Pierre Bourdieu and Cultural Theory: Critical Investigations
Publication Year: 1997
This is the first comprehensive description of Pierre Bourdieu's theory of culture and habitus. Within the wider intellectual context of Bourdieu's work, this book provides a systematic reading of his assessment of the role of `cultural capital' in the production and consumption of symbolic goods. Bridget Fowler outlines the key critical debates that inform Bourdieu's work. She introduces his recent treatment of the rules of art, explains the importance of his concept of capital - economic and social, symbolic and cultural - and defines such key terms as habitus, practice and strategy, legitimate culture, popular art and distinction. The book focuses particularly on Bourdieu's account of the nature of capit
- Front Matter
- Back Matter
- Subject Index
Part I: Interpretative Studies
- Chapter 1: Situating Bourdieu: Cultural Theory and Sociological Perspective
- Chapter 2: Bourdieu's Cultural Theory
- Chapter 3: Bourdieu, Postmodernism, Modernity
- Chapter 4: The Historical Genesis of Bourdieu's Cultural Theory
Part II: Critical Investigations
Theory, Culture & Society[Page ii]
Theory, Culture & Society caters for the resurgence of interest in culture within contemporary social science and the humanities. Building on the heritage of classical social theory, the book series examines ways in which this tradition has been reshaped by a new generation of theorists. It will also publish theoretically informed analyses of everyday life, popular culture, and new intellectual movements.
EDITOR: Mike Featherstone, Nottingham Trent University
SERIES EDITORIAL BOARD
Roy Boyne, University of Durham
Mike Hepworth, University of Aberdeen
Scott Lash, Lancaster University
Roland Robertson, University of Pittsburgh
Bryan S. Turner, Deakin University
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Recent volumes in the Theory, Culture & Society book series include:
Cultures of Technological Embodiment
edited by Mike Featherstone and Roger Burrows
The Body and Society
Explorations in Social Theory
Bryan S. Turner
The Social Construction of Nature
Deleuze and Guattari
An Introduction to the Politics of Desire
ISBN 0-8039-7625-9 (hbk)
ISBN 0-8039-7626-7 (pbk)
© Bridget Fowler 1997
First published 1997
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I should like to acknowledge the encouragement of Pierre Bourdieu and to express the hope that I have not distorted his views. A huge debt is owed to David Frisby, whose learning and patience have been greatly appreciated. Richard Jenkins and Mike Featherstone also read the entire manuscript and made wise suggestions for improvement, while Terry Lovell's support convinced me once more that the project was worthwhile. I have been sustained by conversations with Lindy Barbour, Esperança Bielsa, Harvie Ferguson, Barbara Littlewood, Paddy Lyons, Kirsten and Scott Meikle, Mick Scott, Paul Stirton, Stephen Thomson and Hillel Ticktin. Robert Rojek has been a most tolerant and approachable editor and Carol Woodward generously helped with French translation problems. Lastly, I have been both heartened and stimulated intellectually by my family. To all of these, my thanks.
Bourdieu's project has been shaped over the years to show — as Marx had done earlier — that the bourgeois theory of the market equality of individuals veils the existence of social distinctions. The field research on which Distinction is based reveals that supposedly natural or individual tastes are in fact founded on social constructions which have been elaborated over generations, through the habitus. Where Marx had analysed only the inequality of the capital/labour contract, Bourdieu has shown the re-emergence of inherited distinction in the different relation to both pedagogic knowledge (cultural capital) and the area of artistic production and consumption. He has challenged meritocratic beliefs with a theory of cultural legitimation based on the fact that, in becoming the spiritual core of bourgeois individuality, art and literature have become sacralised. The adornment of such consecrated knowledge enhances the dignity of the person, leaving those deprived of it with an internalised consciousness of ignorance. Baudelaire remarked that the bourgeoisie would be enormously strengthened if they possessed not only money but knowledge (1972: 47). Bourdieu shows that this has in fact come about.
