Reconstructing City Politics: Alternative Economic Development and Urban Regimes

Books

David L. Imbroscio

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  • Chapters
  • Front Matter
  • Back Matter
  • Subject Index
  • Part 1: Background

    Part 2: Analysis

    Part 3: Conclusions

  • Cities & Planning Series

    The Cities & Planning Series is designed to provide essential information and skills to students and practitioners involved in planning and public policy. We hope the series will encourage dialogue among professionals and academics on key urban planning and policy issues. Topics to be explored in the series may include growth management, economic development, housing, budgeting and finance for planners, environmental planning, GIS, small-town planning, community development, and community design.

    Series Editors

    Roger Caves, Graduate City Planning Program,

    San Diego State University

    Robert Waste, Department of Political Science,

    California State University at Chico

    Margaret Wilder, Department of Geography and Planning,

    State University of New York at Albany

    Advisory Board of Editors

    Edward J. Blakely, University of Southern California

    Robin Boyle, Wayne State University

    Linda Dalton, California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo

    George Galster, Wayne State University

    Eugene Grigsby, University of California, Los Angeles

    W. Dennis Keating, Cleveland State University

    Norman Krumholz, Cleveland State University

    John Landis, University of California, Berkeley

    Gary Pivo, University of Washington

    Daniel Rich, University of Delaware

    Catherine Ross, Georgia Institute of Technology

    Copyright

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    Dedication

    To Rebecca

    Foreword

    The study of cities is a dynamic, multifaceted area of inquiry which combines a number of disciplines, perspectives, time periods, and numerous actors. Urbanists alternate between examining one issue through the eyes of a single discipline and looking at the same issue through the lens of a number of disciplines to arrive at a holistic view of cities and urban issues. The books in this series look at cities from a multidisciplinary perspective, affording students and practitioners a better understanding of the multiplicity of issues facing planning and cities, and of emerging policies and techniques aimed at addressing those issues. The series focuses on both traditional planning topics such as economic development, management and control of growth, and geographic information systems. It also includes broader treatments of conceptual issues embedded in urban policy and planning theory.

    The impetus for the Cities and Planning series originates in our reaction to a common recurring event—the ritual selection of course textbooks. Although we all routinely select textbooks for our classes, many of us are never completely satisfied with the offerings. Our dissatisfaction stems from the fact that most books are written for either an academic or practitioner audience. Moreover, on occasion, it appears as if this gap continues to widen. We wanted to develop a multidisciplinary series of manuscripts that would bridge the gap between academia and professional practice. The books are designed to provide valuable information to students/instructors and to practitioners by going beyond the narrow confines of traditional disciplinary boundaries to offer new insights into the urban field.

    David Imbroscio's Reconstructing City Politics: Alternative Economic Development and Urban Regimes represents the inaugural book in this series. We are excited about this book and feel it offers an important bridge between two distinct literatures—economic development and regime theory. It “grounds” the urban regime theory discussion in “praxis” considerations such as: Where do I go from here both to understand and to change cities? He challenges the parochialism of both left and right-wing contemporary planning advocates by arguing simultaneous for urban growth and development—with the accompanying panoply of theme malls, ballparks, and convention centers—and the need to insure a parallel commitment and expenditure to better plan for the children, schools, safety, jobs, and life opportunities of the poorer residents of America's center cities. He argues that progressive planning can and must be done if cities are to plan successfully for the challenges ahead in the 21st Century. Imbroscio develops an interesting line of literature and research in “alternative economic develoment policy.” In doing so, his book significantly advances our understanding of this vital subject, providing insights that are equally valuable to planning/policy scholars, students, and practitioners. We believe this well-written and well-documented book will generate a vigorous new discourse on economic development that challenges both theory and practice.

    RogerW.Caves, San Diego State University
    RobertJ.Waste, California State University at Chico
    MargaretWilder, State University of New York at Albany

    Preface

    This book springs from the idea that the study of central city politics has advanced sufficiently to provide us with a good understanding of the key empirical processes and dynamics at work in the urban polity. Therefore, it strives to move the bounds of research forward by beginning an investigation of two central issues that with the existing knowledge in hand, now can be fruitfully addressed. The first of these issues involves the normative implications arising from these empirical processes and dynamics; the second involves the possibilities for altering these processes and dynamics—that is, for a “reconstruction” of central city politics. Otherwise put, this book asks, simply, what is wrong with the workings of contemporary urban politics, and how might it be fixed?

