Psychology in Organizations: The Social Identity Approach

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S. Alexander Haslam

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    • P.1. Citations of Ashforth and Mael's (1989) Academy of Management Review article (1989–2002) xxv
    • 1.1. Differences between organizational paradigms in terms of their attention to social and psychological dimensions of organizational life 15
    • 2.1. A typical matrix from a minimal group study (based on Tajfel, 1978c) 18
    • 2.2. Pay awarded to their own and other groups by three groups of aircraft engine workers with different skill levels (from Brown, 1978) 20
    • 2.3. Patterns of relative ingroup favouritism displayed by employees of high- and low-status organizations (from Terry & Callan, 1998) 22
    • 2.4. Psychological and behavioural continua associated with the interpersonal–intergroup continuum (after Tajfel, 1978a) 23
    • 2.5a The relationship between belief structure and strategies for achieving positive social identity for members of low-status groups 25
    • 2.5b The relationship between belief structure and strategies for maintaining positive social identity for members of high-status groups 26
    • 2.6. The explanatory profiles of social identity and self-categorization theories 29
    • 2.7. Variation in self-categorization as a function of depersonalization 31
    • 2.8. A hypothetical self-categorical hierarchy for a person in an organization 32
    • 2.9. A schematic representation of the role of comparative context in defining the self-categorical relationship between people 33
    • 3.1. A typical LPC inventory (after Fiedler, 1964) 42
    • 3.2. Prototypicality of group members (L, M and R) as a function of a comparative frame of reference comprising other individuals or groups (the Os) 46
    • 3.3. Variation in a leader's approved distribution of resources among followers as a function of comparative context 53
    • 3.4. Leaders' and followers' commitment to the group as a function of reward structure (from Haslam, Brown et al., 1998) 57
    • 4.1. Maslow's (1943) hierarchy of needs 62
    • 4.2. Ratings of satisfaction and dissatisfaction with motivator and hygiene factors as a function of working conditions (from Haslam, 1999b) 70
    • 4.3. Group members' need for achievement as a function of group status and the permeability of group boundaries (from Parker, 1997) 74
    • 4.4. Two dimensions of motivation: a schematic representation of the relationship between level of self-categorization, organizational behaviour and different classes of motivator 78
    • 5.1. Some communication configurations for five-person groups (following Bavelas, 1956, p. 501) 82
    • 5.2. An example of a hidden profile 85
    • 5.3. Schematic representation of the manner in which the realization of communication functions is affected by the social categorical relationship between participants in the communication process 88
    • 5.4. Willingness to share information with another person as a function of that person's team membership and the nature of interteam relations (from Agama, 1997) 90
    • 5.5. Speech accommodation as self-categorization in action 93
    • 6.1. Janis' model of groupthink (following Janis, 1971; Janis & Mann, 1977, p. 132) 101
    • 6.2. Vroom and Yetton's normative model of participation in decision making (Vroom, 1974; Vroom & Yetton, 1973) 107
    • 6.3. Variation in intragroup homogeneity, consensus and the position of an ingroup prototype as a function of social comparative context 109
    • 6.4. Levels of stereotype consensus as a function of experimental phase and stereotyped group (from Haslam, Turner, Oakes, Reynolds et al., 1998) 116
    • 7.1. Representation of the joint utility space for pay negotiations between union and management 121
    • 7.2. The dual-concern model of negotiation (based on Blake & Mouton, 1964; Pruitt & Rubin, 1986) 122
    • 7.3. Category-based solutions to intergroup conflict 128
    • 7.4. Negotiation climates associated with the salience of subgroup and superordinate identities 129
    • 7.5a,b Levels of generalized ingroup favouritism as a function of contact experience (from González & Brown, 2003) 133
    • 8.1. Mulder's (1977) principles of power distance reduction (PDR) and power distance enlargement (PDE) 143
    • 8.2. Intergroup discrimination on a minimal group task as a function of the power of the ingroup (from Sachdev & Bourhis, 1985) 149
    • 8.3. Schematic representation of the manner in which power and influence are affected by the social categorical relationship between high- and low-power parties 150
    • 8.4. Predicted variation in power distance reduction (PDR) and power distance enlargement (PDE) as a function of the perceived permeability of group boundaries and associated belief systems 152
    • 8.5. Responses to power use as a function of the power user's identity and action (from Haslam, McGarty & Reynolds, 1999) 155
    • 8.6. Responses to use of power as a function of its intensity and the user's identity (from Ellemers, van Rijswijk et al., 1998) 156
    • 8.7. Two dimensions of power: a schematic representation of the relationship between level of self-categorization and power-related behaviour and perceptions 160
    • 9.1. Zajonc's (1965) drive theory of social facilitation 165
    • 9.2. Paulus and Dzindolet's model of influence-mediated performance on brainstorming tasks 168
    • 9.3. Hypothesized performance (in the direction valued by participants) as a function of level of self-categorization and task conditions 170
    • 9.4. Productivity on pleasant and unpleasant tasks as a function of level of self-categorization and context (from Wallace, 1998) 180
    • 10.1. Stages of the general adaptation syndrome (after Selye, 1946, 1956) 185
    • 10.2. The transactional model of stress (after Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) 190
    • 10.3. A self-categorization model of stress 192
    • 10.4. Perceived stressfulness of particular organizational activities as a function of occupational group membership (from Haslam, Jetten et al., 2003) 193
    • 10.5. Schematic representation of the manner in which social support is affected by the self-categorical relationship between provider and recipient 194
    • 10.6. Perceived seriousness of illness scenarios as a function of the salience of professional or gender identity (from Levine, 1999) 199
    • 10.7. The consequences of recognizing prejudice against one's ingroup for members of minority groups: a schematic interpretation of Schmitt and Branscombe's (2002b) rejection–identification model 202
    • 11.1. The contribution of social identity processes to different phases of collective action (as identified by Klandermans & Oegema, 1992; see also Simon, 1998) 212
    • 11.2. Union members' willingness to participate in future union activities as a function of identification and response context (from Veenstra & Haslam, 2000) 216
    • 11.3. Low-status group members' willingness to engage in different forms of action as a function of their treatment (from Wright et al., 1990) 219
    • A1.1 The interrelationship between social identification and social identity salience (after McGarty et al., 1999) 272