Bourdieu has developed a theory of practice and a concept of the habitus which is adequate to the complexity of social reality. Whilst grounded on the dull material compulsion of everyday economic needs, this approach addresses a realm that goes beyond the ideological battle into the arena of doxic assumptions that are ‘written on the body’ itself. In my view, this theory of practice does provide us with a genuine advance over preceding social and cultural theory in that it is rigorously determinist, yet it also conceives of agents as active, transformative figures. It is thus entitled to the use of the term ‘practice’, which has an honourable descent from Marx's Theses on Feuerbach. Bourdieu's synthesis rejects either objectivist or subjectivist alternatives, much as an important line of cultural theory has refused the choice of either of the two paradigms, structuralism and culturalism, in the period after Althusser. Like Williams’ cultural materialism, Bourdieu's theory is irreconcilably opposed to the total colonisation of the subject by ideology, as in Lévi-Strauss's structuralism, and it is the critique of this ‘new idealism’ that he makes in his ‘work of the break’ (1968), which sought to reintroduce the agent's practice (see Boyne, 1993). Like Giddens, he became deeply critical of ‘the lost harvest’ of structuralist promise (Giddens, 1987: 195). Both sociologists take from historical materialism the significance of space and time in social life (Giddens, 1981) and have criticised structuralism [Page 175]for its over-reliance on Saussurean linguistic positivism as a model of linguistic transformation and social action. But Bourdieu provides a more fertile soil for sociology than structuration theory. It saves the best aspects of Lukács’ Hegelian Marxism but fuses it with a much more elaborated notion of socialisation. In particular, Bourdieu maps anthropology onto historical materialism to give a fuller account of culture. It is thus no accident that some of the most brilliant of his insights into the restricted field of art recall the Bakhtin/Voloshinov school and its work of criticising formalism (Medvedev and Bakhtin, 1978).
Bourdieu is concerned to carry what he calls this ‘troublemaking’ practice of sociology into the most intimate and seemingly private areas of collective life, such as the family photograph taken by the father of the peasant family. In order to do so he will need to assess the distinctive characterisations of art that emerged initially with Romanticism. These are the charismatic theory of authorship, the autonomous character of the artistic/literary field and the notion of the fresh eye. I have argued on this that Bourdieu's questioning of the cultural field and its typical ideologies is important, although he has not yet provided a sufficiently rich and detailed account of the nature of popular art-forms. However, his view that the ‘illusory’ beliefs in authorship are simply this society's ‘magic’ is more contentious.
It is now possible to weigh up the gains and losses in Bourdieu's attempt to dissect, through phrases like ‘the invention of the artist's life’, the nature of bourgeois art-worlds. Bourdieu's skill is in revealing the hidden prerequisites for active participation in legitimate art in the period after 1850, not just the possession of a high degree of educational capital — ensuring a ‘code of codes’ — but also a specific location in space and time. He shows convincingly that the objective consequence of the commoditisation of literature and the increasing number of the ‘literary proletariat’ was the segregation of the culturally well-endowed authors from the rest, within a restricted field.
Bourdieu has commented in his account of pre-capitalist Kabylia that peasant practice has to be grasped in terms of cosmological classifications of time and space. In his work on the development of modernism he has also focused on time: he writes of the social ageing of modernist movements as they move from heterodoxy and rupture to consecration, of the permanence of artistic revolution, of the transience of judgements of value, such that those, like Cladel and Champfleury, who lack the artistic perspective to seize the moment in the competitive struggle have to flee, beaten, to the country. In other words there is here a phenomenology of avant-gardes which is based on lived time, with its strange oscillations between the speed and contingency of shifting judgements and the eternal consecration for the ‘creators’ (see, for example, 1993a: 52–3).
