Social Geographies: From Difference to Action

Books

Ruth Panelli

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  • Chapters
  • Front Matter
  • Back Matter
  • Subject Index
  • Part I: Introductions and Negotiations

    Part II: Categories of Social Difference

    Part III: Across and Beyond Social Difference

    Part IV: Conclusions and Outlooks

    Part V: Individual Social Geographies

  • Copyright

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    Dedication

    In memory of my father, Alexander Panelli, who taught me the fascination and confidence to always ‘have a theory’ about things – no matter how big or small.

    &

    For Maija and Talis, with love, and in the hope that continued critical social thought will contribute to a fairer and more compassionate world for you and yours.

    List of Boxes

    • Box 1.1 Social conditions and implications of life in Australian coal-mining towns 4
    • Box 1.2 Making lesbian space 7
    • Box 1.3 Examples of geographers writing from somewhere: reflections on position 9
    • Box 3.1 A short survey 40
    • Box 3.2 Class change and gentrification in Stoke Newington, London 54
    • Box 3.3 Timeline of a class struggle: Tompkins Square Park, New York 56
    • Box 3.4 Overdetermined geographies of class: reading mutual constitution 59
    • Box 4.1 Gender divisions in an Australian textile industry: work, meanings and spaces 73
    • Box 4.2 Gender, space and fear: ‘dangerous places’ 77
    • Box 5.1 An example of racial classifications 91
    • Box 5.2 Race becomes problematic through the twentieth century 92
    • Box 5.3 The marae: an important cultural space for Maori 101
    • Box 5.4 Maori challenges to the practice of geography 107
    • Box 6.1 Public toilets in a botanical garden 115
    • Box 7.1 Heroic male identity: conquering mountains 151
    • Box 8.1 Power via the discursive construction of knowledge 166
    • Box 8.2 The power of ‘women in agriculture’: shaping gender in farming 176
    • Box 10.1 Reflecting back over social geography: best parts of the subject? 209

    List of Figures

    List of Tables

    • Table 2.1 Valued attributes of a scientific approach 15
    • Table 2.2 Three key philosophical approaches to social geography 18
    • Table 2.3 Major forms of theory established under different philosophies of social science 20
    • Table 2.4 Theoretical approaches employed in social geography 22
    • Table 3.1 Key characteristics of two core classes 44
    • Table 4.1 Three contrasting geographies of gender 69
    • Table 4.2 Femininities: contrasting formations of gender identities 79
    • Table 4.3 Constructing masculinity: processes and meanings 84
    • Table 6.1 Contrasting geographies of sexuality: approach and foci 113
    • Table 6.2 Lesbian experiences and negotiations of ‘everyday spaces’ 121
    • Table 7.1 Contrasting perspectives on identity 139
    • Table 7.2 Geographies of identity at different scales: selected examples 146
    • Table 8.1 Notions of power: geographers' classifications 161
    • Table 8.2 Discourse and power in local politics over time (twentieth-century Somerset, UK) 169
    • Table 9.1 Conceptualizing social action: a summary 189
    • Table 9.2 Generic social processes involved in two examples of social action 194
    • Table 9.3 Reclaiming land and self-determination: song lyrics as social action 201

    Preface

    How do we describe ourselves?

    Where have we, do we, will we, live our lives?

    Why are differences between people a source of tension?

    How can social change occur?

    Social geography can assist in addressing these questions. It provides ways of understanding and living in our contemporary world. This book gives one account of how geographers have studied ‘western’ societies and provided concepts, theories and arguments about human life and interaction in varying contexts defined via places, power relations, and systems of economic and cultural relations.

    One of the core foci of social geography is the recognition and critique of social difference and the power relations this involves. In the (too many) years it has taken to complete this manuscript, questions of difference and power have increased as key academic and international concerns. Personally, I have worked in a country that continues to struggle with issues surrounding bicultural and multicultural tensions; I have thought a good deal about when and how I sometimes claim to be an ‘Australian’; and I have experienced my own and others' responses to the events of 11 September 2001 and the resulting polarization of ideas and attitudes about social differences based on ethnicity and religion. Walking in antiwar marches has become a crucial social action again as new generations of people think through the political and humanitarian implications associated with social differences and the way social differences can be mobilized for political, economic and military ends. While the subject of this book is not focused on international politics or the ‘war on terrorism’, critiques of the underlying ways social differences are constructed and the power relations involved are as relevant now as they ever were.

    So in writing this book I have assembled an account of how geographers have constructed successive literatures on the differences that separate us, and the ways in which we may live and think across and beyond those differences as we negotiate questions of identity, power and social action. While mapping patterns of social difference has long been an activity in social geography so to has been the socio-political drive to critique uneven power relations and the dominant constructions of difference and identity that leave little space for heterogeneous (including alternative) social forms. Thus, the structure of this book has been organized to outline the various theoretical approaches to social geography, and the core literatures on class, gender, ethnicity and sexuality. But it also seeks to recognize that differences are only part of the story and that what we do because of, and beyond, these differences is equally important. Consequently, this book culminates with a discussion of contemporary critique and hope as they occur in investigations of the politics of identity, the operation of power relations, and the potential and possibilities within various forms of social action.

