Practising Human Geography

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Paul Cloke, Ian Cook, Philip Crang, Mark Goodwin, Joe Painter & Chris Philo

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    Preface

    In the last few years, there has been an exciting growth of interest in questions about what we do as human geographers and how we do it. Reflecting the general shift within the social sciences towards a reflexive notion of knowledge, geographers have begun to question the constitution of the discipline – what we know, how we know it and what difference this makes both to the type of research we do and who participates in it with us either as colleagues or research subjects … An intrinsic part of these debates has been a greater self-consciousness about research methods. (McDowell, 1992a: 399–400)

    This book is inspired by these observations from Linda McDowell, about whom we will say more in Chapter 1. While written over a decade ago, they can still be mobilized to frame the concerns of the present book, recognizing as they do a body of writing that was starting to accumulate from the early 1990s as an explicit commentary upon the research methods deployed by human geographers. Over the intervening years ‘a greater self-consciousness about research methods’ has therefore become more commonplace in the literature, leading to a small industry of textbooks and essays, some very good, on this theme. Even so, there is arguably still much more to be done in this respect, not least to make accessible to a wider audience many of the complex issues bound up in the very acts of ‘doing’ or, as we like to term it, the practising of human geography.

    Our purpose in the present book is hence is to take seriously the many tasks entailed in conducting research on given processes and problems, certain types of societies and spaces, and nameable peoples and places. We wish to ask about what is involved in such research, how it happens ‘in the field’, whether a village under an African sky, a housing estate drenched by Glasgow drizzle or the seeming safety of a local planning department or dusty historical archive. We will on occasion query what precisely is meant by this so-called ‘field’, but more significantly we will ask about what exactly it is that we do in field locations: what sources are we after, what methods are we using in the process, and how exactly do we manage to extract ‘raw data’ ready to be taken away for subsequent detailed interpretation? What kind of interactions occur here, particularly with the people from whom we are often trying to obtain information, whether they be the gatekeepers of sites and documents that we wish to access or, more significantly, the people whose lives in specific spaces and places we are hoping to research (our ‘research subjects’). And what goes on once we do get the data back to our office, library or front room: how do we endeavour to ‘make sense’ of these materials, to bring a measure of order to them, to begin manipulating them to describe and to explain the situations under study, to arrive at the cherished goal of understanding? Moreover, if we get this far, what is then at stake as we try to write through our findings, to offer our interpretations, and as we produce accounts which purport to represent peoples and places more or less different from our own?

    Can all this really be as simple as many earlier human geographers tended to assume? Can it all be taken for granted, subsumed under headings such as ‘intuition’ or the enacting of the ‘scientific method’, and is it genuinely free from any relationship to the researcher's own values and beliefs, ethics and politics? We would want to answer the latter questions with a definitive no and, as the book unfolds, to indicate why we suppose this to be the case by striving to provide answers to many of the previous questions just raised. In line with McDowell's observations, therefore, we are convinced that human geographers do need to become still more self-conscious, more reflexive and more willing to ‘reflect back upon’ all aspects of their research practices.

    We should underline the specific contribution that we are aiming to make in this book, then, in that it is designed to provide human geography researchers – from the undergraduate to the more seasoned academic – with an introduction to the many and varied considerations integral to the practising of human geography. We are not reviewing all the near-infinity of possible data sources open to human geographers, since such an attempt has already been made (Goddard, 1983) and there are a number of specialist texts dealing with particular sources such as censuses, inventories and published surveys that may be of use to the human geographer (see various papers in the CATMOG and HGRG series and also the contributions in Flowerdew and Martin, 1997). Neither are we offering a complete ‘cookbook’ of methods, going systematically through a range of methods in turn and outlining how to do them, although there will be moments in what follows where we dwell on specific methods available for both (as we will say) constructing geographical data and constructing geographical interpretations. There are already many such ‘how-to-do’ manuals in the general social science literature, and there is also something of this character in several human geography texts.1 We would definitely see such texts as complementary to our own, but having a different feel in their focused attention on the nuts and bolts of specific methods through which human geographers both gather and process data.