    Tables

    • 2.1. Some predicted effects of variation in the context-based self-categorical relations between two or more people 38
    • 3.1. Performance of high LPC and low LPC leader predicted by Fiedler's contingency model (after Fiedler, 1964) 43
    • 3.2. The impact of leader strategy on follower perceptions and support (from Haslam & Platow, 2001a) 53
    • 4.1. The relationship between level of self-categorization and the different categories of need identified by major theorists 68
    • 5.1. Influence, recall error and judgements of similarity and independence associated with messages from different sources (from Wilder, 1990, Experiment 1) 96
    • 6.1. Prominent types of organizational decision making and employee involvement groups 108
    • 7.1. Reactions to an ultimatum as a function of its fairness and source (from Kramer et al., 1995) 131
    • 7.2. Percentage of participants agreeing with statements about negotiation as a function of subgroup structure (from Eggins & Haslam, 1999, Experiment 1) 136
    • 8.1. French and Raven's (1959; Raven, 1965) typology of power and employees' ability to use some of the different forms in organizational settings (based on Kahn et al., 1964) 141
    • 8.2. Outgroup stereotypes and desire for intergroup mobility as a function of boundary permeability (from Reynolds et al., 2000) 158
    • 9.1. Steiner's (1972) typology of group tasks 166
    • 9.2. Scores on productivity and process measures as a function of training and testing conditions (from Moreland et al., 1996) 176
    • 9.3. Scores on productivity and process measures as a function of group salience and intergroup competition (from Worchel et al., 1998) 178
    • 10.1. The number of published articles addressing particular organizational topics (1982–2001) 184
    • 10.2. Selected items from the stressful life events scale (from Holmes & Rahe, 1967) 187
    • 10.3. The comparative stressfulness of selected professions (Cooper, 1985; for a full list, see Statt, 1994) 188
    • 10.4. Six categories of workplace stressor (Cartwright & Cooper, 1997) 188
    • 10.5. Social identification and stress-related states as a function of group membership and time (from Haslam & Reicher, 2002, 2003; Reicher & Haslam, 2003) 204
    • 11.1. Predictors of union-based collective action (regression coefficients from Kelly & Kelly, 1994, p. 74) 215
    • 12.1. Some practical implications of the social identity approach 227
    • A1.1 Summary of the features and merits of different measures of social and organizational identification 271
    • A2.1 Summary of the features and merits of different manipulations of social and organizational identification 276