    This account does not attempt to be an encyclopaedic presentation of social geography. Instead, it is written as a companion to what I believe should be the most important study strategy for undergraduate students – the act of reading and critically engaging with theoretical questions and research being constructed in original journal articles and books. If this book provides a resource and support for this process, it will have achieved one of its major objectives.

    A second objective for the book lies in the desire to draw together the ways social geographic knowledge can be developed from many voices. Consequently, I have included material from various academic sources, from personal accounts of individual geographers' practice (see Chapter 2 and Part V: Individual Social Geographies), and from a range of student reflections and observations. I have also sought to include a diverse selection of examples from within the scope of Anglo-American and Antipodean geographies, as outlined in Chapter 1. This involves material from urban and rural settings in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States of America.

    In writing this book, I have made a number of decisions that reflect my academic base, and which should be explained. In terms of conventions, I use the word Maori (rather than Maaori, Maori, etc.) since a variety of debates surround the preferred usage and spelling of this word and differences exist across iwi (tribes) and in different settings and time periods. Likewise, the term Aotearoa is not linked with, or equated with, the word New Zealand (as in Aotearoa/New Zealand) since different iwi understand the term to refer to one or more of the islands making up this country. There is no uniform recognition across all iwi that the term refers to all the islands within this country.

    For ease of reading, a number of other standard treatments have been employed. First, a variety of non-English words have been placed in italics. Second, a series of terms, which are defined and discussed in more detail in the glossary, are placed in bold italics – these include theoretical terms and concepts as well as key Maori words. Third, a summary of key points is provided at the end of Chapters 210, to distil and highlight the central issues and contentions being made at each stage. Finally, while numerous references are cited in most chapters in order to capture some of the diversity of geographies being written on any one topic, a list of useful texts is also given at the end Chapters 210 in order to encourage and direct starting points for further reading. It is hoped that the combined reading of this book and the suggested references will enhance understanding and respect for social differences and the possibilities of critiquing and reconstructing unequal material conditions and power relations.

    Acknowledgements

    In writing this book, I first need to thank those students who have taken Social Geography papers with me over the years. You are the people who first inspired me to think carefully about my own perspectives on the purpose, character and possibilities of social geography. Your willingness to enrol in social geography papers has continued to support my passion for advocating this type of geography as a way to approach the social world with critical thought, care and passion.

    Next, this book owes its origin to the interest of and kind invitation from Robert Rojek of Sage Publications, a source of endless patience and encouragement. It is also a great pleasure to record that the book would never have happened without the crucial, constant and generous encouragement and support of Richard Welch – there is no single way to thank you, but this is one first step.

    I am also grateful for important advice at crucial moments from Nicola Peart; and for essential practical assistance that thas been provided by Jessica Hattersley and Anna Kraack (making careful and cheerful reading and reference chasing), and Bill Mooney (drafting, editing, scanning and troubleshooting for numerous figures with great patience and care); and for various advice and guidance kindly given by Richard Bedford, Paul Cloke, Robin Kearns, Thelma Fisher and Brian Roper.

    I also greatly appreciate the support provided by staff of the geography departments at the University of Bristol, University of Glasgow and University of Otago, where substantial parts of this book were drafted.

    Special thanks is also due to individual geographers who generously participated in interviews and reflections about their work. In order of appearance they are: Paul Cloke, Geraldine Pratt, Andrew Herod, Jo Little, Kay Anderson, Larry Knopp, Karen M. Morin, Michael Woods, Katherine Gibson and Julie Graham. Further thanks are due to Louise Johnson, Claire Freeman and Paul Routledge for their generosity in sharing their photographs (Box 4.1, and Figures 8.1, 9.1 and 9.7 respectively).

    The author and publishers wish to thank the following for permission to reproduce material:

    Box 5.1, Pearson Education, for Duce (1956), p. 78;

    Box 5.3, Routledge, for Metge (1967), pp. 173, 175, 176, 177, 178–9 and Fig. 5;

    Boxes 7.1 and 8.1, Judy Horacek, for cartoons;

    Box 8.2, Australian Farm Journal, photograph (1994), p. 37;

    Figure 2.1, Hodder Arnold, for Harvey (1969), Figs 4.2 and 4.3;

    Figure 3.3, Verso, for Wright (1985), Table 3.3;

    Figure 4.1, The Dominion Post;

    Figure 5.1, American Geographical Society (NY), for Morrill (1965), Figs 11 − 12;

    Figure 5.2, Blackwell Publishing, for Gilbert (1998), Fig. 2;

    Figure 5.3. Pearson Education Australia, for Pawson (1992), Fig. 2.1;

    Figure 6.1, Blackwell Publishing, for Symanski (1974), Figs 6 −7;

    Figure 9.2, Allied Press, Otago Daily Times, for photograph; and

    Figure 9.5, Cambridge University Press, for Melucci (1996), Figs 1 − 2.