This same phenomenology of time is used in the work on contemporary class realities where Bourdieu (1974) develops Bachelard's theme of the ‘causality of the probable’. Elegantly avoiding both finalism (voluntarism) and mechanistic determinism, he develops the notion that the habitus of each [Page 176]individual is regulated by the probable fate of the group. Their habitus ensures that the dominant class alone experience time as endowing them with a secure future. Against them, he contrasts both the subproletariat (especially of migrants), who have no future and who respond by giving themselves up to dreams and to the fatalism of natural fertility, and the petty bourgeoisie, who, still experiencing the moral rigour of early ascetic Puritanism, contrive literally to make themselves small in terms of size of families and appetites in order to undergo their project of an upward trajectory. Condemned to a present of the constant striving for the future, they experience also the loss of their past, since it is this striving that will alone dominate their memories. In contrast, and with relevance to modernism as well as finance and science, the haute bourgeoisie can afford to speculate, to risk ‘everything’ — since precisely in being secure they will never risk everything (1974).
In describing the post-1850s division of the field, Bourdieu delineates also an ideology about art that defined it rhetorically as the opposite form of production from that based on instrumental rationalisation. In other words, he has outlined a discourse about high and low in which ‘art’ or ‘serious writing’ de facto excluded both producers and consumers from the dominated class as part of the logic of a minority culture.
By reconstructing the historical genesis of art for art's sake, Bourdieu reveals that this became a classification of immense power. He understands it to have the same level of pervasive acceptance as other social classifications that became entrenched in the same period, such as ‘scientific’ racism (Orientalism, anti-semitism, etc.), which were only contested by exceptional minorities. Because it was a generally shared social representation of culture it was irrelevant if one or two critics refused to define art in terms of style and an educated culture, or if a handful of artists had non-élite origins, as in the case of James Joyce or D.H. Lawrence. A realist portrayal of a mill town such as Ethel Carnie's This Slavery (see chapter 6) was ineligible to fit the category ‘art’. Because the discourses of art and literature were based on rarity, they were, in his view, closed to participation by the subordinate classes. Consequently popular culture could only exist within this moral economy as a ‘reverse ethnocentrism’, by which he means that popular ‘art’ signalled a magical liquidation of the nature of the relations between the classes underlying dominant classes’ concern for style (1971: 1373).1 I have challenged this view of high and low by revealing what it left out, although Bourdieu may reject such critical investigations as failing to take account of the symbolic power of such social classifications.
Bourdieu's alternative to the charismatic magic of creation requires substituting a theory of refraction for the the liberal individualism implicit in sacralised art. His socio-analysis demands that the author should be seen as subject to social determinants, deriving from his or her position within the cultural field, the amount of social, economic and cultural capital he/she possesses and the trajectory experienced within a specific family. Rather than portraying art as the outcome of a mystical experience, the artist is [Page 177]engaged in a series of struggles to make a mark. ‘Natural’ distinction is now revealed to be the appearance of an artistic agent who is most endowed with a knowledge of the history of the field, and for whom a good fit exists between the structure of the works and the perspective of a category of consumers (1993c: 143–4).
Such an approach permits an explanation of art which is remote from the idealising conception of the ideology of art. One of its merits is that it insists on attributing material and professional interests to artists, thus undermining the trope whereby the working class only have material and sectional interests while the middle class have ethical objectives. A further merit: Bourdieu sees the artist in his/her active practice as no longer merely the site for the play of discursive forces, in contrast with the Foucauldian version of authorship. He is therefore persuasive when he envisages this science of literature and art having emancipatory consequences:
[P]aradoxically, sociology frees us by freeing us from the illusion of freedom, or, more exactly, from the misplaced belief in illusory freedoms. (1994a: 15)
However, Bourdieu goes beyond refraction to an extreme disenchantment derived from a tragically neo-machiavellian view of the working of social mechanisms. It is this which has provoked resistance. Such resistance, he acknowledges, has its origins in the fact that the author gives voice to universal interests, even though, historically, artistic alliances with the dominated classes have been so fragile. This is an important concession. For Bourdieu's disenchantment is too radical, in danger of always effacing moments when artists may bear witness to the truth so as to highlight only how they use artistic works for status purposes or accommodate to power. I have argued that we need also to see some artistic movements as being the modern equivalent to a poor church. Rather than throw out the baby with the bathwater in an unremittingly tragic view of the logic of consecration, we need to ask for how long and under what circumstances do groups of mature artists serve the role of disclosing the real (Habermas, 1987) or acting as a critical subculture (Crow, 1985)?