    Foreword to the First Edition: What the Social Identity Approach Is and Why It Matters

    Over the last decade or so (following Ashforth & Mael, 1989) there has been a rapid growth of interest in applying social identity ideas to the problems of organizational psychology. In this book Alex Haslam has taken on the huge but important task of surveying the whole field of organizational psychology from the general perspective provided by the social identity approach. In doing this he has produced a quite outstanding book, one which provides original insights at varying levels and serves several purposes.

    He has written firstly a wonderful textbook. The book summarizes and reviews research and theory in all the major areas of the field. Moreover, it puts this work in an historical and a systematic theoretical context. There is a unity and coherence of perspective that makes the book – unusually for a textbook – highly readable and thought-provoking. How many textbooks can be read effortlessly from beginning to end with a sense of pleasure and intellectual nourishment? Not many, but this is one. The book is characterized by confident scholarship and a thoughtful consideration of the field's most basic issues and yet is a delight to read.

    As one works through the chapters, one not only learns about particular topics, one also gradually becomes aware of a strategic critique, of an argument, constructive rather than destructive, for a major reorientation of thinking, focused on the importance of the social group in organizational life. There is no denial of the importance of individual processes, but there is a recognition of the need to restore balance, to recognize that human beings are psychological group members who act in terms of shared social identities as well as individuals who act in terms of individual differences and personal identities, and moreover that psychological group membership can be a positive and productive organizational force. There is a long tradition in organizational and social psychology that construes group influences as a source of irrationality, pathology and primitivism. Think of the idea of ‘deindividuation’, that to be ‘submerged’ in the group is to lose one's conscious, rational self and become prey to the dark instincts of the collective unconscious. The social identity approach rejects this slant on the group outright. It sees group actions as regulated by a different level of self, a higher-order, more socially inclusive self, a change of self, not a loss of self It also assumes (and explains) that positive and powerful processes of human social life to do with social cohesion, cooperation and influence are made possible only because human beings have the capacity to act as other than purely individual persons. The fact that human beings are able to act as both individuals and as group members is a plus, adding immensely to the sophistication and possibilities of our social relationships. Just as important for this reorientation, there is the related recognition, explicit in the social identity approach, that the functioning of social identity processes always takes place in a social context and is shaped by social structural realities. Organizations are social structures, and how people orient and define themselves psychologically in relation to and within these social structures is fundamental to understanding how they will feel, think and act.

    Haslam has also produced a superb introduction to the social identity approach – one of the best I have come across. This is no easy task. The approach encompasses two related theories: social identity theory and self-categorization theory – both with a research history stretching back to the 1970s. They have generated a vast amount of empirical work in social psychology (and elsewhere) and are stimulating more work today than they have ever done before, in areas as diverse as intergroup relations, stereotyping, group processes, social influence, language and communication, social cognition and the self-concept. Both theories are unusually complex and well-developed compared to the norm in social psychology. Haslam's summary manages to be wide-ranging, up to date, lucid and accurate. He gets the general picture right in an introductory chapter and he gets the details right in his elaboration of specific applications. This is a rare feat. He also adds original twists and insights of his own consistent with the spirit and substance of the theories. This is not surprising given that Haslam himself is a leading researcher in the social identity tradition and has made highly influential contributions to the literature.