    It might be noted that numerous older geography textbooks lead school children and undergraduate students through hands-on methods of field survey, land surveying and mapping (e.g. Dickinson, 1963), but we must admit to regarding such an interest in what has been termed ‘practical geography’ (Bygott, 1934) or ‘mathematical geography’ Jameson and Ormsby, 1934) as beyond our purview. This is less the case with more recent contributions to the use of statistical, mathematical and GIS procedures in geography, which we do touch upon in Chapters 7 and 8, but we do not assess these in technical detail because such treatments are provided elsewhere by specialist quantitative and GIS geographers (for references, see Chapters 7 and 8). We would also have to acknowledge, perhaps controversially, that we do not think that such developments are central to contemporary human geography. They undoubtedly generate useful ‘tools’ to be deployed on occasion, and we certainly applaud the notion of combining quantitative and qualitative methods (see also Hodge, 1995; Philo et al., 1998), but we do not see how what are basically technical exercises can be taken as more than a small part of the larger whole which is the practising of human geography. Our own preferences, and maybe prejudices, are of course hinted at by such a statement (and see below). What we should also underline at this point is our rejection of the oft-made assumption that utilising qualitative methods entails a loss of rigour in the research process, a forsaking of the objective, analytical and replicable attributes supposedly integral to deploying quantitative methods within the strictures of the conventional ‘scientific method’ (see Chapter 9). We resist the accusation that the route to qualitative methods amounts to a ‘softening’ of human geography, where ‘softening’ is understood as weakening and making things easier (e.g. Openshaw, 1998). We regard such views as flawed because quantitative work (and science more generally) is just as shot through with human frailties and social conditioning as is qualitative work, a claim increasingly borne out by social studies of science and technology (e.g. Demeritt, 1996), and also because it is possible – as we hope to demonstrate – for qualitative human geography to be practised in a manner combining its own version of intellectual rigour with a responsibility to the realities (not merely the academic's inventions) of the field beyond the academy.

    Our intention is also not to provide a compendium of ‘stories from the field’, relating the experiences of particular human geographers as they have sought to operationalize substantive research projects, although we do recognize the great value of such personalized accounts.2 We therefore make some use of such experiential materials at various points in what follows. Furthermore, our intention is not to rehearse the complex arguments about either abstract moral stances or ‘ethical philosophies’ which might be brought to bear in the discipline (see Sayer and Storper, 1997; Proctor, 1998; Smith, D., 1994; 1997; 1998), although we are attuned to more specific issues rooted in the ethics and politics of research practice (e.g. Mitchell and Draper, 1983a; see also Mitchell and Draper, 1983b). This is especially true with respect to claims about the ‘positionality’ of the researcher, ones which talk about researchers needing to reflect self-critically on the power relations running between them and their research subjects, and we introduce such claims in Chapter 1 and then throughout many of the following chapters.

    Neither is our immediate aim to show how practical dimensions of research link with more conceptual orientations, the latter being identified by such daunting terms as ‘positivism’, ‘Marxism’, ‘humanism’, ‘feminism’, ‘postcolonialism’, ‘post-structuralism’, ‘postmodernism’ and the like. A handful of works do prioritize this linkage, notably Hoggart et al. (2002) in their attempt to tease out the role of epistemológica! differences – meaning variations in the concepts adopted by different researchers in their attempt to arrive at reliable knowledge about the world – as key influences on what can be achieved in the researching of human geography. Something similar certainly is offered on occasion in the book (giving a link back to a prior text by Cloke et al., 1991; see also Robinson, 1998; Winchester, 2000; Shurmer-Smith, 2002a), and we would insist that some familiarity with the discipline's recent theoretical concerns is essential to the self-critical practice of research being urged here. None the less, we will seek to introduce concepts in as gentle a fashion as possible, trying not to assume too much prior knowledge on the part of the reader, and we should make clear that the book arises from six different authors who are themselves differently persuaded (or dissuaded) by the merits of different conceptual orientations. If there is a commonality between us in this regard, it lies in a conviction that the overall conceptual landscape of contemporary human geography is a healthy one, and that there are now available all manner of exciting concepts to guide researchers in their practical enquiries. Such concepts must remain as ‘guides’, since integral to the whole ethos of this book is the suggestion that researchers should always be reflecting self-critically on every component of their research, concepts included. If given concepts do not appear to ‘perform’ well in helping the researcher to get to grips with the particularities of an issue, situation, space, place or whatever, then they should be revised or abandoned. (We do realize, though, that recognizing whether or not a concept ‘performs’ well in this respect is not quite as simple as such a remark might imply.)