    Individuals who have made crucial readings of various chapters and key points of this project are greatly appreciated: Peter Jackson, Jo Little, Richard Welch, Paul Cloke, Geraldine Pratt and Larry Knopp. Sincere appreciation is also extended to colleagues, postgraduates and teaching assistants who have variously encouraged and supported me, or ignored my occasional bad humour and pre-occupation with the teaching and writing of this social geography, specifically: Jo, Anna, Karen, Nicola, Claire, Sarah, Deirdre, Margot, Jen, Murray and Zannah. Special thanks also to Deirdre, for initiative with early sketches for Box 3.4.

    Finally, to those special people who have walked beside me (sometimes very generously putting up with me) throughout this project and the other momentous events that have coincided with it – my love and thanks go especially to you: Richard, Maija, Talis, Dorothy, Alex, Anna, Eleanor, Jo and Kirsty.

  • Glossary

    • Action (social action): For the purposes of this book, action is taken to include the social activity of people as individuals and groups. It is an under-theorized term since in the past geographers have variously concentrated on notions stretching from individual behaviour to group activism and phenomena such as agency and social movements. In this text, however, action is inclusive of individual acts and choices as well as social and political interaction which cumulatively encompass the way people interact with each other and the societies in which they live. Action is highlighted in order to focus on the dynamics of social life, showing how people's lives and worlds are shaped through choices and activities. Action therefore enables geographers to consider where and how people construct, understand and perform identity; how they negotiate and/or challenge power relations implicated in social differences; and how they strategically join together in temporary or longer-term projects that shape their experiences, environments and opportunities.
    • Actor: A term broadly used to refer to individuals or collective groups or organizations who are able to act in a variety of ways. In actor network theory actors (or actants) may be human, non-human or hybrid combinations (see Whatmore, 1999).
    • Actor network theory (ANT): A theoretical perspective originating from a sociology of science and technology (Callon, 1986; Latour, 1991; Law, 1994). Actor network theory has been adopted by geographers seeking to understand social relations and actions where power is not held in a structural or centralized form but is articulated through a network of ‘heterogeneous association’ made up of diverse human and non-human actants and the intermediaries that link them, such as texts, money and technological objects (Murdoch, 1997). The theory challenges ‘modernist’ distinctions between nature and culture. Networks operate as actants are connected (and hold each other in place) via various identities and capacities that are attributed to them (hence the popularity of ANT in geographical studies of governance, policy and planning, e.g. Bingham and Thrift, 2000; McGuirk, 2000; Murdoch and Marsden, 1995). Power and action are spread and spun across the network (sometimes over great distances) and decisions and results are produced as actors are enlisted into networks through a process of ‘translation’. For further details see Murdoch (1997).
    • Agency (human action): Concept usually associated with people's autonomy or capacity to act either individually or collectively. See also structure-agency. Different philosophical approaches treat this concept in contrasting ways. Humanism has taken human agency as part of the central human subject whose consciousness, agency and creativity shape the world and understandings of the world (Tuan, 1976). In contrast, actor network theory includes humans and non-humans in ideas of agency where actants are able to act in a variety of networked and hybrid (e.g. human being and machines) forms so that agency is the result of networks of associating actors (Whatmore, 1999). Finally, poststructural theories and anti-humanist approaches critique the possibility of an individual, coherent or unified sense of human agency. Instead, arguments are made for the notion of subjectivity that recognizes multiple and conflicting subject positions within different (scientific, institutional and popular) discourses (Smith, P., 1988).
    • Anti-essentialist: An approach developed from poststructuralist philosophy and theory that questions other views of essential properties and definitions (for example, as found in Marxist ideas about capitalist relations, see Graham, 1992). In social and economic geography, Gibson-Graham (1996a) have criticized essentialist theories of capitalism and class, and argued that they are overdetermined rather than the product of fundamental essences of structures.
    • Anti-naturalism: An approach or view that contends that the social world cannot be understood or studied in the same way as the ‘natural’ world. (In contrast, see naturalism.)
    • Anti-realism: Belief that the world only exists through thought and that our ideas or constructions are what constitute reality. This perspective complements idealism but is the opposite of realism.
    • Capital accumulation: A Marxist term for the central tendency by which capitalist systems seek to secure conditions and processes that will constantly enable the increasing growth of capital via the reinvestment of surplus value (see Harvey, 1977). Processes of economic growth and technological change regularly follow on from this tendency, however (unequal and spatially varying) conditions change under which capital can be accumulated and crises of accumulation also frequently occur in the form of recessions.
    • Chicago School: The name for the scholars and research produced in the early twentieth century through the Department of Sociology at the University of Chicago. This school of thought used pragmatism and ethnographic methods (especially participant observation) to study the operation of social groups within different areas in Chicago. This work has been particularly relevant to urban geographers seeking to understand the spatial structure and social processes that produce different city formations. The Chicago School concentrated on elements of social Darwinism and human ecology to study society using ecological metaphors and principles to understand the formation of communities and the invasion and succession of different groups within a city (Park et al., 1925). While the Chicago School has been widely criticized for its universalizing, metanarrative and naturalist qualities, Jackson (1984) argues that it has formed a key heritage for geographers choosing humanist and ethnographic approaches to social geography.