    Haslam's summary of the social identity approach takes three forms. One emerges from the book as a whole. As the discussion of the field progresses, more light is thrown back on to his particular perspective and the ‘feel’ of the social identity approach is conveyed. Then there is Chapter 2 where he provides an explicit statement of the basic ideas of social identity and self-categorization theories. Finally, but by no means least, each subsequent chapter contains both a review of an area of organizational psychology and a detailed discussion of how the social identity approach has been applied in the area and what more it can offer. These discussions are full of ideas for contemplation and future research. They provide a further major contribution of the book – a systematic, comprehensive and concrete statement of how social identity ideas can be integrated into organizational psychology and of what both the social identity approach and organizational psychology have to gain from each other. For it is important to note that the traffic is not all one way. It becomes clear that organizational contexts are a natural home for social identity research and that social identity ideas are going to benefit enormously from the work of organizational researchers.

    So much for the achievements of this book. It may now be useful to say a few words about the social identity approach more generally. Social identity theory (Tajfel, 1972, 1974; Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Turner, 1975) was developed in the early 1970s and self-categorization theory (Turner, 1978, 1982, 1985; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher & Wetherell, 1987) emerged in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Both were developed in social psychology. Both also took some years to evolve into their final form (they were given their present names only in 1978 and 1985 respectively), a fact that can still lead reviewers (not Haslam) to ignore later developments in favour of earlier, more truncated versions. To say ‘final’, however, is not to imply that the theories are ‘finished and perfect’. On the contrary, like all theories, both have their lacunae, both contain elements that need elaborating and developing, both are deliberately selective in their explanatory scope. Important ideas have been and are being contributed by subsequent and contemporary research. To say ‘final’ is rather to indicate the point at which the essential ideas became systematized into a mature and coherent form. The term ‘approach’ is useful as shorthand for referring to both theories together and the notions they share, but it is important to note that they are ‘theories’ – that is, they comprise a set of core, interrelated assumptions and hypotheses that lead to specific, testable and novel predictions. They are much more than merely ways of thinking. This is important to grasp because the danger otherwise is that the current upsurge of research activity will lead only to eclecticism and conceptual vagueness rather than solid cumulative theoretical development.

    Because self-categorization theory built (but subsequently redefined) some of the ideas in social identity theory and in part was a response to some issues raised by that theory, there is a tendency to confuse them. This is unfortunate because it leads to misinterpretations of the ideas. The theories are complementary and related but they are different, defined by different core hypotheses and different problems. Social identity theory is a theory of intergroup relations. It began as a way of trying to make sense of discrimination between social groups and its fundamental psychological idea was that where people make social comparisons between groups, they seek positive distinctiveness for their ingroups compared to outgroups in order to achieve a positive social identity. Self-categorization theory is a theory of the psychological group. It seeks to explain how different individuals are able to become, act, think and feel as a psychological group under particular circumstances. How, from a psychological point of view, are people able to behave collectively rather than as individual personalities? Its core idea is that behind the shift from individual to group psychology and behaviour is a shift from people defining and seeing themselves in terms of their personal identities to people defining and seeing themselves more (it is relative) in terms of their shared social identities. We could say very crudely that the former theory deals with the implications of ‘us versus them’ distinctions (ingroups versus outgroups), whereas the latter deals with ‘I and me’ versus ‘we and us’ distinctions (acting as an individual versus acting as a group member). This contrast helps to illustrate why they are both useful to make sense of group processes and intra- and intergroup relationships. It is too crude because the theories are much richer psychologically than such a condensed picture suggests. They are ‘process’ theories rather than simple assertions of the effects of just one factor or variable.