I am also less convinced by Bourdieu's wholesale ‘vulgar’ critique of Kant. It does seem to me that we can keep a modified sense of genius even if this conception has to be rethought so as to bypass Kant's own retention of élitist and masculinist assumptions from the court tradition. Here we might transfer into art the account Bourdieu (1987b) himself gives of religious prophetic movements, which, he argues, become possible once social needs have created the suspension of everyday life. Of course, the art-worlds of such charismatic prophets or geniuses also have other social pre-conditions — material necessities, a minimal use of conventions or artistic rules, collective structures of support (Becker, 1982).
Much of the shock of The Rules of Art comes from the radicalism with which it approaches modernist artists’ interests in distinction. Artists’ groups are treated rather like skilled industrial workers striving to retain their conditions of life by demarcation rules and restrictive practices. In their case, [Page 178]these are transmitted through the institution of art in the form of increasing the cultural capital for entry (esoteric language, the cult of spontaneity), the tactic of denying the social world (as in the adoption of the psychological novel (Huysmans) or the Symbolist painting (Redon)) and the dangerous anti-bourgeois strategy of ‘flaunting … convergences’ between the political vanguard and the artistic avant-garde (while actually maintaining a prudent sense of distance (1993a)):
Members of the dominant class appear distinguished because, being born in a distinguished position — their habituses — their constituted social nature — is immediately adjusted to the immanent demands of the game and they are thus able to affirm their distance from others without having to do so, that is to say, with the naturalness that is the mark of the distinction called ‘natural’. (1987a: 21–2)
By such means is the reader cruelly shaken out of the ‘love of art’ in which art had become the spiritual ‘soul’ of the bourgeoisie. It was with precisely the same revulsion that artists in Berlin, before the destruction of the Wall, came at night to paint a long yellow horizontal line through the graffiti which was increasingly becoming celebrated for its own sake. “The Wall is not about Art’, they scrawled.
However, in the face of an undiscriminating aesthetic populism, which conflates commercial and aesthetic considerations, it is perhaps time to re-evaluate this stance.2 I suggest, then, without wanting to return to Romantic ideology, that it is now necessary to emphasise once more that artists are still potentially the prophets of late bourgeois society. We can thus restore to them (in a less idealising manner) the significance of ‘bringing newness into the world’, of daring to criticise when others keep quiet and of giving shape to those anticipations of the future that are based on a feasible Utopia (Bloch, 1986; Ricoeur, 1994). This means taking further some of Bourdieu's brief comments on cultural production within the periphery and from less well-represented groups within the terrain of ‘art’.
In other words, my anxiety with Bourdieu is that he remains too close to the Althusserian sense of institutional ideology, with its passive view of authorship. We need to propose a more active sense of the author as possessing in his or her artistic practice the capacity to (partially) see through and develop the great cultural discourses of his/her period. It would be a paradox if the work of sifting through popular genres for distinctive products (‘frail fetishes’) were to be abandoned out of a dislike for the bourgeois humanist individualism of auteurism. In searching for a solution to this I want to stress the potential of Bourdieu's logic of practice. For within Bourdieu's own theory of social agents there is a conception of the skilled nature of all human agents which applies also to artists (1990a: 55). We can emphasise the historical genesis of the artist but also his/her strategic choices — just as Williams stressed the need to look at an active composition as well as the conditions of composition, at the structure of [Page 179]feeling and the lived experience which shaped that activity as well as the hegemonic ideas.