    • Class: A concept used to indicate social difference between groups of people based on their material circumstances and positions within the dominant economic system operating in their society. Within capitalist societies class is often expressed in Marxist analyses according to people's positions within the capitalist mode of production and the various labour relations that exist during different eras. Contrasting definitional attributes and theories of class are detailed with relevant references in Chapter 3.
    • Deductive: A way in which a general theory is constructed, after which data on particular cases and situations are gathered to test the validity of the theory. (In contrast, see inductive.) Deductive approaches are frequently thought of as ‘topdown’ thinking where theory is developed conceptually before it is tested through specific cases or field data.
    • Discourse, discursive: In this book, discourse is used to refer to the poststructuralist concept of how meanings, ideas and practices are assembled, circulated and performed as a way to understand the world or legitimize certain types of knowledge. Discourses are not single, unitary products of individual authors but are broad set of meanings and practices that are situated and embedded in particular contexts, societies and histories (Barrett, 1992; Weedon, 1987). They are performed and they circulate or resonate through varying institutions (e.g. law) and day-to-day practices (e.g. conversations). Geographers look at how broad social relations and differences like gender and ethnicity are constructed through discourses. They also reflect on how their own discipline is a complex product of multiple discourses (e.g. colonialist and scientific, see Crush, 1991; Driver, 1992).
    • Epistemology: The theory of knowledge, how it is derived and how it can be known (in contrast to ontology). Within human geography epistemologies underpinning spatial science have respectively valued scientific, objective, constructions of space and society. In turn these have been criticized (e.g. by humanist and feminist epistemologies) for overvaluing scientific explanation and for being based on certain privileged and dominant forms of western and masculine thought (see Entrikin, 1976; Rose, G., 1993).
    • Ethics: The study of morality and the evaluative judgements associated with what is moral. In geography, ethics have influenced both what geographers study (e.g. interests in inequalities, marginalization, exclusion and social justice) and how they conduct their geographies. During the rise of radical geography in the 1970s, key geographic works that took up ethical positions included Harvey's (1973) and D.M. Smith's (1977). More recently, geographers have increasingly considered the ethics underlying how they design and conduct their research as well as the value and purpose of that work (Cloke, 2002; Hay, 1998) and have established the journal Ethics, Place and Environment in order to pursue these issues further.
    • Ethnicity: A concept used to indicate social difference between individuals and groups of people based on their identification with shared ancestry, culture, traditions, beliefs, and behaviour. Within western societies ethnicity is frequently understood as ‘other’ to the dominant ethnicity, i.e. whiteness, although recent research has begun to interrogate the ways whiteness is constructed and maintained as a dominant ethnicity. Discussion of the definitions and analyses of ethnicity that have been conducted by geographers are included with relevant references in Chapter 5.
    • Existentialism: A philosophy of science that views reality as existence that is prior to, or existing before, human essence. Consequently, focus is given to how individuals relate to other phenomena and make them meaningful. Existentialism is critical of both rationalism and idealism but has connections and contrasts with phenomenology. Existentialism has supported humanist geographers' interest in the geographies of people's everyday life and the meanings they have ascribed to a ‘taken-for-granted world’ (Buttimer, 1976, 1979; Samuels, 1978).
    • Feminist, feminism: A view of society and knowledge that suggests men's views and interests dominate and that unequal gender relations (both in society and research) disadvantage women (Bowlby et al., 1989; Mackenzie and Rose, 1983). Different forms of feminism have produced different types of explanation (see Blunt and Wills, 2000: Chapter 4; Tong, 1992) but irrespective of these differences, feminism aims to challenge and provide alternatives to existing structures, institutions, social relations and ways of conducting geography (Monk and Hanson, 1982; Rose, G., 1993).
    • Gender: A concept used to indicate social difference between individuals and groups of people based on socially constructed ideas that are attributed to men and women and understood in terms of masculinity and femininity. In geography, gender differences have been recorded since the 1970s, after which critical theoretical analyses were made to explain the frequently disadvantaged experiences of women. Since then, geographers have employed understandings of gender relations (in particular, patriarchy) to investigate uneven power relations based on expectations, rights and opportunities that men and women negotiate according to prevailing ideas about each gender. More recently, poststructural approaches have problematized ideas about an essential structural explanation of gender differences, pointing instead to the way masculinity and femininity are constructed notions that have both dominant and many other forms. Attention to gender identities has been a product of this latter thinking. Discussion of the definitions and theoretical approaches surrounding gender are included with relevant references in Chapter 4.
    • Gender identities: A concept most common in poststructural analyses of gender and one which focuses on how gender is understood and negotiated via broad social meanings of masculinity and femininity that are constructed and performed with only limited choice for men and women (Butler, 1993; Connell, 1995). These identities are understood as multiple, contested, and spatially and culturally situated so that while some meanings and practices surrounding certain forms of masculinity and femininity may dominate, there is also an appreciation of alternative forms that can be adopted, mobilized and performed (Jackson, 1991, 1999; Laurie et al., 1999; Little, 2002b).
    • Gender relations: A concept employed by both socialist and radical feminists in order to recognize and analyse the specific power relations that are based on, and affect peoples' experiences of, gender. Gender relations may take numerous forms but the most widely acknowledged and researched is that of patriarchy (see, for example, Foord and Gregson, 1986; Knopp and Lauria, 1987).