    Proceeding in this intellectual fashion, this project has been inspired in general form and structure by a body of scholarship concerned with matters beyond the city. This work is composed of studies that (a) provide a careful diagnosis of normative problems arising from the empirical workings of current political-economic institutions and, in light of this analysis, (b) attempt to develop reconstituted institutional arrangements to correct for these normative problems. Among these works of “institutional design,” I have found the writings of Robert Dahl (1985), Stephen Elkin (1987), Benjamin Barber (1984), and John Dryzek (1987) to be particularly inspiring.

    More specifically, I attempt to make a unique and valuable contribution to the study of the city by bringing together and building on two strands in the urban literature that have developed largely in isolation. The first body of literature is composed of the fine work conducted over the past two decades by a group of scholars concerned with the systematic analysis of how the interplay between political and economic factors shapes urban life. This work in “urban political economy” includes the writings of my teachers Stephen Elkin (1985) and Clarence Stone (1989), and those of Susan Clarke (1987), Scott Cummings (1988), Richard DeLeon (1992a), Susan Fainstein (Fainstein et al., 1983), Barbara Ferman (1996), Roger Friedland (1983), Mark Gottdiener (1987), Richard Hill (1983), Bryan Jones (Jones & Bachelor, 1986), Dennis Judd (1984), Paul Kantor (1988), John Logan and Harvey Molotch (Logan & Molotch, 1987), John Mollenkopf (1983), Paul Peterson (1981), Adolph Reed (1988a), Martin Shefter (1985), Gregory Squires (1989), Todd Swanstrom (1985), and Ronald Vogel (1992).

    The second body of literature, generally less developed, is composed of the work of scholars who have thought seriously about localized alternatives for building (what is deemed to be) a more just and democratic urban economy. In various ways, this concern has been informed by the writings of Gar Alperovitz (1990), Murray Bookchin (1982), Severyn Bruyn (1987), Pierre Clavel (1986), Peter Eisinger (1988), Gerald Frug (1980), Judith Garber (1990), Robert Giloth (1988), Edward Goetz (1990), Christopher Gunn (Gunn & Gunn, 1991), Norman Krumholz (1991), Staughton Lynd (1987a), James Meehan (1987), Robert Mier (1993), David Morris (1982a), Andrew Polsky (1988), Derek Shearer (1989), and Wim Wiewel (Wiewel & Weintraub, 1990).

    In this project I refer to these localized efforts as “alternative” urban economic development strategies. Such strategies include a broad array of economic development initiatives differing in significant ways from the approaches now commonly employed in cities, for example, so-called “corporate center” (see, for example, Hill, 1983; Levine, 1988; Robinson, 1989) or “mainstream” (see Clavel & Kleniewski, 1990; Nickel, 1995) economic development strategies. As we will see, alternative strategies have a different set of actors and goals, and they potentially have a different effect on the structure of the urban political economy.

    The argument of the book unfolds as follows: I begin by demonstrating that a consensus exists in the urban political economy field regarding the empirical nature of contemporary central city politics (or “urban regimes”) in the United States. This consensus revolves around two widely observed tenets. First, an alliance between two sets of actors—key local public officials and those business interests heavily tied to the city—often manages urban governance. Second, these actors usually orient the city's policy agenda strongly toward the goal of achieving local economic growth via a set of traditional development strategies. I next discuss the normative implications of this consensus. I find that these two key tenets of city politics (or urban regimes) exacerbate political inequality among the urban citizenry and this, in turn, damages the health of our liberal democracy. I close the first chapter by arguing that the rectification of these normative problems is largely a matter of altering or “reconstituting” the nature of urban regimes.

    I begin Chapter 2 by pointing out that if we are to understand how such a reconstitution can be brought about, we must understand why urban regimes form as they currently do. I then trace current urban regime formation to two broad structural features of the urban polity: the “external economic dependence” and “internal resource dependence” of city public officials. The first refers to the need for city officials to attract and retain mobile economic investment; the second, the need for those officials to garner extrastate resources from the local community in order to govern their cities effectively. Reconstituting urban regimes—and hence increasing political equality in the city—entails a lessening of these two structural dependencies. I conclude the chapter by showing that the reorientation of city economic development strategies in certain alternative directions has the potential to reduce these dependencies.

