Taking Journalism Seriously: News and the Academy


Barbie Zelizer

  • Citations
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  • Chapters
  • Front Matter
  • Back Matter
  • Subject Index
  • Dedication

    To my kids:

    the kitchen table returns … until the next time


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    About the Author

    Barbie Zelizer is the Raymond Williams Professor of Communication at the University of Pennsylvania's Annenberg School for Communication. A former journalist, Zelizer has authored or edited seven books, including the award-winning Remembering to Forget: Holocaust Memory Through the Camera's Eye (University of Chicago Press, 1998), Covering the Body: The Kennedy Assassination, the Media, and the Shaping of Collective Memory (University of Chicago Press, 1992), and Journalism After September 11 (with Stuart Allan; Routledge, 2002). A recipient of a Guggenheim Fellowship, a Freedom Forum Center Research Fellowship, and a Fellowship from Harvard University's Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics, and Public Policy, Zelizer is also a media critic whose work has appeared in The Nation and Newsday, as well as on the Jim Lehrer News Hour and Radio National of Australia. She is presently working on a book on about-to-die photographs and journalism.


    This book reflects a very personal journey. As a journalist-turned-academic, I see it as the culmination of many years of moving out of one profession and into another. That journey showed me the importance of taking journalism seriously, both for practitioners and for scholars. So it is with a long memory—and a long list of individuals—that I contemplate the sources of my gratitude.

    For teaching me how rewarding journalism can be, I thank fellow reporters Howard Arenstein, Arik Bachar, Alex Berlyne, Cordelia Edvardson, the late Michael Elkins, David Landau, David Lennon, Pat Massey, Art Max, Mike Precker, Ruth Rembaum, David Rogers, Gil Sadan, and Sasha Sadan, as well as the many sources, spokespeople, and officials with whom we shared late hours. For helping me recognize and come to terms with the limitations of journalism's rewards, I thank Dan Caspi, Akiba Cohen, Daniel Dayan, Maxine and Yossi Fassberg, Linda Futterman, Elihu Katz, Richard Juran, Judy Juran, Yehiel Limor, Yosefa Loshitzky, Rafi and Yoram Shir, Itzhak Roeh, and Shosh Zilberberg, who showed me how academic and personal lives could vie with the world of a journalist. I thank Roger Abrahams, Liz Bird, Chuck Bosk, Jim Carey, David Eason, Jim Ettema, Ted Glasser, John Nerone, John Pauly, Michael Schudson, Marsha Siefert, and Linda Steiner, and especially Larry Gross for supporting my interest in journalism once the academy beckoned with its own set of priorities.

    Thanks also go to various people for generously giving of their time to either comment on parts of the argument here or read manuscript drafts: Stuart Allan, Michael Bromley, Jim Carey, Herb Gans, Ted Glasser, Larry Gross, Klaus Krippendorff, Toby Miller, Michael Schudson, Linda Steiner, Howard Tumber, Keyan Tomaselli, Joe Turow, Silvio Waisbord, and three anonymous reviewers. Thanks to Sharon Black and her staff for extraordinary library help and to the many students both at Temple University and at Penn's Annenberg School for Communication who along the way helped shape these ideas while in my ever-evolving class on journalism and the academy. In that this project involved a significant amount of literature review over a long period of time, special thanks go to numerous students, present and former, for research assistance, some of whom retrieved for me copies of articles and books when it was not yet clear that they would figure in this manuscript: Carrie Brown, Julia Chang, Gus Dantas, Lauren Feldman, Ted Florea, Rachel Gans, Masaki Hadaka, Courtney Hamilton, John Huxford, Bethany Klein, Kimberly Meltzer, Oren Meyers, Susan Nasberg, Claire Wardle, Louise Woodstock, and Yuan Zhang. Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Michael Delli Carpini, and the Annenberg School gave me time off to set this project in motion. Chuck Whitney and Sophy Craze initially gave it a life^ and Margaret Seawell showed remarkable patience and generosity in keeping it on the books long after most editors would have buried it. Ruth Anolik, Carol Gantman, Amy Jordan, Lisa Rosenstein, Pamela Sankar, and Juliet Spitzer pitched in at crisis moments. The immeasurable dose of thanks goes to my children—Noa, Jonathan, and Gideon Glick—who, despite their mother's best efforts, in two out of three cases still prefer reading People magazine to the New York Times. In the third, watching Jon Stewart wins out every time.