I have argued that the literary terrain was one that the working-class writers themselves saw as a site for the crucial struggle over representations: first, in Wheeler's eyes, to cancel out hostile images of ‘the democrat in warpaint’ and then to create new and fertile forms to foster Chartist ideas. It is this dissident internal transformation of culture for quite different popular ends that Bourdieu does not theorise. A similar case can be made about middlebrow fiction by women writers (chapter 6), a more surprising gap given his earlier illuminating study of photography as a middlebrow art (1990c (1965)). In other words, he weakens his description of both the restricted and the expanded field by systematically neglecting those junctures at which literature and art acquired an emancipatory consequence. If we are to regard literature and art as a cult which neglects or even neutralises the extraction of vast amounts of surplus-value from the dominated class and peoples, we need also to look at the way its ‘magic’ can be stolen for other purposes. In particular, we need to study those networks camped outside the gates of the consecrating institutions. Furthermore, Bourdieu appears to make the institution or field too pervasive if he does not admit that mere can be ‘literature’ and literary critics who have broken with formalism. In this sense, Bourdieu, Baldick and others influenced by structuralism have overemphasised the degree of ideological insulation and integration within the autonomous art-world and underemphasised the different practices elsewhere. Lamont's astringent criticisms about the limits to the sacralisation of art and its effects are worth recalling in this context, as is the fact that, en route to consecration, art has not always been the product of small enclaves but has frequently debated popular ideas and has often created a popular following.3
Bourdieu's work, I suggest, is neither elitist, nor relativist, as has sometimes been claimed (see Lash, 1993). However, it does have some weaknesses, which are the obverse of its strengths, and these have been the focus of the case-studies. A more specific criticism of the kind outlined already has been raised by Burger, who has quite rightly attacked Bourdieu's Distinction for its view that the work of art is merely a form of fetishism (see 1984: 250: ‘culture might be devoid of intrinsic interest’). Bürger contends that the modernist canon has been the creation of dissidents. It is noteworthy that in fact Bourdieu has amended his formulation in later works to defend the ‘frail fetishism’ of these works, while insisting on a genetic analysis. Bourdieu is approaching a Durkheimian explanation of canonised art, in which he conceives of it in terms similar to the analysis of religion in Elementary Forms. I am reminded in his recent response (1992) of Durkheim's view that
religious thought is very far from a system of fictions, the realities to which it corresponds can still only be expressed in religious form when transfigured by the imagination. (1995: 367–8)
[Page 180]In his latest arguments, then, Bourdieu may be tacitly conceding that Distinction overemphasised the formalist character attributed to the consecrated canon and may instead seek to see art and literature as the main area of struggle over social representations.
As Bourdieu's work has progressed, he has held out less and less hope that the cultural sphere might contribute to further democratisation. Although his initial works emphasised radical pedagogy, his later work views authentic popular culture as the product of social research itself or as restricted to small enclosures. However, despite his understandable refusal to engage in prediction, his theory of practice already suggests junctures at which love of one's fate — working-class amor fati — no longer holds. In particular, the new model of domination premised on market consumerism is only feasible so long as expectations do not depart too savagely from real experience, and there is reason to think that this situation has already been reached in many inner-city areas. It is at this point that artistic and literary texts could be put to quite a different use. As Bourdieu has emphasised, material struggles are not just the product of material conditions but are also the outcome of beliefs (1983: 2). Artists still play an important role in effecting those beliefs and legitimating those struggles, even in an era of a shadowy transnational capitalist class.
It is this concern with the suspension and production of belief that is the organising principle of Bourdieu's sociology of culture. For if his subjects can understand reflexively the mechanisms that create the reproduction of the haute bourgeoisie, which he has himself exposed, these determining forces will lose their effectiveness.Notes
1. For the same reason, rejection of the formalism inherent in production within the restricted field often served merely as another form of reverse discourse. In this respect, the aesthetic populism of some recent critics shows the symbolic violence exerted by the former by simply turning it on its head.