    A basic idea that both theories have in common is that one cannot make sense of how people are behaving when they are acting in terms of their social identities by extrapolating from their properties as individual persons. There is assumed to be a psychological discontinuity between interpersonal behaviour (people reacting to each other as individuals) and group behaviour. Moving from the ‘I’ to the ‘we’ psychologically transforms people and brings into play new processes that could not otherwise exist. Indeed it is to this creative capacity that most organizations owe their success.

    Another important point is that both theories take for granted and are absolutely committed to the notion that social structure, social context and society more broadly are fundamental to the way that social identity processes come into being, are experienced and shape cognition and behaviour. There is no psychology in a social vacuum. From a social identity perspective, how people define themselves, make sense of the world and act in relation to each other is always a function of an interaction between their psychology, individual and/or collective, and the socially organized environment within which they exist. Indeed, social identity processes are seen as a means whereby social organization exerts a psychological as well as an external, situational influence on individual and group behaviour. Organizations are not merely ‘stimulus settings’ that constrain or facilitate behaviour from the outside, that change what we do; they also shape our cognitively represented self, changing our subjective experience of who we are and the psychological meaning of the environment. They change our feelings, goals, values, motives, attitudes and beliefs, the cognitive interpretations and resources that define us as psychological and social actors. This point is true, too, of the wider social, political and economic system within which organizations themselves function.

    The affinity between this theoretical commitment and the distinctive issues of organizational psychology is well illustrated in the pages to follow. Alex Haslam has done an excellent job in bringing out this particular strength of the social identity approach. One could say more but it would be gilding the lily in light of what is to come. It only remains to commend a book that I am sure will have a significant influence on teaching and research in both organizational and social psychology.

    John C.Turner, The Australian National University Canberra, May 2000

    Preface to the First Edition

    According to Adair (1983), the most important word in the would-be leader's vocabulary is ‘we’ and the least important word is ‘I’. Yet readers who set themselves the task of trawling through the organizational literature in an endeavour to discover the psychological underpinnings and consequences of ‘we-ness’ are destined for disappointment. For, despite perennial claims that teamwork and esprit de corps lie at the heart of all successful organizations, to date, the psychology of organizational behaviour has – with some notable exceptions – been written largely in the first person singular. From the popular titles that swamp airport bookstalls to the weightier texts that shape the thinking of young students, organizational psychology is very much about ‘I-ness’. Among other things, it is about the qualities of individuals that make them good or bad employees, about principles of personal exchange that determine motivation and perception and about the way that these elements combine to predict success or failure in particular environments.

    This book challenges this dominant view of organizational psychology by examining and explaining the ability of people to define themselves and act not only as ‘I’ but also as ‘we’. More formally, it suggests that people's sense of self can be determined both by personal identity (their sense of themselves as unique individuals) and social identity (their sense of themselves as group members who share goals, values and interests with others). Moreover, in line with Adair's observation, it argues that many of the most significant organizational phenomena – from leadership and motivation to communication and commitment to change – are dependent on this ability to define and promote the self in a way that is inclusive of other people. From this perspective, groups are not merely part of the physical environment that we experience as being ‘out there’, they are also part of our own psychological make-up. They determine what we feel ‘in here’ and the way we behave as a consequence.

    As the growing body of research that is informed by social identity and self-categorization theories is demonstrating, these ideas have the ability to breathe fresh life into the analysis of topics that are the traditional focus of the discipline of organizational psychology. These range from the very general (‘How does human psychology make organizational behaviour possible?’, ‘How does belonging to teams affect the way we think, feel and behave?’), to the very specific (‘What makes individuals willing to work unpaid overtime?’, ‘What makes negotiators creative?’). It is also true, though, that, by raising new questions and establishing new frontiers, the organizational field lays down significant challenges for workers in the social identity tradition. Not least, because organizational science is having an increasing impact on all our lives, these researchers must now confront difficult questions about the practical implications of the social identity approach and the ways in which it might be used to harness organizational potential while at the same time contributing to the well-being of individuals, groups and society.