    • Hermeneutic: A form of creating knowledge and conducting research that is focused on interpretations and meanings. These interpretations are drawn from the study of social texts, symbols and meanings that people ascribe to everyday life. Within geography, humanist approaches employed hermeneutics to document and interpret human meaning and to read texts for the meanings they convey about people and the places and spaces they inhabit and shape.
    • Heteronormative: The widespread and dominating assumption that heterosexuality is both the natural/normal form of sexuality and the most appropriate or best form. Geographers investigating heterosexuality and using queer theory have shown how heteronormative beliefs and practices can be experienced through academic research, everyday speech, social expectations, control of public space, popular culture, and policies of various institutions and agencies (Binnie and Valentine, 1999; Grant, 2000; Hubbard, 2000).
    • Heteropatriarchal: A concept used to show how power relations based on patriarchy and heterosexuality can be combined to create dominant (and at times oppressive) control and expectations associated with social interaction and everyday places (Valentine, 1993a, 1993b).
    • Historical materialism: A term given to the approach employed by Marx and Engels to analyse the material (and historically dynamic) organization of society. This approach, and its practice by Marxist geographers (e.g. Harvey, 1984), counters idealism and prioritizes the material basis of life (over consciousness or ideas by which we might experience life). Historical materialism concentrates on establishing analyses and explanations of the social and economic processes by which people operate (and shape space) in various modes of production. In recent years it has been critiqued by postmodern and poststructural theorists for being a metanarrative.
    • Humanism, humanist: An approach to inquiry and knowledge that focuses of human awareness, values and creativity and in some cases concentrates on social meanings and actions generated by people as a product of essential attributes and agency that are thought to be common to human beings. Humanist geography is often grounded in phenomenology and employs qualitative and hermeneutic approaches (Buttimer, 1976, 1979; Tuan, 1976).
    • Hypothetic-deductive inquiry: An approach to social science that draws on deductive reasoning and establishes hypotheses that are tested in order to build explanation. As noted in Chapter 2, Harvey (1969) argued the importance of hypothetic-deductive inquiry for human geography and this complemented much of the quantitative and spatial science activity occurring throughout geography at the time.
    • Idealism: A philosophical position that contends that reality is formed through ideas or thoughts rather than predating them. This approach is often positioned in contrast to realism.
    • Identity: A term associated with the understanding of self or other people and places. Using poststructural approaches, geographers have investigated the way individual, collective and place-based identities are multiple (i.e. we have no single identity) and are constructed through discourses and performances (Hall, 1996; Jackson, 1999). This active or dynamic view of identity means that the contested and unstable nature of identities can be recognized. So, too, geographers have come to appreciate identity as a social and political process whereby understandings of self and other are explored (Hetherington, 2000) and the mobilization of strategic identities is possible (see identity politics). A detailed discussion of definitions and relevant references is included in Chapter 7 (section 7.2).
    • Identity politics: A term used to understand how social and cultural identities can be strategically assembled and enacted in politicized processes for collective goals. The study of identity politics became popular in geography in the 1990s (Keith and Pile, 1993) as cultural geography and poststructural theories stimulated new research into social movements that were committed to achieving anti-racist, feminist and queer goals. While poststructural thought had highlighted the socially constructed character of categories of social difference, identity politics allowed geographers to investigate how social difference was negotiated and contested in terms of politicized identities and socio-spatial activism associated with various forms of resistance (Pile and Keith, 1997).
    • Inductive: A way in which a theory or explanation is constructed from (or following after) the analysis of gathered data (in contrast see deductive). Inductive approaches are frequently thought of as ‘bottom-up’ thinking where theory is developed out of case material and field data.
    • Marae: ‘Traditional Maori gathering place’ (Reed, 2001: 42). Both traditional and newer urban marae are key material sites and cultural symbols of individual tribal groups' identities. They include communal territory, formal open-air space and the traditionally carved meeting house (whare whakairo).
    • Marginalization: A response to social difference which can be made at personal and institutional levels whereby certain individuals and groups are physically, socially, economically and/or culturally placed as marginal to the ‘centre’ where people and values are associated with dominant categories of social difference (e.g. masculine, heterosexual, white). Marginalization is not just about a metaphoric location. It is also associated with the social processes of othering and the creation of otherness – where difference is expressed as other to the self or the dominant social categories. Geographers' interest in marginalization and otherness has resonated in many critiques of prejudice and inequalities based on class, gender, ethnicity and sexuality, and it is frequently inspired by alternative politics and the opportunities of action from the margins (hooks, 1990, 1992; Spivak, 1990). Reflections on how marginalization operates within geography have also been published by authors who have identified how different types of academic (and research subject) have been excluded from geography (e.g. Monk and Hanson, 1982; Rose, G., 1993; Sibley, 1995).
    • Marxism, Marxist: A critical approach to science and knowledge based on the work of Karl Marx and employing ideas of historical materialism. This approach attempts to critique and change society by understanding the processes and relations that structure the material and social arrangements of different modes of production. Marxist geographers' particularly concentrate on documenting and challenging the injustices that result from unequal social and economic relations that exist in capitalism.
