Men of the World: Genders, Globalizations, Transnational Times

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Jeff Hearn

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    For Liisa

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    List of Figures

    • 1 Bodies, structures, and processes 100
    • 2 CEO-to-worker compensation ratio, with options granted and options realized, 1965–2011 142

    About the Author

    Jeff Hearn is currently Guest Faculty Research Professor in the Humanities and Social Sciences, based in Gender Studies and the Centre for Feminist Social Studies, Örebro University, Sweden; Professor of Management and Organization, Hanken School of Economics, Finland; Professor of Sociology, University of Huddersfield, UK; and a UK Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences.

    His recent research has focused on transnational change. He has been at the forefront of critical research on men and masculinities, and has published extensively on sociology, organizations, management, policy, gender, sexualities, violences, cultural studies, and autoethnography. His many books include: ‘Sex’ at ‘Work’ (with Wendy Parkin, 1987/1995), The Gender of Oppression (1987), Men in the Public Eye (1992), The Violences of Men (1998), The Handbook of Studies on Men and Masculinities (edited with Michael Kimmel and Raewyn Connell, 2005), European Perspectives on Men and Masculinities (with Keith Pringle and CROME, 2006/2009), Men and Masculinities in Europe (with Keith Pringle et al., 2006/2013), Sex, Violence and the Body (edited with Viv Burr, 2008), The Limits of Gendered Citizenship (edited with Elżbieta Oleksy and Dorota Golańska, 2011), Men and Masculinities around the World (edited with Elisabetta Ruspini, Bob Pease and Keith Pringle, 2011), and Rethinking Transnational Men (edited with Marina Blagojević and Katherine Harrison, 2013).

    He is Managing Co-editor of the Routledge Advances in Feminist Studies and Intersectionality book series, Co-editor of NORMA: International Journal for Masculinity Studies, and Associate Editor of Gender, Work and Organization. He was formerly Co-editor of Men and Masculinities for many years; Head of Applied Social Studies, University of Bradford; Research Professor, University of Manchester; Professor of Gender Studies (Critical Studies on Men), Linköping University; Professor II, Sociology, Oslo University; and has been Visiting Professor at many universities.

    Jeff Hearn has been strongly involved in North-South and European research and policy collaborations, such as CROME, CAHRV, genSET, GenPORT, and The Study on the Role of Men in Gender Equality EU projects, as well as in profeminist and related activism over many years.

    Acknowledgements

    There are many people to thank for their part in my writing this book. Some of the early work was carried out at the University of Manchester, working on gender, sexuality, violence and globalization, with my long-time collaborator, Wendy Parkin, then based at the University of Huddersfield. The transnational perspective on men and masculinities was furthered through collaborative European research, especially the FP5 Thematic Network ‘The Social Problem and Societal Problematisation of Men and Masculinities’ (2000–2003), Critical Research on Men in Europe (CROME) network, and the EU FP6 Coordination Action on Human Rights Violation Sub-network 2 (2004–2007). I thank all those involved for these highly supportive collaborations, especially Ursula Müller, Irina Novikova, Elżbieta Oleksy and Keith Pringle for co-leading them, and Emmi Lattu, Marjut Jyrkinen, Teemu Tallberg and Hertta Vuorenmaa for research work and further collaborations. I am also grateful to the Academy of Finland for an Academy Fellowship focusing on transnational research on men, masculinities, organizing and gender relations.

    More recent collaborations include those at GEXcel, the Joint University Centre of Gender Excellence at Linköping and Örebro Universities, Sweden, funded by the Swedish Research Council (Vetenskapsrådet) and the two universities, and specifically Research Theme 2 on Deconstructing the Hegemony of Men and Masculinities: Contradictions of Absence, and Research Theme 9 on Gendered Sexualed Transnationalisations, Deconstructing the Dominant: Transforming Men, ‘Centres’ and Knowledge/policy/practice. I would like to thank all those involved, especially Kjerstin Andersson, Alp Biricik, Ian Dickson, Gunnel Karlsson, Katherine Harrison, Liisa Husu, Anna Jónasdóttir, Nina Lykke and Berit Starkman; members of the GEXcel International Advisory Board, especially Raewyn Connell; colleagues in Tema Genus (Gender Studies) and the Division of Gender and Medicine, Linköping University, and the Centre for Feminist Social Studies, Örebro University; the GEXcel Visiting Scholars in Themes 2 and 9, namely, Sofia Aboim, Chris Beasley, David Bell, Marina Blagojević, Tetyana Bureychak, Toni Calasanti, Richard Collier, Fataneh Farahani, Karen Gabriel, Tonya Haynes, Richard Howson, Sheila Jeffreys, Neal King, Helen Longlands, Robert Morrell, Nil Mutluer, Marie Nordberg, Winifred Poster, Iva Šmídová, Niels Ulrik Sørensen, Anna Tarrant, and PK Viyayan; the Internal Theme Members; and the External Swedish Theme Associates, for all their support. Special thanks to Marina Blagojević and Katherine Harrison for co-editing the book, Rethinking Transnational Men, that arose from Theme 2.

    The above GEXcel themes built on the work of the Critical Studies on Men and Masculinities Research Group, formerly based at Linköping University, and initially co-convened with Stina Backman, Ericka Johnson, and Ulf Mellström. I especially thank Kjerstin Andersson, Dag Balkmar, Alp Biricik, Lucas Gottzén, Paul Horton, Tanja Joelsson, Roger Klinth, Marie Nordberg, Helga Sadowski, and Linn Sandberg for contributing to the growth of this sub-field. More generally, I thank colleagues at the Universities of Bradford, Manchester, Huddersfield, Linköping, and Örebro, and Hanken School of Economics, especially the Research Group on Gender Relations in Organizations, Management and Society there.