  • Notes

    1. The response to Hemingway's work as a journalist has been widespread. See, for instance, John Atkins's The Art of Ernest Hemingway (1964), Earl Rovit's Ernest Hemingway (1961), and J.F. Kobler's Ernest Hemingway: Journalist and Artist (1985). Interestingly, Hemingway disparaged his time as a journalist himself, worrying incessantly that it had destroyed his creativity and furious when others mentioned his news reports in the same breath as his short stories and novels (see Ernest Hemingway: Selected Letters, 1981, edited by Carlos Baker).

    2. James W. Carey acted as a respondent to a conference panel on humanistic inquiry and journalism, in which he praised the papers for the simple reason that they tried to “take journalism seriously.” The panel, which included S. Elizabeth Bird, Robert Dardenne, Barry Dornfeld, and myself, was convened at the 1993 meetings of the International Communication Association in Washington, D.C.

    3. These included frequency (the time span of an event), threshold (the size or magnitude of an event), unambiguity (the clarity of an event), meaningfulness (both the cultural proximity and relevance of an event), consonance (the predictability of an event), unexpectedness (the unpredictability of an event within the meaningful and the consonant), continuity (the running story), composition (the balance in lineup or on the front page), reference to elite persons and nations (primarily involving North America, Japan, Europe, and Russia), personalization (with events codified as the actions of individuals), and negativity (with bad news seen as good news).

    4. Tuchman spent a day a week at a television station from 1966 to 1969, an additional 6 months at a newspaper from 1967 to 1968, a period of interviewing reporters in New York City in 1975, and an additional 3 months of observation of reporters assigned to the New York City Hall pressroom from 1975 to 1976.

    5. Gans's ethnography was based on several months that he spent at each of the four news organizations between 1965 and 1969, an additional month of observation in each place in 1975, and a spate of interviews conducted in 1978. He also did numerous content analyses, completed over a year. The news values he identified included ethnocentrism, altruistic democracy, responsible capitalism, small-town pastoralism, individualism, and moderatism.

    6. The filters included an organizational size and concentrated elite ownership that made a profit orientation the preferred managerial mode of news organizations, a dependence on advertising as the primary source of income, a dependence on government and business as sources of information, the employment of flak—negative responses such as letters, petitions and law suits—to keep news organizations in line, and the invocation of anti-Communism as a way of mobilizing the population against “the enemy.”

    7. Carey's call drew both supporters (e.g., Marzolf 1975; Ward 1978) and detractors (e.g., Nord 1988), who lamented that Carey's suggestions could not be operationalized and that his proposed changes had already been in existence for some time. Yet Carey's statement lingered as one of the most provocative summations of the state of affairs in journalism history. And indeed, as a template for engaging in the historical inquiry of journalism, it was reproduced in other works on journalism over time (Carey 1978, 1985, 1989).

    8. In many ways, Nerone's lament described the similarities between historians and journalists, whose development into a professional community during the 19th century followed a line similar to that of historians. Particularly in the United States, journalists, like historians, depended on a common method for doing their work, developed into professionals with an explicit embrace of the doctrine of objectivity, sought to tell the world of yesterday or today as it was, and were dependent on narrative and narrativity, which, while not coded explicitly into practice, nonetheless helped develop news-making codes (see Novick 1988 for a discussion of historians).