    The remainder of the book explores that potential. After providing an overview of the vision and substance of three such alternative strategies—what I call entrepreneurial mercantilism, community-based economic development, and municipal enterprise—Chapters 3 through 5 assess their effectiveness and feasibility. I review a wealth of evidence suggesting their possible effectiveness. But I also find, using case studies, that formidable barriers hamper each strategy's feasibility. In the final chapter, Chapter 6, I explore whether these barriers can be overcome and, more generally, the likelihood that the strategies can bring about the requisite empirical and normative reconstruction of central city politics.

    The guiding premise of this project is that the successful reconstruction of central city politics cannot be based on the promotion of explicitly antigrowth urban policies. Too often those urbanists seeking to achieve fuller democratic control and social justice in the city—goals consistent with the normative aspirations of this study—fervently endorse such an agenda. In contrast, I argue that unless reconstruction efforts can establish the necessary economic foundation, they are bound to fail. Development strategies must be reoriented, but economic growth must remain a central concern. In his brief but penetrating review of Stephen Elkin's (1987) work, Raphael J. Sonenshein (1988, p. 37) captures the essence of this perspective: “Elkin suggests that the opponents [of Paul Peterson's 1981 progrowth argument] are more interested in opposing capital investment than in finding a way to make the system work.” This position, Sonenshein correctly notes, challenges both the Left and the Right in current urban political analysis.

    More urban scholars, even those with a strong anticapitalist orientation, are beginning to appreciate the need for an economic base to underpin efforts at political reconstruction. The “flaw” in progressive analysis, writes the urban social theorist Susan Fainstein (1990) “is that it does not offer a [progressive] formula for growth” (p. 41). The political empowerment of social democrats in most cities—aside from places such as Santa Monica or Toronto, which have to fend off private capital—is unlikely to succeed without such a formula, she says (Fainstein, 1990, p. 43). Likewise, after an exhaustive study of “urban populism” in Cleveland, Todd Swanstrom (1985, p. 244) expressed similar sentiments: “The goal,” he suggests, “should not be to eliminate growth politics but to subject it to the will of the majority.”

    Finally, I hope that this work, beyond its more scholarly and theoretical contributions, also will advance a more practical political purpose. I believe that the collected materials and data on alternative economic development strategies can serve as a guidepost and reference source for progressive urban regimes. Typically, these regimes come to power without a coherent vision of alternative economic development. They often know what they oppose—but not what to do in its stead. Below, I describe an array of alternative approaches and policies, and I demonstrate how and why they should be pursued. For those progressive regimes inclined to embark on such a course, this work may, in some fashion, help them better find their way.

    DavidL.ImbroscioLouisville, Kentucky

    Acknowledgments

    The journey undertaken to complete this project has been long and, at times, arduous. Reaching the final destination could not have been accomplished without the encouragement, assistance, support, and inspiration provided by several people.

    This book grows out of my doctoral dissertation at the University of Maryland—College Park. As the dissertation manuscript took shape, numerous colleagues and friends read and commented insightfully on various parts of it. I especially thank Judy Garber, Jeff Henig, Jyl Josephson, Manabi Majumdar, Jeff Spinner, and Kieron Swaine. Jeff Spinner also undertook the heroic task of reading and commenting on the entire dissertation, offering numerous helpful suggestions for its revision into a book. Furthermore, he provided friendship and encouragement during the many years in which I worked on this project. In this regard, I also wish to again thank Kieron Swaine. Throughout graduate school and beyond, Kieron's friendship and support were important sources of personal and intellectual sustenance.

    The following people provided various unpublished materials, without which this book could not have been completed: Pierre Clavel, Barbara Ferman, Marion Orr, Jeff Shavelson, Larry Soderholm, Todd Swanstrom, and Thad Williamson. The field research was aided greatly by the helpful and supportive efforts of Moe Coleman, David Morris, Alberta Sbragia, Mark Vander Schaaf, Gary Shiffman, and Marian Yee. I also thank the dozens of people I interviewed for taking time out of their busy schedules to talk with me about various aspects of this project.