    • Masculinities: A range of identities that are constructed to convey understandings of what it is to be masculine. As shown in section 4.3.3, numerous geographers using poststructural notions of identity have established analyses of how masculinities are constructed and performed, noting that some forms dominate (in forms that can provoke masculinist assumptions) (Rose, G., 1993).
    • Metanarrative: A postmodern concept for a powerful and widely recognized frame of understanding usually derived from one perspective or emphasizing a particular principle that is privileged (or universalized) as a claim to truth, e.g. see historical materialism. It is a particular macro-view of the world that privileges certain ‘truths’ while marginalizing others.
    • Mode of production: A marxist concept for the way in which societies organize the material structures and activities that sustain life and extract surplus value. Different modes of production, such as slavery, feudalism and capitalism, have involved different economic and social relations by which societies operate unevenly in producing material conditions and reproducing social relations that maintain that society. Geographers have most frequently studied the social and economic relations associated with capitalist modes of production (Harvey, 1982, 1989).
    • Naturalism, naturalist: An approach or view that contends that the social world can be investigated using similar methods to those employed in the study of the ‘natural’ world Bhaskar (1979). Approaches and concepts used in biology and physics have been particularly popular for investigating society at different times. In contrast, see anti-naturalism.
    • Non-representational theory: A theory that seeks to challenge and balance the recent intense emphasis that has been given to geographies of interpretation and representation of a socially and culturally constructed world. The term has been introduced by Thrift (1996, 1997) to convey a move away from representation and discursive considerations so that work can be undertaken on the practice, performance and flow of events and transitory moments and interactions of everyday life and the actions by which it is constituted.
    • Ontology: A theory of what exists, what the world is like, or what can be known (in contrast to epistemology). Scientific inquiry is underscored by ontologies of how the world must be so that decisions can be made about what will be investigated. Contrasting ontologies focus on forms of empiricism, idealism and realism (Bhaskar, 1978) and these in turn affect how space and society are conceived even before research is designed and conducted (Schatzki, 1991).
    • Other, otherness: A process by which difference is interpreted through ideas and actions that differentiate between a binary of self and other. The construction of otherness is frequently associated with unequal power relations and processes of exclusion and marginalization. Geographers interested in many forms of difference have employed this idea to see how otherness is constructed through a range of categories and processes (e.g. those that are sexist, racialized, colonialist, abelist and heternormative).
    • Overdetermined: A term used by scholars working with anti-essentialist approaches when referring to how a social phenomenon or process (such as class) is mutually constituted and intersecting with other social phenomena and processes. Gibson-Graham's (1996a) discussion of class as an overdetermined category and process is one good example of this thinking (see Chapter 3, section 3.3.3).
    • Patriarchy: A particular form of gendered power relations by which men have more control and advantages than women. This uneven gender relation operates through economic, social and political practices and structures, including what Walby (1990) identifies as six spheres: the state, cultural institutions, wage-based employment, violence, sexuality, and the household. In recent years, feminists using patriarchy-based explanations of gender have also come to accept that other forms of marginalization and oppression also need to be considered (as noted in section 4.4).
    • Performance, performativity: A sense in which daily life, social differences, identity and power are enacted through practice or performance that both draws on social meanings and the spaces and bodies we inhabit (Butler, 1993; Hetherington, 1998). Geographers have appreciated ideas of performativity for the opportunity to see society and identity as dynamic and practised (even political) rather than only discursive or textual (Nash, 2000; Rose and Thrift, 2000).
    • Phenomenology: A philosophy of science that focuses on understanding (rather than explaining) the world. Reality is understood through the subjective meanings that people develop. This approach is often employed in humanist geography and is positioned in contrast to existentialism and positivism (Pickles, 1985; Relph, 1970).
    • Political subjectivity: A concept used in poststructural geographies focusing on politics and social action (e.g. Gibson-Graham, 1995). Drawing on notions of subjectivity as discursively produced in multiple forms, political subjectivity is seen to be mobilized when individuals or groups strategically negotiate contradictions or opportunities that exist between contrasting subject positions and thus provide themselves with a range of responses or actions that can be taken up (Davies, 1991). Examples of this type of analysis are discussed in the closing part of section 9.2.
    • Position, postionality: An acknowledgement that our location or position within a society will affect how we understand and value the world and create knowledge (Hartsock, 1987). While this notion has been most widely adopted within feminism, geographers have employed the idea to encourage critique of dominant social categories such as heterosexuality and whiteness. Consideration of positionality also stimulates geographers to consider the situated nature of geographic knowledge and the partial and positioned choices geographers make in the practice and construction of their geographies (Rose, 1997).
    • Positivism, positivist: A philosophy of science that employs empiric observations of positive phenomena (those which can be observed with the senses) using systematic procedures to test hypotheses in controlled ways and analyse results in order to construct formal laws and/or predictions (Guelke, 1978).