    9. According to Sloan (1991), these schools differed as follows: Nationalist interpretations, developed in the early 19th century, saw the news media as instruments contributing to the progress of the nation-state. They focused on ideas such as freedom of the press or journalists' positioning as nationalist patriots in the U.S. context (Thomas 1810) and on Whiggish interpretations of journalism history in Britain (Sloan 1991: 3; also Curran and Seaton 1985). Nationalist interpretations tended to emerge when nation-states needed support from the environment, such as during times of national instability or insecurity. Romantic interpretations, developed in the late 18th century, offered a personalized, nostalgic view of the progress of mankind. Tending to blend autobiography, memoir, and narrative biography, they saw history as a literary art generally crafted by persons of leisure—printers or publishers—who were familiar with the people about whom they wrote (e.g., Parton 1864). This school reemerged in the post-Watergate era (e.g., Halberstam 1979), when “authors had the enticing events of that decade and the 1960s to consider” (Sloan 1991: 336). As Sloan (1991: 335) told it, “many authors wrote of television in passionate, adventurous and idealistic terms … in bigger-than-life terms.” The developmental school of interpretation emerged in the United States from the early 1900s onward as professionalism became a way of thinking about journalism; journalism's history was seen as the evolution of journalistic practices, rules, and standards; and the press itself was seen as a setting through which the journalistic professional could continually evolve. These chronicles emphasized how the press became a tool for journalists to advance their own professional identity (e.g., Hudson 1873; Lee 1917; Bleyer 1927; Mott 1941/1962, 2000). Renewed during the post-Watergate years, when history was viewed as a clash between the media and other established institutions, such as religion, government, and big business (Startt and Sloan 1989), the developmental school reemerged in discussions of press freedom in wartime and media autonomy in times of increased national security, all codified as professional issues relevant to democratic existence (e.g., Braestrup 1977). Progressive interpretations remained one of the most discussed interpretive schema, primarily because much of U.S. journalism as we know it today found its beginnings in this era, making it the obvious candidate for telling the story of journalism's past. Emerging in the United States around 1910, they offered reform-oriented historians who had been influenced by general historians like Frederick Jackson Turner or Charles Beard the opportunity to pit journalists against the upper class, while invoking freedom, democracy, equality, and civil reform. Ideological conflict was seen here as central and was more often than not seen in economic terms. The chroniclers in this school, not always professional journalists but rather historians graduated from departments of journalism, began to see historical inquiry more as a science than an art, due partly to changes by which historians themselves became professionals (Villard 1923; Seldes 1935; Ickes 1939). The consensus school of interpretation developed during the first half of the 1900s in response to the Depression and the First World War, when certain scholars of historical inquiry sought to effect consensus rather than conflict through their chronicles. Emphasizing agreement and unity, journalistic performance in general was seen as a tool to achieving national unity and helping the government. Consensus historians praised media owners as entrepreneurs who had performed admirably for the war effort (Bailyn 1965; Douglas 1999). The last school of interpretation was the cultural school, developed around the premise that the media operated in close links with their environment. Media were seen here as a part of society, influenced by factors outside the media themselves, and cultural historians were largely interested in the impact of society on media, rather than the other way around. This school promoted the disappearance of the “great men” chronicles and supported seeing individuals not as powerful or important but instead as agents of the larger cultural frameworks in which they worked (Kobre 1944, 1958, 1959, 1964, 1969; Carey 1974; Lee 1976; Schudson 1978). The limitations of the schools of interpretation approach are implied by its title: In adopting a given “school of interpretation,” scholars imposed an a priori analytical unity on the events being described. While this no doubt produced a highly coherent and cohesive account of events in history, it also tended to generate a unitary aura to the explanations it provided.

    10. Although there has been extensive work challenging the so-called unitary character of British cultural studies (see, in particular, Stratton and Ang 1996 and Miller 2001), I maintain it here as a heuristic device to differentiate the treatment accorded journalism by both the U.S. and British schools.


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