need for recognition, prestige, status, dominance, attention, and appreciation; “esteem through strength,” or a need for achievement, adequacy, mastery, and competence; “belonging,” or a need for affiliation with friends, love, family, and a place in a group; and “security,” or a need for protection such as afforded by conservative practices. His remaining needs are, at the bottom of the hierarchy, physiological needs (water, food, sex), and, at the top, need for self-actualization, the rare and transient perfection of the human personality (Hall & Lindzey, 1957/1970, p. 327; Maslow, 1954).

    Finally, M. Scott Peck, in his singularly successful The Road Less Traveled (1978), described a “risk of love” for each of the four types: “The risk of independence,” or the risk that if we break out of other people's expectations of us, we may be hurt; paradoxically, an opportunity to discover and value ourselves. He describes this as the risk that dependent (Amiable) people need to take. “The risk of loss,” or the risk that if we expose ourselves to life and love and loss, we might be hurt; paradoxically, an opportunity to live a full and vital life. This is the need that avoidant (Analytic) people need to take. “The risk of confrontation,” or the risk that if we challenge another person's behavior or values, we may be hurt; paradoxically, an opportunity to grow in humility. This is the risk that competitive people (Drivers) need to take. “The risk of commitment,” or the risk that if we engage and stay engaged with another person, we may be hurt; paradoxically, an opportunity to grow in intimacy. This is the risk that impetuous (Expressive) people need to take. Viewed in Freudian terms, the risk of independence seems to be the “oral” risk; that is, the risk that the oral personality needs to take if he or she is to achieve mature relationships. Similarly, the risk of loss is the “anal” risk, the risk of confrontation the “phallic” risk, and the risk of commitment the “genital” risk.

    Among Murray's “complexes” are these four, each coupled here with a pair of corresponding needs, each combination clearly connected with one of our four temperaments (Murray, 1938, p. 363, cited in Hall & Lindzey, 1957/1970, pp. 162–163, 187–188, 1940, pp. 152–153):

    • Oral succorance—passive and dependent tendencies, manifested in passive oral activities (e.g., thumb-sucking), compulsive eating and drinking, inhibited aggressive needs; coupled with need affiliation and need succorance; that is, Affiliativeness.
    • Oral aggression—aggressiveness, manifested in aggressive oral activities (e.g., gnawing a T-bone steak), general aggressiveness; coupled with need achievement and need dominance; that is, Acquisitiveness.
    • Anal retention—prudishness, resistance to other people's suggestions, need for order, cleanliness, and retention of possessions; and Freud's “parsimony, cleanliness, and obstinacy;” need order, need infavoidance; that is, Concentration.
    • Anal rejection—need for disorder, autonomy, aggression, anal sexuality; need exhibition, need autonomy; that is, Divergence.

    19. Thematic Apperception Test. The Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) comprises a series of pictures presented on cards. Respondents are asked to tell stories about the pictures, in their own words, with testing conditions designed to elicit emotional, semiconscious material. The stories the respondents tell are studied against standard protocols for signs of various needs. The number and choice of pictures depends on the needs of interest. For more detail, see Murray (1956), McClelland, Atkinson, Clark, and Lowell (1953), and Atkinson (1958).

    20. Needs. Some of Murray's needs, sorted by Jungian function, are as follows: “sensing,” or need achievement, need dominance, need rejection, need aggression, need sentience, and need counteraction; “feeling,” or need affiliation, need nurturance, need succorance, need abasement, and need deference; “intuition,” or need exhibition, need autonomy, and need defendance; and “thinking,” or need infavoidance (avoid embarrassment), need order, and need understanding.

    21. Myers-Briggs Type Indicator. The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) measures sixteen types. The MBTI set consists of the four basic types × introversion/extraversion × judging/perceiving. It does not attempt to measure semiconscious phenomena.

    The MBTI supplanted the Jungian Type Indicator by adding the judging/perceiving dimension (Myers & McCaulley, 1988). Similar though less widely used instruments are described in Keirsey and Bates (1984), Kroeger and Thuesen (1988), Merrill and Reid (1981), and Alessandra and O'Connor (1990). The Center for Applications of Psychological Type (Gainesville, Florida) is a clearinghouse for information about these instruments, especially the MBTI.