    • Postcolonialism, postcolonialist: A movement stemming from literary and cultural studies that has critiqued the processes and implications of historic and ongoing (reconfigured) colonialization for both colonized and colonizing cultures and societies (Childs and Williams, 1997). Postcolonialism seeks to make space for the contrasting knowledges, goals and positions of colonized people. This perspective also supports questions concerning the dominance and authority that has been characteristic of western thought and social structures as well as critiquing the historic and ongoing processes and spaces by which colonialism has produced the colonized as other (Driver and Gilbert, 1998; Jackson and Jacobs, 1996; Jacobs, 1996; Mills, 1996).
    • Postmodernism, postmodernist: A movement in the arts, theory and culture which critiques modernism and the possibility of certainty or universal truths as suggested in various (often dominant) metanarratives. With attention to the ‘reading’ of heterogeneity and difference, postmodernism has been identified as both an era (after modernism) and a method of conducting research that criticizes science and recognizes the researcher as an active participant in knowledge construction and the multiple voices of other parties and experiences. Within geography, postmodernity has been treated as an historic (contemporary) period, a style (that has social and spatial effects) and a method for conducting social inquiry (Dear, 1994; Harvey, 1989; Soja, 1996).
    • Poststructuralism, poststructuralist: An approach to knowledge and inquiry that complements postmodernism by concentrating on how society and the world is understood through culturally specific language and discourse (both the meanings and practices by which we understand the world). In contrast to humanism, poststructural geographies give attention to how people (individuals and groups) are positioned and constructed as subjects in different discourses that can be deconstructed to show multiple meanings and possibilities (see section 2.3).
    • Power: A concept widely understood as a capacity to act or achieve desired effects. In geography, power has been noted as present in economic and social relations as well as cultural beliefs. Contrasting theories of power with relevant references are included in Chapter 8. Main differences occur between conceptualizations of power as a resource or capacity that can be held by some people and institutions and those that conceive power as multiply constituted and fluid phenomena that circulate through networks and relations. The latter view sees power not so much possessed as articulated through a myriad of practices and technologies that reproduce it at the same time as providing points and opportunities for resistance. While writings on power have been a prime focus in much social geography, Nigel Thrift's (1997, 2000) attention to ‘dance’ provides some challenges and alternatives to the basic argument being introduced in this book concerning power, especially when he considers creativity and play, as he writes ‘against the grain’ to argue that power is not ‘all-pervasive’.
    • Pragmatism: A philosophy of science that focuses on understanding the world through real-life problems and the recognition of behaviour and the experience of practical daily life rather than knowledge we might construct about it.
    • Queer: A movement drawing on the twin meanings of lesbian/gay sexuality and strangeness or oddness in order to build a theoretical and political challenge to the heteronormative qualities of most accounts and theories of social life. Queer theory generally rejects notions of fixed or stable sexuality (or theory), drawing instead on the opportunities provided in language and ambiguity to challenge and unravel dominant forms of knowledge and sexual relations. For geographers, this includes challenging the heteronormative tendencies to fix sexual patterns and relations in stable spaces (e.g. gay ghettos or red-light districts), thus enabling a wider reading of sexuality as constantly played out through all social formations of space (Bell and Valentine, 1995a; Costello and Hodge, 1999).
    • Race: A concept used to indicate social difference between individuals and groups of people based on physical characteristics (see Chapter 5). While racial classifications have since been repudiated as politically and socially produced, their early ‘scientific’ claims have been important for creating widespread prejudicial knowledge about the human capacities and values of different peoples during colonial periods. Geography was complicit in the construction of racialized discourse (Maddrell, 1998) but more recently has turned to investigate the social, cultural and spatial processes by which race is constructed (Bonnett, 1996; Jackson and Penrose, 1994). The racist impact of race-based thinking continues in the inertia of racialization that exists within major institutions and popular discourse.
    • Racialize, racialization: A process by which phenomena (e.g. people, places, discourse, behaviours, opportunities) are classified and controlled according to race-based beliefs. Racialization can affect people's access to resources (e.g. land, housing, citizenship) and understandings of space and place through a variety of means (e.g. urban districts, place names, national identities). Detailed examples of references to racialization are given in Chapter 5, especially section 5.3.3.
    • Realism, realist: A philosophical position that argues that the real world exists in material form beyond our ideas or conceptions of it (in contrast, see anti-realism and idealism). Realism is also recognized as a philosophy of science that is often positioned in opposition with positivism since it values conceptual abstraction as a way to explain relations and causes between phenomena in specific cases.
    • Reflexive: The practices of being self-aware concerning the contexts affecting our knowledge and choices, and of questioning how our positionality and experiences affect our understandings and decisions while conducting research. Geographers adopting a view of knowledge as situated and partial most frequently use reflexive strategies to consider explicitly their positions and choices in relation to the geographies they are creating (Rose, 1997).
    • Resistance: Activities (from conceptual thinking to political action) that are committed to questioning, challenging or overthrowing existing power structures, relations and conditions. Geographers have used resource mobilization theory, feminist theory, identity politics, social movement studies and Foucauldian perspectives on power to investigate the ways people form resistant action and strategically use space in the process. Discussion of resistance is included in Chapter 8, section 8.2.2.
    • Resource mobilization theory (RMT): A theory that explains the capacity of people to mobilize power and achieve social action by assembling and using symbolic and material resources that they can access (to varying degrees) (see, for example, McAdam et al., 1996; Oberschall, 1973). RMT has not been widely adopted in social geography since most studies of social action have been completed from critical social perspectives (e.g. Marxism and feminism) while RMT is seen to be grounded in individualist and liberal models of public and political action.