    It is this dual goal – to extend psychological theory and promote its practical application – that this book sets out to achieve. I hope, too, that it provides readers with a sense that many of the organizational activities and philosophies that they are often encouraged to take for granted can (and should) be reappraised and revised. For, despite appearances and claims to the contrary, the psychology of organizational behaviour is rarely cut and dried, inevitable or self-evident. Also, partly by proving this point, I would like to think that the book will empower readers by making them more informed participants in organizational life and increasing their sense of theoretical and practical choice.

    At a more basic level, I also hope that, in the course of reading the following chapters, the reader will share some of the sense of challenge and invigoration that I experienced in writing them. It needs to be said, however, that this experience would have been much less positive if I had thought that I was engaging in it alone. In large part, the final product is a reflection of the tremendous support (intellectual, social and material) that I have received from friends and colleagues both during and prior to the last two years of writing. At the Australian National University I have benefited enormously from the advice, direction and substantive input of three close colleagues with whom I have been exceptionally fortunate and immensely privileged to work for the past 14 years: John Turner, Craig McGarty and Penny Oakes. They – and John in particular – have made a major contribution to every stage in the production of this book and their generosity is something for which I will always be extremely grateful.

    Others at the ANU and elsewhere have been extraordinarily helpful, too. In particular, Kate Reynolds, Rachael Eggins and Kris Veenstra provided invaluable assistance as readers, collaborators, commentators and critics. So too did Agnes Agama, Amanda Fajak, Barbara David, Bob Wood, Clare Powell, Clifford Stott, Daan van Knippenberg, Dick Moreland, Erin Parker, Fabio Sani, Jamie Burton, Jeanine Willson, Jim Cameron, Judy Harackiewicz, Linda Glassop, Mark Nolan, Michael Cook, Mike Smithson, Naomi Ellemers, Natalie Taylor, Nyla Branscombe, Phil Smith, Richard Sorrentino, Rick Kuhn, Robert Gregson, Rolf Van Dick, Russell Spears, Ruth Wright, Steve Reicher, Tom Postmes, Debbie Terry, Tom Tyler, Tony Warren and Tricia Brown. Michelle Ryan and Mike Platow warrant special mention and thanks for their painstaking reading of the entire text and their role in shaping the final manuscript. Michael Carmichael, Naomi Meredith, Ziyad Marar and Seth Edwards at Sage also deserve credit for their constant encouragement and having survived the torture of my unremitting e-mails.

    Although my name is the only one that appears on the book's spine, its production has therefore been a truly collaborative effort and one that I could never have attempted on my own. It is partly for this reason that the chapters are written in the voice of the first person plural (for example, suggesting that ‘we argue …’ rather than that ‘I argue …’). However, in a book that tries to engage the reader in the idea that much of what is valuable in organizations (and in life in general) flows from the collective self; it would also have made little sense for me to assert my personal identity throughout the text. This was not just a pragmatic decision – to do otherwise would have been wrong.

    Nonetheless, if I could indulge myself in one very personal sentiment, it would be to express my love and gratitude to Cath for her unwavering support and guidance along the road that brought this book to its conclusion. Her ability to sustain and encourage my enthusiasm is the best proof I have that there is much more to what we receive and produce than our individual deserts and capabilities.

    AlexHaslam The Australian National University Canberra, January 2000

    Preface to the Second Edition

    The preface to the first edition of this book is only three and a half years old, but in many ways it seems as if it was written an age ago. At an academic level, the reasons for this are quite clear. When the first proposal for this book was submitted to Sage in late 1997, an anonymous reviewer commented that ‘I am not convinced that in practice the book proposed here can actually be produced at the present time.’ After a page-and-a-half of nay-saying, s/he concluded:

    I remain unconvinced that it is possible at the present time to write a book which does set out in a useful way what a social identity approach to organizational psychology would look like. This would make a stimulating subject for a paper or article, but without a body of research or theorizing which did truly use a social identity approach to organizational psychology, a book on the subject seems unfeasible.