2. Bourdieu himself may be re-evaluating it, too: see his dialogue with the artist Hans Haake, in which they discuss the changes in the field of power in America and the removal of subsidies for certain types of art (1995).
3. As representatives of popular literature, Bunyan, Defoe, Richardson, Balzac, Dickens and Tolstoy can all be mentioned, but the total list is much greater.
(All publishers are in London, with the exception of Polity (Cambridge) and those specified beneath)Works by Pierre Bourdieu (Single-Authored)1961) The Algerians, New York: Beacon.(1963) Travail et travailleurs en Algérie, Paris: Mouton; partially translated as (1978) Algeria, 1960, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press., with , and (1966a) ‘The Sentiment of Honour in Kabyle Society’, pp. 191–242 in J.G.Peristiany (ed.), Honour and Shame, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.(1966b) ‘Champ intellectuel et projet créateur’, Les Temps Modernes, 22, fév.: 865–906.(1968) ‘Structuralism and the Theory of Sociological Knowledge’, Social Research, 35 (4), Winter: 681–706.(1971) ‘Disposition esthétique et compétence artistique’, Les Temps Modernes, 295, fév.: 1345–78.(1974) ‘Avenir de classe et causalité du probable’, Revue Française de Sociologie, XV: 3–42.(1975a) ‘L'Invention de la vie de l'artiste’, Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 2, 67–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arss.1975.2458(1975b) ‘Le Couturier et sa Griffe’, Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 1, 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arss.1975.2447, with (1977) Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.(1980a) ‘The Production of Belief’, Media, Culture and Society, 2: 261–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344378000200305(1980b) Le Sens pratique, Paris: Minuit (translated and revised as (1990) The Logic of Practice, Polity).(1980c) ‘Le Mort saisit le vif’, Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 32–3: 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arss.1980.2077(1983) ‘The Philosophical Institution’, pp. 1–9 in A.Montefiore (ed.). Philosophy in France Today, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.(1984) Distinction, Routledge.(1987a) Choses dites, Paris: Minuit (translated as (1994) In Other Words, Polity).(1987b) ‘Legitimation and Structured Interests in Weber's Sociology of Religion’, pp. 119–36 in S.Lash and S.Whimster (eds). Max Weber, Rationality and Modernity, Allen and Unwin.(1987c) ‘The Force of Law: Towards a Sociology of the Juridical Field’, Hastings Journal of Law, 38: 209–48.(1988a) Homo Academicus, Polity.(1988b) The Political Ontology of Martin Heidegger, Polity.(1988c), ‘Vive la Crise! For Heterodoxy in Social Science’, Theory and Society, 17: 773–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00162619([Page 182]1989) La Noblesse d' état, (The State Nobility), Paris: Minuit.(1990a) The Logic of Practice, Polity.(1990b) ‘La Domination masculine’, Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 84: 2–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arss.1990.2947(1990c) Photography: A Middlebrow Art, Polity., with , , and (1990d) ‘Les Conditions sociales de la circulation intemationale des idées’, Romanistische Zeitschrift für Literaturgeschichte, 14(1/2): 1–10.(1991) Language and Symbolic Power, Polity.(1992) Les Règles de I'art (The Rules of Art), Paris: Seuil.(1993a) The Field of Cultural Production, Polity.(1993b) La Misère du monde (This World of Suffering), Paris: Seuil.(1993c) Sociology in Question, Sage.(1994a) In Other Words, Polity.(1994b) Raisons pratiques (Practical Reason), Paris: Seuil.(1996) The Rules of Art, Polity.(Co-Authored Works by Pierre Bourdieu1991) The Love of Art: European Art Museums and their Public, Polity.and , with (1995) Free Exchange, Polity.and (1978) 'Dialogue sur la poésie orale en Kabylie, Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 23; 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