    • Science: A form of knowledge and inquiry that is frequently based on realist or positivist philosophies and ontologies. Social sciences vary in terms of ontologies and epistemology but aim to produce knowledge (including some forms of human geography) through methods of design and measurement that purport to be systematic, objective, logical and rational. This perspective supported the development of geography as a spatial science. However, geographers have also critiqued the uneasy relationship geography has had with science, including Livingstone's (1992) argument that geography has been ‘the science of imperialism’.
    • Sex: A problematic concept used to distinguish individuals according to biological and reproductive attributes. Early distinction was made between ‘sex’ as biologically determined and ‘gender’ as socially constructed. However, more recent theorization of sex has contended that sex is also constructed, understood – and even managed – via powerful social and cultural frames of meaning (Butler, 1993; Pratt, 2000a).
    • Sexuality: A concept used to distinguish social difference based on sexual identity and behaviour. Geographers recognize this as a heterogeneous category even while acknowledging that heteronormative attitudes and processes predominate in the organization of society and space. The range of patterns, relations and politics surrounding sexuality are detailed with relevant references in Chapter 6.
    • Social movements: The formations of individuals and groups into strategic collectives that work for social and political goals using a range of strategies and spaces. Social movements have been investigated using a range of theories including resource mobilization theory and Melucci's (1996) conceptualization of collective action. New social movements are being recognized as a special form of collective action in late modern and postmodern societies (Crook et al., 1992).
    • Spatial science: A form of geography emerging from the wider quantitative revolution of the 1960s and 1970s. This geography is characterized by analysis of spatial systems and structures, including detailed statistical analyses, geometric theories and mathematical modelling. Proponents sought to produce generic understandings and robust predictions based on these quantitative methods and scientific approaches (e.g. Berry and Marble, 1968; Chorley and Haggett, 1967; Haggett, 1965).
    • Structuration theory: A theory developed by sociologist Anthony Giddens (1984) to explain the ongoing relations and processes linking individual action and agency with broader social structures. He retained an interest in human agency while also developing a theory that was attractive to those working from realist perspectives and who wished to be able to develop an abstract theoretical framework to understand and investigate relations and processes mutually linking people and social systems through a range of structures, resources and rules.
    • Structure-agency: A pair of concepts that are often linked to highlight questions about individuals' and groups' ability to act (agency) and the constraints or contexts (structure) that influence them. Some theorists (e.g. Marxists) focus on structure, considering social action to be predominantly affected by wider social structures. Other theorists (e.g. Behaviouralists) focus on agency, considering that individuals are autonomous and free to choose how they behave. Gidden's structuration theory (1984) sought to build an analytical framework that gave equal emphasis to each.
    • Subject, subjectivity: A concept most frequently used in poststructural theories to refer to the variety of subject positions that are formed through different discourses (Smith, P., 1988). In contrast to humanist beliefs in an essential human essence and unified agency, notions of subjectivity encourage recognition of the multiple (even hybrid), and frequently potentially contested possibilities available to human subjects (Pile and Thrift, 1995; Whatmore, 1999).
    • Symbolic interactionism: A social theory that identifies the social world as a project of social interaction. Humanist geographies have drawn on this perspective when analysing landscapes, places and environments as a socially constructed reality that reflects the social interaction and meanings human beings bring together in different cases/locations (Duncan, 1978; Ley, 1981).
    • Tangihanga: ‘Funeral, wake’ (Reed, 2001: 74). A key traditional cultural institution involving Maori customs associated with bringing a deceased person back to their marae for a period of mourning and burial. Customs vary depending on the iwi or tribe.
    • Tapu: ‘Forbidden; inaccessible; not to be defiled; sacred; under restriction’ (Reed, 2001: 74). A key concept by which Maori identify that which is sacred and deserving of respect or special ritual.
    • Theory: An explanation or framework that is devised and argued as a way to understand or interpret phenomena (social or otherwise). In social sciences such as social geography, theories are influenced by the type of philosophical approach adopted. Theories are built up using concepts to represent social states, conditions and processes (e.g. class, exploitation and labour relations). Depending on the type of theory, these concepts are linked together using propositions (e.g. Marxist theory contends that capitalist class structure produces exploitative conditions as a result of unequal labour relations). Most theories are debated and tested (formally or informally) through both conceptual debate and empirical research. For general overviews and discussion of theory in geography, see Hubbard et al. (2002: Chapter 1); Kitchin and Tate (2000).
    • Whanau: ‘Family (in a broad sense)’ (Reed, 2001: 98). A concept for Maori which refers not only to immediate and extended family but also to the extended group of people who can provide an individual with support and cultural connection.
    • Whiteness: A culturally constructed category of ethnicity that forms a base for the dominant or mainstream social knowledge, cultural expression and politics, against which alternative ethnicities, cultures, histories and frames of knowledge are compared as other and often marginalized. Geographies of ethnicity and race have come to interrogate the way power relations and cultural assumptions associated with whiteness have underpinned the organization of societies and the writing of geography (Bonnett, 1996, 1997; Jackson, 1998).

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