Rethinking Ethnicity

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Richard Jenkins

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    Introduction to the Second Edition

    A second edition of any book that has ‘Rethinking’ in its title is vulnerable to two potentially disconcerting responses. The first of these is the expectation that it will offer a re-rethinking of the first rethinking: something strikingly new and original by comparison with its first argument, perhaps, or even a public confession of error. The second is the suggestion that no one took much notice the first time around.

    With respect to the first of these, I cannot claim to have changed in any significant way the arguments or proposals put forward in the first edition. There has been a little minor fine-tuning, and a little polishing, but nothing that modifies the central thrust of what I had to say. I hope that this reflects the basic defensibility of my position, rather than intellectual sclerosis. All of the chapters have been comprehensively updated, to situate my arguments with respect to significant additions to the literature over the last ten years or so, and to take account of the changes that have taken place in Northern Ireland, Wales and Denmark, my case studies. A couple of minor factual errors have been dealt with, and some clumsy writing has, I hope, been improved. But the rethinking that I am doing in the second edition is the rethinking that I was doing in the first. I still think that much anthropology, for example, could pay more attention to power and its exercise than it does. I also still think that what I call ‘the basic anthropological model of ethnicity’ offers the best starting point if we want to understand better how ethnicity works.

    With respect to the second point, it is more difficult to offer a convincing response. That the book sold well enough to indicate a second edition, and continued to do so even after eight or nine years, might be taken to mean that someone has been paying attention. However, at least one of the book's original theoretical centrepieces – concerning the routine significance of external definition and categorization – has yet to take the social sciences by storm. If for no other reason, this is sufficient reason to offer a second edition.

    On the other hand, much of the rest of what I said in 1997 met more than halfway the arguments of a range of fellow travellers whose works appeared at about the same time, or have appeared since. In particular – and you can look them up in the bibliography – I would like to spotlight Rogers Brubaker, Craig Calhoun, Stephen Cornell, and Joe Ruane and Jennifer Todd. Their work, and in some cases their friendship, is an ongoing inspiration, in many different ways. Although we disagree about many things, we have, it seems to me, converged on the shared central ground of a critical sociological constructionism that is keen to understand why identification matters to people, or not (because it doesn't always). This inspires the hopeful belief that we are basically heading in the right direction. My acknowledgements and thanks go out to them all.

    Other acknowledgements are necessary, too. Since 1995, the staff and students of the Department of Sociological Studies at the University of Sheffield have made it a congenial place in which to research, teach and write. More widely, my anthropological friends in Denmark – in Aarhus and Copenhagen – and my social science friends in Northern Ireland – at Queen's and Ulster – continue to keep me on my toes. ‘Critical friends’ they are, too, which is just as it should be. At the risk of overlooking someone, others who have made the world intellectually more stimulating over the last ten or so years include Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Michèle Lamont, Siniša Malešević, Andy Thompson, and the staff and students in the Novosibirsk group. Rosemary Campbell has been an exemplary editor. Finally, the usual completely inadequate gratitude has to be offered to Jenny Owen.

    RichardJenkins

    Sheffield

    2 September 2007

  • Notes

    Chapter 2From Tribes to Ethnic Groups

    1. For further discussion of whether the Nuer are really the Dinka (and vice versa), see the correspondence pages of Man (n.s.) 8 (1973), Burton (1981), and Southall (1976). Hutchinson's recent study (1995) brings the issue up to date in the context of the warfare of the last two decades or more.

    I have placed the word ‘race’ in inverted commas to signify that it is a contested concept, whose meaning may not be taken for granted. In my own usage it refers simply to folk ‘racial’ categorization, and no other meaning should be presumed for it.

    It is moot whether ‘ethnic set’ – a broad social field within which ethnic categories are significant classificatory and organizational themes – should actually be included in Handelman's typology.

    For a discussion of local Hutu-Tutsi ‘racial’ classifications in Rwanda, see Maquet (1972); see Banks (1996: 164–5) and de Waal (1994) for discussions of more recent, and more anthropologically troubling, aspects of this conflict; see Prunier (1997) for a general account of the genocide.