    Funding has been provided by the Department of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland, and I thank the department's chair, Jon Wilkenfeld, for these resources. Additional funding came from the Conley H. Dillon award, a prize given to the best dissertation being prepared in American Politics at the University of Maryland. For the final stages of this project, generous financial assistance was provided by the President's Research Initiative program and the College of Arts of Sciences at the University of Louisville.

    I am further indebted to the many scholars who were mentors to me when I was in graduate school. John Dryzek, who at the time, was on the faculty at Ohio State, was an important early influence. During the developmental phase of this project, Gar Alperovitz, of the National Center for Economic Alternatives, provided some much-needed guidance and encouragement. Karol Soltan, Ronald Terchek, and Bill Hanna, all members of my dissertation committee at Maryland, each offered helpful suggestions on how the manuscript could be improved.

    Special thanks go to Professors Clarence Stone and Stephen Elkin. Clarence has aided me in countless ways. Most important for this project, he has helped me to think more clearly about the nature of contemporary urban politics, something he knows more about than perhaps anyone else in the country. To Steve, my adviser at Maryland, goes my deepest gratitude for mentorship. Steve's intellectual imagination and his command of the fields of urban politics, political economy, and institutional design were a crucial source of guidance and inspiration that I freely drew on to conceive and develop the key ideas and themes of this book.

    This project has proved to be rewarding in numerous ways. One of the most important rewards was the critical commentary, suggestions, and encouragement I received from many of the same scholars whose contributions influenced and shaped my thinking as a graduate student. As a young scholar, I felt fortunate and honored that such distinguished senior colleagues were willing to take the time to read and comment extensively on my manuscript. In this regard, I thank Pierre Clavel, Scott Cummings, Chris Gunn, Dennis Judd, Laura Reese, Todd Swanstrom, and Hal Wolman.

    I thank Scott Cummings also for recommending the manuscript to Sage Publications. Likewise, I am grateful to Roger Caves, Margaret Wilder, and, especially, Bob Waste for warmly embracing this project for their new book series. Many thanks also go to Catherine Rossbach, my editor at Sage, who could not have been more helpful and supportive.

    For the completion of this book, I was aided profoundly by the supportive academic environment provided by the Department of Political Science at the University of Louisville. This environment works to foster and sustain the research efforts of the department's faculty, especially its younger faculty. I particularly wish to thank Susan Matarese, Rodger Payne, Chuck Ziegler, and Paul Weber for their encouragement, advice, and support. Paul's support, as department chair, proved especially helpful, as he allowed me release time from teaching duties to finish this book. In addition, the department's graduate assistant, Rich Puszczewicz, furnished the technical support necessary to create many of the graphics found in the book, and Gayle Collins provided research assistance. Many thanks go to both of them. Above all, I wish to highlight my debt to one member of the political science department—Ron Vogel. Ron has been a constant source of advice and encouragement, and a much appreciated and valued combination of friend and colleague.

    I wish to acknowledge the support provided by my family. My academic accomplishments are attributable directly to my father's efforts to instill in me from an early age the value of education. For these efforts, I am forever grateful. In a sense, the genesis of this project can be traced to the many discussions around the dinner table we had while I was growing up. These discussions most often focused on the lack of economic justice in our society and how such justice might be achieved. I am also greatly appreciative of the support provided by my brother, Michael. In light of his own academic and professional accomplishments, earning his respect has been an important source of encouragement.

    Finally, and most deeply, I wish to thank Rebecca Dernberger. Rebecca read much of the manuscript in its various forms, and she provided diligent editing and helpful suggestions on clarity and style, as well as substance. Even more crucially, this project benefited immensely in less tangible ways from the much-needed emotional support and comfort she constantly provided over the years. For all of this, and more, it is to her that I dedicate this book.

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    Author Index

    About the Author

    David L. Imbroscio is currently an assistant professor in the department of political science at the University of Louisville. He completed his doctoral studies at the University of Maryland—College Park, earning a PhD in political science in 1993 (under the direction of Stephen L. Elkin and Clarence N. Stone). Professor Imbroscio's research explores questions intersecting the fields of political economy, normative political theory, and urban politics. His recent work investigates the viability of alternative approaches to urban economic development and the possible responses to the structural dependencies faced by cities in the post-industrial age. These studies appear in Urban Affairs Review, Policy Studies Journal, the Journal of Urban Affairs, as well as several edited volumes.


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