    From the above listing of what the book is not, we hope that an impression may be emerging of what it actually is. It is, then, a book that – drawing upon experiences of research, contemplating the ethics and politics of research, and insisting on seeing research practices in the context of wider conceptual orientations – does aim to stand back a little from the hurly-burly of getting actual research projects planned and executed. It wants to inject a pause in the battling with logistics, officials, respondents, tape-recorders, statistical tests, software programs and the like, even though such everyday things at the ‘coal face’ of research will be mentioned repeatedly. It wants instead to ponder arguably deeper questions about the why, how, what, when and where of the research process, probing more fully into precisely what it is that researchers are searching for and aiming to work upon (this ‘stuff’ called data), and then discussing the differing strategies for ‘making sense’ of these data (for forcing them to ‘make sense’) and for converting them into written-through accounts, findings and conclusions for various audiences (from the dissertation marker to the academic conference participant). It is indeed to explore at some length the dynamics of practising human geography and, in so doing, to offer something distinctive which is neither a treatise on theory in the discipline nor a ‘how to do it’ manual for disciplinary practitioners, but rather a theoretically informed reflection on the many different twists and turns unavoidably present in the everyday ‘doing of it’. Moreover, in part exploring these dynamics should help to inform us, and our readers, when critically reading the writ-ten-through research of others.

    The chapters that follow take different cuts at this goal, and they differ in how they do this according to the specific concerns of the chapter, the contents of the relevant pre-existing literature, and the particular competencies, interests and theoretical predispositions of the author(s) who have had prime responsibility for each chapter (although we are not going to tell you who did what!). We willingly acknowledge that there is some unevenness between the chapters, some overlaps, doubtless some omissions, a few variations in emphasis, even a few differences of opinion, but such inconsistency is also very much part of both the ‘real’ human geography (of the world) under study and the ‘real’ human geographers (from the academy) who struggle to study it.

    A ‘Map’ of the Book

    Following this Preface, Chapter 1 sets the scene for the rest of the book by sensitizing readers to the different ways in which human geography can be practised, first by contrasting the extremes of practice by two semi-fictional human geographers (‘Carl’ and ‘Linda’) and, secondly, by sketching out a thumbnail history of changing practices within the ‘doing’ of (human) geography. While not wishing to imply that older practices were entirely mistaken and have nothing still to teach us, we are critical of the extent to which earlier geographers tended to regard the research process as relatively unproblematic, as either the ‘natural’ way of proceeding for individuals gifted with geographical insight or the ‘logical’ way of proceeding if obeying the basic rules of conventional science. In the course of the chapter we introduce a number of key terms which are utilized throughout the book – terms such as ‘research’, ‘field’, ‘data’, ‘methodology’ and the like – and we also introduce several key themes to do with the heightened attention which human geographers are now showing (rightly, in our view) to the complexities involved in both the ‘field’ and the ‘work’ elements of ‘fieldwork’.

    The heart of the book is divided into two parts, and we propose a division between two fundamentally different sets of practices relating to the treatment of human geographical data. By this phrase we simply mean data (in the plural) which have been, are now and could in future be used by human geographers, and it does not necessarily mean data which are obviously related to space, place, environment and landscape (the staple big concerns of academic geography: see Hubbard et al., 2002; Holloway et al., 2003), although in the vast majority of cases such geographical references will be involved somewhere (see Chapter 7). It should be noted too that we will often speak of ‘geographical data’ rather than of ‘human geographical data’, but this is merely to avoid the somewhat cumbersome appearance of the latter term, and throughout the book we will almost always mean specifically data pertaining to human or social dimensions of the world. Our discussion will be of little immediate relevance to physical geographers, except in so far that there are overlaps in Chapter 1 with the history of changing practices within the ‘doing’ of physical geography. We should additionally emphasize that at every turn in the book our concern is for processes of construction: accenting that data, how we come by them, and all the many procedures which we then operate upon them, from the most basic of sorting to the most complex of representations, are all in one way or another constructions found, created and enacted by ‘us’ (human geography researchers) as people living and working within specific economic, political, social and cultural contexts. There is nothing natural here; nothing straightforwardly pre-given, preordained or untouched by human emotions, identities, relations and struggles.