    The work of Bruce Kapferer (1988) is particularly relevant to the topic under discussion.

    Chapter 3 Myths of Pluralism

    Gluckman's work, of course, owed much to Coser and Simmel.

    And not just anthropologists: see Saggar (1996).

    Among the major sources for this discussion, Volumes 2–5 of the Glamorgan County History (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, various dates) stand out, for those who want to follow up in great detail, and with respect to only one part of the region, many of the points made in the first half of this section. John Davies's single-volume history of Wales (1993) is indispensable, as is the survey of contemporary issues edited by Dunkerley and Thompson (1999). See Rees (1990) for a political argument that complements in some respects my discussion here. The interested reader can also consult the collection to which the original paper on which this section is based formed the tailpiece (Jenkins and Edwards 1990).

    This is a reference to Gwyn Alf Williams's When Was Wales? (1985) and his thesis that Wales only existed as a nation between the collapse of the Roman Empire and the emergence, as part of the imperialist project, of the British nation.

    Chapter 4 Ethnicity etcetera

    This can, for example, be seen in the pages of the Royal Anthropological Institute's magazine Anthropology Today. The, mainly anthropological, contributions to Identities, a new journal edited in the United States, also illustrate the increasing comfort of the discipline with change and conflict. There is still a way to go, however.

    Among other such conceits are the notions that childhood was unknown in earlier times, or that reflexive self-identity is a distinctively modern phenomenon.

    Chapter 7 Majority Ethnicity

    This in itself may seem to be an odd choice of words: haven't Protestants, after all, always been a minority within Ireland? I am, however, referring here to the fact that until the Reformation, the Irish and their conquerors were adherents to the same universal Catholicism.

    Although it is valid enough, this is of course the kind of generalization to which one has to resort in a short discussion, and there is considerable variation in this pattern.

    I have summarized the debate about the extent and impact of discrimination in the decades leading up to the ‘troubles’ elsewhere (Jenkins 1988: 318–19).

    Among the ‘other things’ to which I am referring, the Protestant sense of the legitimacy of their own loyalist political violence was undermined, as it was taken outside the law by paramilitary organizations, and, particularly, as it was manifest in the bloodthirsty assassination campaigns of the 1970s.

    Lest I am even further misunderstood, to say this is not to join Allen Feldman, for example, in objectivizing murder; in reducing extreme violence and death to acts of communication: ‘Stiffing [i.e. murder] is a graphic act, and the stiff is a political text whose original script of ethnic-spatial symmetry has been effaced by wounding and death. The corpse, its blood, its wounds are quasi-organic signs of a tactile and political contiguity with the other’ (Feldman 1991: 78).

    Chapter 8 The Cultural Stuff

    Reported in the Guardian, 28 July 1984.

    Chapter 9 Violence, Language and Politics

    Reported, for example, in the Guardian, 17 September 1990.

    This claim was made in a BBC Cymru-Wales documentary in the Week In – Week Out series broadcast on 25 May 1993, on the basis of an opinion poll undertaken for the programme by Beaufort Research, Cardiff, in the counties of Dyfed and Gwynedd. I am grateful to both these organizations for making available to me the survey findings.

    3. The utter idealism of Kedourie is perhaps most delightfully summed up in his characterization (1985: 147) of Gellner's argument as ‘similar to Marxism’.

    I recognize that is a major oversimplification of a complex picture, historically and today: see, for example, Ennew (1980).

    The discussion also suggests that, whatever the ‘cultural’ and linguistic similarities which exist between the ‘Celtic’ peoples of the European maritime periphery, their different histories of incorporation into the relevant metropolitan nation-states (i.e. the UK and France) will discourage the emergence of the ‘pan-Celtic’ nationalist movement proposed by Berresford Ellis (1985).