    Myers's insistence on categorical sorting in the face of a mainstream tradition of continuous scoring is one of the reasons the MBTI has not received the attention from academic psychologists that it probably deserves. Though the 1985 MBTI Manual, with its limited provision for optional continuous scoring, received substantial praise from the Mental Measurements Yearbook, the accepted authority in test reviewing, the MBTI's supporting data would have been much more persuasively presented in a formal construct validity framework.

    22. Financial temperament. Gurney (1988) was among the first, if not the first, researchers to address a “money personality.”

    23. Loss of regard. Fenichel (1935/1938) connects fear of loss of regard with the castration anxiety, fear of weaning, and fear of bodily loss through defecation. From these, along with physical pleasure, he arrives at the motivation to hold back and accumulate.

    24. Bean-counters. One wonders if “bean-counting” is yet another veiled fecal reference in the Analytic context.

    25. Righteousness. In fact, I would add that there seem to be both masculine and feminine representations of this righteousness: the overordered mind of which Jones speaks, bent on bringing all the world into its way of thinking (e.g., the Cultural Revolution; Nazism), and what might be viewed as an “overordered soul,” equally bent on imposing its feelings and emotional values upon the rest of the world (e.g., the political correctness movement).

    26. African capitalism. Iliffe (1983, p. 86) describes an African capitalism distinctive for its close proximity to adversarial socialism. To the extent that socialism represents Anima (see Table 8.1f), our notion of a tenderminded capitalism is consistent with this analysis.

    27. Envy or jealousy. Sexual jealousy also seems related to individualism/collectivism and jealousy/envy in general. Individualists by and large insist on exclusive access to their sexual partner; collectivists seem more willing to share.

    28. Into a tigress. Merrill and Reid (1981, pp. 73–79) describe a similar dynamic. At low levels of stress, they say, the person “digs in his heels,” intensifies his characteristic way of doing things. Under high stress, however, the person briefly takes on the characteristics of his opposing temperament. For example, the Driver under low stress becomes more of a Driver, the Amiable more of an Amiable, and so on. Upon hearing of the loss of his fortune, for example, the Driver might become emotionally dependent (cf. Animus), might even break down and cry, and, in the stress of divorce court, the Amiable might become a temporary tigress. McClelland (1961) attempts to administer the TAT in a way that elicits the otherwise repressed responses. In the same vein, Binstock and Ely (1971) have called attention to the “power of powerlessness,” and Maclntyre (1984, p. 261) has noted “a certain radical individualism” underlying Marxist collectivism.

    1. Very same biopsychosocial forces. Weber (e.g., 1922/1978) emphasized the influence of cultural factors on economic success, and McClelland (e.g., 1961) pointed out how individual psychological factors affect the culture. I am trying to introduce biological factors as well, and to shift the focus more (but surely not exclusively) in the direction of the individual contribution to the definition of the culture and to levels of economic achievement and patterns of economic ebb and flow. For an early illustration of this line of thinking, see Schachter and Singer (1962).

    2. Triune brain. Cloninger and Gilligan (1987), on the basis of a review of ethological studies, suggest “that the phylogeny of temperament began with a behavioral inhibition (harm avoidance) system in all animals, next added an activation (novelty-seeking) system in more advanced animals, and then added subsystems for behavioral maintenance (reward dependence) in reptiles and later phyla” (p. 457). This phylogeny corresponds roughly with MacLean's triune brain.

    3. “Explosion of meaning.” Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981, p. 176ff.) remind us of Dewey's dynamic description of the formation of meaning. They propose a three-stage process that seems consistent with Edelman's and Bruner's: Our perception of the aesthetic qualities of a thing stirs up an “inner commotion” (Dewey's term), which sets the stage for further understanding; focusing attention on the thing establishes a psychic closeness with the thing, which is pleasant and therefore recurring; the closeness motivates us toward closer understanding of how the thing fits into our life and world.

    4. Edelman asserts. For skeptical reactions to Edelman's theories, see Barlow (1988) and Crick (1989). For Edelman's views on the psychology of the unconscious, see Edelman (1990) and Winson (1985).