    Part I is entitled ‘Constructing geographical data’, and here we tackle two very different varieties of data: first, those data which are ‘preconstructed’ by other agencies (governments, companies, journalists, poets and many more: see Chapters 24) and from which human geographers can then extract materials relevant to their own projects; and, secondly, those data which are ‘self-constructed’ through the active field-based research of human geographers themselves (when using methods such as question-nairing, interviewing, observing and participating: see Chapters 5 and 6). In the first instance, the focus is very much on how these sources are constructed, on the many different contexts, influences and forces embroiled in the putting together of such sources, which can be both purportedly ‘factual’ (as in parliamentary reports or news footage) and seemingly ‘fictional’ (as in novels or films). (We are certainly aware that there is no clear separation between paying attention to how sources are constructed and then trying to interpret what they are telling us, underlining that the boundary between our Parts I and II is not a hard and fast one.) In the second instance, the focus is much more on the roles played by researchers when in the field, and begins to ask about the methods which can be utilized to gain a window on the lives of research subjects, particularly by talking or spending time with them. Quite specific questions hence arise about such methods, about how practically to put them into operation, but so too do a host of questions about the relations which inevitably run between researchers and the researched, thus prompting careful reflection on matters of power, trust, responsibility and ethics (in short, on the micro-politics of engaged research). In addition, we appreciate that even at this stage of research human geographers in the field will begin to write about that field, noting down preliminary findings, their personal experiences and their thoughts on how the research is going and on their interactions with research subjects. In Chapter 6 we briefly discuss this often unremarked feature of the initial research process. It is in the course of such jottings that the seeds of more developed interpretations start to emerge, and it is also at this stage that the ‘textualization’ of our research – the conversion of it into written forms for wider audiences – begins to occur.

    Part II is entitled ‘Constructing geographical interpretations’, so as to stress that what we are talking about now is indeed still very much a creative act of construction, of making something, and is assuredly not some magical process whereby interpretations drop fully formed out of data. What we are terming ‘interpretation’ covers various strategies through which human geographers endeavour to ‘make sense’ of their data, the so-called ‘raw data’ which they have collected or generated in one way or another, and thereby to provide accounts, arrive at findings and posit conclusions. Somewhat hesitantly, we distinguish between five interpretative strategies that could be conceived of as being complementary, but some of which in practice often end up being positioned as antagonistic by researchers with particular investments in claiming one strategy as fundamentally superior to another. The ‘wars’ between such strategies is an underlying theme of these chapters, although in large measure we feel such wars to be unhelpful and even an unnecessary distraction from what ought to be the higher goals of arriving at good interpretations. The first of our strategies, which we simply term ‘sifting and sorting’ (Chapter 7), cannot avoid being present in any study, even if it is rarely given explicit consideration, and it entails the basic activities through which a measure of order is imposed on raw data by the identifying of relevant entities in, to use a shorthand, ‘lists and boxes’. The second strategy, which we term ‘enumerating’ (Chapter 8), is inevitably a follow-on from sifting and sorting, and it entails the whole panorama of numerical methods which are commonly utilized to measure properties of distributions and to detect patterns within data sets. In this chapter we deal with techniques of numerical analysis which have until recently been taken as the core of geographical interpretation, but which we reckon warrant less special consideration than has usually been the case. Although many will not agree, we regard enumeration as essentially a descriptive activity, describing quantitative data sets, their differences from one another and possible relationships, in a manner that requires further steps to be taken in translating back from the formal vocabularies of statistics, mathematics and computing into the ordinary languages familiar to most readers. Only when such translation occurs can it be said that the research has shifted from description to something that we, and many if not all other philosophers of science, would accept as something more clearly explanatory.