    Chapter 10 Nations, Nationalisms

    Another way of putting this – and arguably a better one – might be to suggest that our notions of where modernity started might require some revision (along with our ideas about the medieval). So also might our concepts of ‘the state’.

    For what that alternative might be, see D.E. Thomas (1991).

    Albeit minus the three Ulster counties of Donegal, Monaghan and Cavan which, in reflection of the demography of ethnicity (and political loyalties), became part of the Free State.

    Apart from sectarian riots, there were two minor northern campaigns by the Irish Republican Army, a clandestine nationalist organization, illegal on both sides of the border, during the Second World War and in the 1950s (Bardon 1992: 581–6, 604–12).

    For summaries of the relevant data from the Life and Times survey, see: http://www.ark.ac.uk/nilt/2003/Political_Attitudes/ID.html and http://www.ark.ac.uk/nilt/2003/Political_Attitudes/ID.html#religion

    National movements are defined as: ‘the efforts of ethnonational groups which cannot be identified with the state to restructure or reshape existing state arrangements’ (Elklit and Tonsgaard 1992: 83). Although this is, as the authors admit, a restrictive definition, it is probably less so than Gellner's.

    In this context, one wonders what the basis might have been for Mann's confident assertion about the European Union, that ‘the polls show that negative national stereotypes have almost vanished’ (1993: 131).

    An image that has also been used by Tom Nairn (1981: 329–63).

    Sources and Acknowledgements

    This book derives to a greater or lesser extent from pieces that have been written over a period of more than twenty years. I have accumulated along the way too many debts of gratitude to those who have read and commented on my work to mention them individually in a context such as this. They have all been thanked in the original publications and those thanks remain on record and heartfelt. I am grateful to the editors, publishers and learned societies concerned, for their support in the past, and, where appropriate, their permission to draw upon – for nothing has simply been reprinted – the following pieces. The italics in parentheses after each piece indicate the chapter or chapters in this book where its remains, or bits of them, now lie buried:

    ‘Ethnicity and the rise of capitalism in Ulster’, in R. Ward and R. Jenkins (eds), Ethnic Communities in Business: Strategies for Economic Survival. Cambridge University Press, 1984: 57–72 [7].

    ‘Northern Ireland: in what sense “religions” in conflict?’, in R. Jenkins, H. Donnan and G. McFarlane, The Sectarian Divide in Northern Ireland Today (Royal Anthropological Institute Occasional Paper No. 41), London, Royal Anthropological Institute, 1986: 1–21 [8].

    ‘Social anthropological models of inter-ethnic relations’, in J. Rex and D. Mason (eds), Theories of Race and Ethnic Relations, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986: 170–86 [2, 3].

    ‘International perspectives’, in R. Jenkins and A. Edwards (eds), One Step Forward? South and West Wales towards the Year 2000, Llandysul, Gwasg Gomer, 1990: 151–60. Swansea, Social Science Research Institute [3].

    ‘Violence, language and politics: nationalism in Northern Ireland and Wales’, North Atlantic Studies, 3, 1 (1991): 31–40. Aarhus, Centre for North Atlantic Studies [9].

    ‘Rethinking ethnicity: identity, categorization and power’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 17 (1994): 197–223 [5].

    ‘Nations and nationalisms: towards more open models’, Nations and Nationalism, 1 (1995): 369–90. London, Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism [10].

    ‘“Us” and “them”: ethnicity, racism and ideology’, in R. Barot (ed.), The Racism Problematic: Contemporary Sociological Theories on Race and Ethnicity, Lampeter, Edwin Mellon Press, 1996: 69–88 [6].

    ‘Ethnicity etcetera: anthropological points of view’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 19 (1996): 807–22 [1, 4].

    ‘Categorization: identity, social process and epistemology’, Current Sociology, 48, 3 (2000): pp. 7–25 [5].

    ‘Telling the forest from the trees: local images of national change in a Danish town’, Ethnos, 71 (2006): 367–89 [1].

    ‘When politics and social theory converge: group identification and group rights in Northern Ireland’, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 12 (2006): 389–410 [2].

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