    5. Speech and meaning. Bruner points out that his conception of meaning is supported not only by Edelman's (1987, 1990, 1992) neuroscience but Reynolds's (1980) anthropology and Lewin's (1989) and Humphrey's (1986) primatology.

    6. Moral dimension. The connections between life/death and good/bad in the biological survival sense and between good/bad and good/evil in the moral sense invite rapprochement between biology and philosophy/theology and add a moral dimension to many money issues, which I believe is the fundamental reason behind the intensity of conflict over money.

    7. Lose track of the difference. In Csikszentmihalyi's (1990) words:

    [Flow] is what the sailor holding a tight course feels when the wind whips through her hair, when the boat lunges through the waves like a colt—sails, hull, wind, and sea humming a harmony that vibrates in the sailor's veins. It is what a painter feels when the colors on the canvas begin to set up a magnetic tension with each other, and a new thing, a living form, takes shape in front of the astonished creator, (p. 3)

    8. Particular classes of possessions. For related discussion on the use of symbolic interactionism see Engestrom and Middleton (1996).

    9. Group dynamics. Gifts are an important way to extending self. For thoughtful discussions on gifts and gifting on the individual and family level, see Kohut (1987), Crump (1981, pp. 70–71), and Zelizer (1994, chap. 3). Boulding (1971–1985, p. 27ff.) leads us to think about the meaning of group transactions (“gift information”) such as welfare payments and loans to developing countries. Such group gifts can be interpreted like individual gifts, vehicles that communicate feelings of competence, neediness, freedom, and security, as well as the repressed feelings associated with each. Thus the people of the donor country say, at least sometimes, “We are stronger than you; we despise your weakness—and our weak underside envies your getting this for nothing.” And the recipients reply, “We are weak, we loathe you for your gift—and we shall eventually overcome you.”

    For further discussion of the meanings of gifts, see Kohut (1987), Mauss (1966), Schwartz (1967), and Gregory (1982). For a superb annotated bibliography on “gifted money,” see Zelizer (1994, pp. 237–249).

    1. Conflicts. For refreshing views on cultural differences as the root of global conflicts, see Hsu (1981) and, especially, Huntington (1996).

    2. EVLN. In the EVLN model, Exit corresponds to Driver (“I'd end the relationship.”), Voice to Expressive (“I'd confront my boyfriend.”), Loyalty to Amiable (“I'd stick by him.”), and Neglect to Analytic (“I'd back off and let our relationship drift.”). The quotations are from Bryson (1991, p. 202, Table 8.4). We have already seen in Chapter 8 that the circumplex model is a special case of the Quaternary.

    3. Need affiliation. Atkinson, McClelland, and associates (e.g., Atkinson, 1964; McClelland, 1961) also developed a scoring system for a third motive, which they called “need power” and which in turn arose as the researchers contemplated a similar measure of “need security.” Research on need security apparently did not proceed. Need power has received much less study than need affiliation and, especially, need achievement. In general, need power is defined as a “concern over controlling the means of influencing the behavior of another person” (Atkinson, 1964, p. 227). Need power is high in people who are argumentative and who like to try to convince other people to think or do something, reminiscent of the charisma of the Expressive. Completion of this work would have matched the Quaternary: need achievement, need affiliation, need power (Expressive charisma), and need security (Analytic).

    4. Classification of “personality disorders.” The DSM-IV (p. 845ff.) describes culture-specific syndromes that seem consistent with the Quaternary: melancholic preoccupation with death (“ghost sickness”) among many American Indian tribes, excited outbursts and concentration difficulties (“boufee delirante,” “zar”) among many African peoples, and cognitive-processing difficulties (“hwa-byung,” “shenjing shuairuo,” “taijim kyofusho”) among many Asian peoples. Curious, too, in the light of the shadow, are certain disorders that seem just the opposite of the characteristic behaviors of the cultures: bursts of extreme excitement (“pibloktoq”) among Eskimo (Indian) people, and frenzy (“latah”) among Asian people.