    Our third strategy is therefore what we term ‘explaining’ (Chapter 9), where we consider what has been the prevailing objective of so much human geography raised in a ‘scientific’ vein, whether the science be that of a Newton, a Freud or a Marx, wherein successful interpretation (and here the term ‘analysis’ is often heard) involves being able to answer ‘why’ questions by specifying the causal processes combining to generate particular human geographical phenomena. Our fourth strategy, which we term ‘understanding’ (Chapter 10), points to what has recently become a more popular approach with human geographers inspired by the humanities and cultural studies, wherein successful interpretation involves being able to elucidate the meanings that situated human beings hold in regard to their own lives and that inform their actions within their own worldly places. In addition, we appreciate the range of debates which have recently raged over the so-called ‘crisis of representation’, the deep worries about what exactly happens when academics start to write or to lecture about peoples and places other than their own, and in Chapter 11 we review some of the conventions, rhetorics and other considerations arising as human geographers seek to represent their interpretations to different audiences. Just as all studies cannot avoid containing a moment of sifting and sorting, so all studies, unless never written through in any form, cannot but include and usually culminate in acts of representation. We can regard representation as an interpretative strategy in its own right, if being itself fractured by many different assumptions about the relations running between ‘word and world’, but in other respects we prefer to regard it as a moment that indeed crops up as an adjunct to the various practices outlined in all of the earlier chapters (including those in Part I of our book).

    Finally, we bring things to a close in a chapter (Chapter 12) picking out a particular strain of themes which have been present, albeit not all that expressly tackled, within the preceding chapters. Building upon comments in Chapter 1 about the values of the researcher, notably those with an obvious political edge, this chapter explores the politics of practising human geography, reviewing in particular the thorny questions which surface once researchers begin to reflect upon the entangled politics influencing their decisions about topics to study, data sources to consult and field methods to deploy, and then interpretative strategies to bring to bear on the data derived. Here we pay attention to the politics of the research process itself, notably with respect to the often highly uneven power relations traversing the social realm, the academy and everyday lives that cannot but contextualize this process, energizing but also sometimes constraining a researcher as he or she initiates and seeks to pursue his or her preferred practices of data construction and interpretation. While not suggesting that all researchers should nail their politics clearly to the mast – many of us may not be so certain about our politics and may prefer to allow them to change according to context – we are in no doubt that practising human geographers should offer at least some self-critical reflection on their own, if we can put it this way, ‘political investment’ in the projects which they conduct.

    PaulClokeIanCookPhilCrangMarkGoodwinJoePainterChrisPhilo All over the place, 2003
    Notes

    1 In the general social science literature see, for example. Blunt et al. (2003), Burgess (1984) and May (1997). For human geography texts see, in particular. Lee (1992), Rogers et al. (1992), Cook and Crang (1995), Flowerdew and Martin (1997), Lindsay (1997), Robinson (1998), Hay (2000), Kitchin and Täte (2000), Limb and Dwyer (2001) and Hoggart et al. (2002).

    2 See, for example, Eyles (1988a); see also several pieces in Eyles and Smith (1988), Nast (1994), Farrow et al. (1997), Flowerdew and Martin (1997) and Limb and Dwyer (2001).

    Acknowledgements

    We have accumulated a mass of debts over the (far too) many years that this book has been in gestation and preparation, and we cannot begin to acknowledge all or even many of them. What we will do, though, is to say a massive thank you to Robert Rojek at Sage for the patience of Job (and then some) in waiting for the disorganized rabble that is the authorial team of this book to get its act together. More particularly, we want to thank David Kershaw for his great contribution to the copy-editing process: his efforts have certainly helped to bring some more discipline to proceedings, and the book has been much improved as a result. Finally, we would like to thank all those at Sage who have been involved in the final production of the book for their hard work in getting the final product to look as attractive (and coherent!) as (we hope that) it does.

    Every effort was made to obtain permission for Figures 1.1 and 1.3 and for Box 1.6.

    The following illustrations were used with the kind permission of:

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