    Thankfully, the forward-thinking editors at Sage went ahead and commissioned the book anyway. Their judgement was vindicated, and its publication coincided with (and helped promote) a surge of interest in applying social identity and self-categorization principles to the analysis of organizational life. One indicator of this growth is the phenomenal increase in citations of the first article to formally specify links between social identity theory and organizational behaviour: Ashforth and Mael's (1989) Academy of Management Review article. This pattern of increasing citation over time is apparent in Figure P.1 and it is notable that the article has now passed the 250-citation mark to become a recognized ‘citation classic’. Among other things, this achievement is a reflection of the fact that, in the last 3 years (during which time approximately half of the article's total citations have occurred), 3 edited books, 2 journal special issues and at least 50 journal articles have been published that use the social identity and self-categorization tenets to tackle almost every conceivable organizational topic. To convey a flavour of its diversity, this published research has addressed topics as wide-ranging as globalization and goal-setting, service provision and strategic planning, restructuring and recruitment, burnout and bureaupathy.

    Figure P.1 Citations of Ashforth and Mael's (1989) Academy of Management Review article (1989–2002)

    However one measures it, then, it seems unlikely that anyone would be able to contend today that the case for a social identity approach to organizational psychology is unfeasible'. On the contrary, it has been established as a major paradigm in the field. One consequence of this is that, whereas in this book's first edition it was accurate to observe that much of the research into organizational behaviour that had been inspired by social identity and self-categorization theories was ‘work in progress whose impact remains to be fully felt’ (p. 9), in this second edition it seems appropriate to make far less tentative claims. Indeed, the principal rationale for putting together a new edition was to update the first edition in order to take stock of the large amount of research that has been conducted in the last few years. As a result, every chapter has been augmented to accommodate empirical and theoretical developments in the range of topic areas that were covered in the first edition.

    As well as this, though, the present edition includes a completely new chapter dealing with the topic of organizational stress. There were a number of strands in the first edition that pointed to the significance of this topic as a dimension of group functioning but these are now teased out and integrated as part of a much more thoroughgoing treatment. As with other chapters, this new contribution identifies key organizational processes into which the social identity approach provides original and constructive insights. However, it also deals with a range of psychological and political issues that are particularly relevant to debates surrounding the nature and impact of the modern workplace – in which change and pressures to keep up prevail.

    Speaking of change, then, it is apparent that one personal reason for the first edition of this book seeming so remote is that it was written in a different phase of my life and on a different continent. Happily, though, the friendships that allowed me to complete the first edition in Australia have been supplemented by support from new friends and colleagues in Britain. Accordingly, my gratitude to those who provided input into the first edition is as strong as ever (not least because many of them contributed directly to the development of the present edition), but it is now appropriate to thank a number of others for their help. To the list of people acknowledged in the preface to the first edition, I would therefore like to add Andrew Livingstone, Anne O'Brien, Blake Ashforth, Carey Cooper, David McHugh, Dick de Gilder, Filip Boen, Gerard Hodgkinson, Inma Advares-Yorno, Jolanda Jetten, Juergen Wegge, Louise Humphrey, Mark Horowitz, Mark Levine, Marlene Fiol, Martin Lea and Michael Schmitt – all of whom have provided invaluable comments and assistance in putting together this edition. Lucy O'Sullivan, however, deserves special mention for her painstaking work in compiling the indices, as does Kris Veenstra who created those of the first edition and did a great job.

    Obviously, too, I remain very grateful to the dynamic team at Sage who put their faith in the initial project and then encouraged me to work on this new edition. Thanks especially to Michael Carmichael for his infectious energy and to Fabienne Pedroletti for her attention to all-important detail during the production process. At the same time I would like again to single out John Turner for his unerring counsel and solidarity along the path that has taken this book from an outline proposal to its most current form.

    Finally, Cath, as ever, continues to win my admiration and love for her resolute integrity and her ability to instil confidence in the face of adversity – in particular, when motivation is required to steel oneself against the anonymous reviewers of this world and prove them wrong.

    AlexHaslam The University of Exeter June 2003
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