    5. Save for retirement. Peterson (1993, 1996) argues that saving for retirement is central to any workable solution to the U.S. Social Security troubles, but he points out that few Americans, surely including the enormous middle class, set aside enough to keep themselves even relatively independent. Mr. Peterson's analysis appears to have provided the economic foundation for Mr. Perot's presidential campaign.

    Quadrant theory can help us understand the psychological side of the retirement savings problem and the proposed solutions, for example, the envy and jealousy behind tax policies that encourage consumer spending and discourage saving and investing for retirement, and public reactions to proposals for limiting or extending entitlement benefits. It cannot substitute for public or congressional will.

    6. Economic decline. McClelland (1961, p. 47) emphasizes child-raising standards (see Winterbottom, 1958). He theorizes that given a warm and supporting mother and a distant father, rigorous standards produce need achievement, which produces economic success, which in turn leads to less rigorous child-raising in subsequent generations, which leads to economic decline. The rigorous standards are those that Weber observed in Calvin's teachings, as we discussed in Chapter 7.

    7. Also in Africa. Landes (1998) surveys the fortuity and ingenuity that led to the patterns of wealth and poverty that characterize the various nations of the modern world. Landis turns to culture to explain economic success and failure; McClelland (1961) turns to social psychology to explain culture. We add neurophysiology to the mix.

    8. Jeopardize both systems. Naisbitt (1996) describes eight features of traditional Asian culture that he sees shifting in a Westerly direction. My colleague Chin-Chuan Lee is at work on an analysis of the turnover of Hong Kong from Britain to the People's Republic of China.

    9. Fictional literature. Popular and serious fictional literature can be used to “flesh out” hypothetical constructions. Anderson (1997) describes the use of fictional television characters for such purposes.


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    Appendix: Good Books on the Social Meanings of Money and Property

    This appendix presents an annotated list of interesting books not cited in the body of the present work. Each includes substantial sections on psychology and money, some considerably more penetrating than others. This is not intended to be a comprehensive review—my apologies to anyone whose good work I neglect. It's worth mentioning the obvious, that the older the book, the less likely its financial advice may be useful (or legal) today.

    Goldberg, Herb, and Lewis, Robert T (1978). Money madness. New York: Morrow.

    Popular essays on how the ways people use money leads to stress in many parts of their lives. The authors propose that money can mean power, affection, control, or freedom, and they propose various forms of “madness” under each meaning.

    Lindgren, Henry Clay. (1980). Great expectations: The psychology of money. Los Altos, CA: William Kaufmann.

    Professor Lindgren presents an early survey of psychological thought about the place of money in American society and the social meaning it carries. His discussion ranges from classical origins to contemporary attitudes about wealth and poverty.

    Krueger, David W (Ed.). (1986). The last taboo. New York: Brunner/Mazel.

    This is a thoughtful collection of psychoanalytic essays on money and, especially, on the place of money is psychotherapy. Seven or eight of the 24 chapters are of interest to the general reader.

    Berg, Adriane. (1988). How to stop fighting about money and make some. New York: Avon.

    A lawyer with a clear interest in depth psychology and a lot of practical experience working with families gives sound legal advice in the context of personal motivation and interpersonal conflict.

    Weinstein, Grace. (1986). Men, women andmoney. Chicago: New American Library.

    One of the earliest, and still one of the best, semipopular books on the subject of money and property in male-female relationships. The authors wrap commonsense financial advice in streetwise psychology.

    Gurney, Kathleen. (1988). Your money personality. New York: Doubleday.

    Through statistical analysis of questionnaire data, Dr. Gurney identifies nine “money personalities,” describes them in detail, and shows how to maximize their strengths and minimize their weaknesses for the purpose of becoming “a winner in the money game.”

    Felton-Collins, Victoria. (1990). Couples and money. New York: Bantam.

    Both a psychologist and a financial planner, Dr. Felton-Collins uses the quaternary—“Drivers,” “Relaters,” “Freewheelers,” and “Hedgers”—as the basis for identifying money motives and messages. With particular attention to the influence of past experiences on male-female relationships, she writes lightly but with insight about how couples can understand each other better and form a partnership with regard to both money and love.

    Kaye, Yvonne. (1991). Credit, cash and co-dependency. Deerfield Beach, FL: Health Communications.

    A psychotherapist who specializes in codependency offers sound advice, accessibly presented, about serious financial problems associated with that disorder, with special emphasis on money as anesthetic and money as escape.

    Needleman, Jacob. (1991). Money and the meaning of life. New York: Doubleday.

    This philosophy professor's curious—and important—thesis is that money is not as important to us as it should be! His point is that if we were to pay more real attention to its meaning, money could provide a means for revitalizing the soul through increased self-knowledge.

    Millman, Marcia. (1991). Warm hearts and cold cash: The intimate dynamics of families and money. New York: Free Press.

    In this collection of particularly thoughtful essays on the social-psychological dynamics of money in family relationships, Professor Millman examines how people bring the principles and practices of the marketplace into their relationships. Through engaging case studies, she shows “how much of our emotional capital is tied up in accounts with parents, children, spouses, and siblings.”

    Dominguez, Joe, and Robin, Vicki. (1992). Your money or your life. New York: Penguin.

    This book is a rare combination of sound financial advice and inspiration for the simple life. The focus of its psychology is the reassessment of what really constitutes happiness; the focus of its financial advice is life simplification. Both authors left high-stress careers to found the New Road Map Foundation (Seattle).

    Nance, Wayne E, and Charlesworth, Edmund A (1993). Mind over money. Nashville, TN: Nelson.

    A registered investment adviser (Nance) and clinical psychologist (Charlesworth) join forces to produce a book that concentrates on standard financial topics, with chapters alerting us to a variety of “dysfunctions” that can steal our peace of mind as well as interfere with our planning.

    Mellan, Olivia. (1994). Money harmony. New York: Walker.

    A psychotherapist and business consultant, Ms. Mellan offers a practical guide to resolving financial conflicts. She describes and explains nine “money types,” showing the strengths and weaknesses of each. Following a useful discussion of men versus women with regard to money meanings, she presents structured exercises that couples can follow toward conflict resolution and the enhancement of intimacy.

    Forward, Susan, and Buck, Craig. (1994). Money demons. New York: Bantam.

    Sensible counsel in popular form, some of it very insightful. This book is aimed at women but useful for people of either sex who are struggling with gambling and other efforts at sabotaging oneself and one's relationships.

    Madanes, Cloe. (1994). The secret meaning of money. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

    Codirector of the Family Therapy Institute in Washington, Dr. Madanes shows how the meanings of money crop up in all areas and at all stages of family life, and she illustrates standard family therapy approaches to the solution of problems and the improvement of relationships. Easy reading, with much wisdom.

    Carlson, Richard. (1997). Don't worry, make money. New York: Hyperion.

    Author of Don't sweat the small stuff, Dr. Carlson offers a potpourri of a hundred modest ideas for improving your financial condition that center in worrying less and building better personal and business relationships.

    Buchan, James. (1997). Frozen desire: The meaning of money. New York: Farrar Straus Giroux.

    A journalist and novelist, Mr. Buchan converts an enormous investment in reading and personal experience into a true “psychology of money,” the thesis of which is that the function of money, because it symbolizes different things to different people, is to elicit and communicate “incarnate desire.” He supports his thesis with a series of critical studies of people and events down the ages and around the world, and representative of what he calls the Age of Money. (For a preview, see Granta, 49, Fall 1994, 91–102.)

    Name Index

    About the Author

    Kenneth O. Doyle studied the classical curriculum at Salvatorian Seminary (St. Nazianz, Wisconsin), Salvatorian Novitiate (Colfax, Iowa) and Mount St. Paul College (Waukesha, Wisconsin); philosophy at the Pontifical Gregorian University (Rome) and Marquette University (Milwaukee); and psychology at the University of Minnesota (Twin Cities), where he is Associate Professor in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication and Codirector of the Mass Communication Research Division. For twelve years he was a practicing financial planner and investment adviser representative, with licenses in general securities, life and health insurance, and real estate. He is editor of The Meanings of Money (Sage, 1992) and author of Wealth Accumulation and Management and a variety of other books and articles. His web address is

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