    I am also grateful to Bob Pease, Keith Pringle and Elisabetta Ruspini for transnational collaborations; Joan Acker, Ingmar Björkman, Floretta Boonzaier, Mbuyiselo Botha, Jo Brewis, Viv Burr, David Collinson, Linn Egeberg Holmgren, Harry Ferguson, Stephen Fineman, Jalna Hanmer, Elizabeth Harlow, Jean Helms Mills, Øystein Gullvåg Holter, Jay Jacobs, Michael Kimmel, Tuomas Kortteinen, Annica Kronsell, Åsa Kroon, Linda McKie, James Messerschmidt, Beverley Dawn Metcalfe, Albert Mills, David Morgan, Charlotta Niemistö, Marion Pajumets, Rebecca Piekkari, Kopano Ratele, Elianne Riska, Denise Salin, Tamara Shefer, Erika Svedberg, Nurseli Yeşim Sünbüloğlu, Bryan Turner, Sylvia Walby and Angelia Wilson for various other collaborations and encouragements; Bob Jessop for dropping the ‘and’ from the title; Mona Livholts for the ‘thinking writing subject’; David Jackson for critical life history work, and him and the other members of the Older Men's Memory Work Group, Randy Barber, Vic Blake, Richard Johnson, Zbyszek Luczynski and the late Dan McEwan, for their collaborative and critical care; and June Butt, Trevor Butt, John Davis, Monika Hjeds, David Jackson, Toni Melechi, Bren Mould, Sophie Watson, Hans Wessels, many other friends and (pro)feminist activists, and Amy, Tom and Molly and all around them, for taking care of me.

    I warmly thank the editors at SAGE, Chris Rojek and Gemma Shields, for their patience and faith in me, anonymous reviewers for constructive comments, Rosemary Campbell for expert copy-editing, Katherine Haw for production, and Stephen Barr and Karen Phillips for their support way back.

    And for much more, I thank Liisa Husu.

    Parts of this book develop previously published work. Chapter 2 is an extended development of ‘Autobiography, nation, postcolonialism and gender: reflecting on men in England, Finland and Ireland’, Irish Journal of Sociology, 14(2), 2005: 66–93, and I gratefully acknowledge the journal, the Irish Sociological Association, and Manchester University Press in reproducing parts of it here. Chapter 3 is a very much amended version of ‘Deconstructing the dominant: making the One(s) the Other(s)’, Organization: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Organization, Theory and Society, 3(4), 1996: 611–626; and parts of Chapters 8 and 9 draw on ‘Sexualities, organizations and organization sexualities: future scenarios and the impact of socio-technologies (A transnational perspective from the global “North”)’, Organization: The Critical Journal of Organization, Theory and Society, 21(3), 2014: 400–420. I am grateful to Sage Publications for the reproduction of parts of these articles. The figure on page 142 is reproduced from Mishel and Sabadish (2012).

    Preface

    I have always been fascinated by geography, or is it Geography? Place, space, location, distance, closeness. It was my favourite subject at school – so thanks Mr Charman, Mr Worthington, Mr Davies and Mr Sant, my parents too. Perhaps it is that as a child I lived close to the Greenwich Meridian which kindled that spark. Long before, and certainly since then, that supposed centre of the world has been necessarily subject to some major deconstructions. My own first degree was in Geography … and I have been interested in the spatial aspects of life ever since.

    Looking back, I can see my life in several phases, each connecting with personal, biographical moves, not necessarily physical moves, but social-spatial ones.

    • a first geographical spatial phase up to about the age of 24, in which geography, urban planning, and sense of place and locality were foregrounded;
    • a phase from about 1973 until 1978, when the social seemed to be the central issue, without much space or spatialization;
    • a longer period until around 1993 when the social was seen primarily in terms of gender. During this time I completed a doctoral thesis on social planning, social theory, and patriarchy – itself a transposition, a conversion, of the spatialization of urban planning to the social. This phase included a focused concern with social space, especially in working with Wendy Parkin on gender and sexuality in and around organizations; and
    • more recently, since about 1994, when these social and gender perspectives have been supplemented by questions of space again … with globality, transnationalization, information society, and so on becoming unavoidably important.

    In 1995 after over 20 years working at Bradford University, I moved to Manchester University, and started working on questions of violence at work in a comparative and transnational way. I also then ventured into the question of ‘men of the world’. There was a clear, conscious, yet faltering, attempt to address these things, when I submitted a conference paper abstract with that title to the 1996 British Sociological Association Conference, ‘Worlds of the Future: Ethnicity, Nationalism and Globalization’ at Reading University. In the event, ironically, I missed the conference deadline, and never went to the conference – instead I wrote it up for a journal special issue on race, gender and class (Hearn, 1996a). The following year I effectively moved to Finland.

    So here I am trying to make sense, or not, of ‘men of the world’: the connections between the transnational, men and masculinities. In the early 2000s I started giving conference and seminar papers on this theme, for example, at the Free University of Amsterdam, November 2002 (Hearn, 2004d); Stockholm University, May 2003; and Umeå University, September 2003. In my mind at least I have been writing this book for a long time. The text has also evolved a lot from working on many different research projects and with many colleagues across the Nordic region, the EU, Europe, and beyond.

    In an alternative interpretation I see this book as part of a trilogy, beginning in 1987 with The Gender of Oppression, a theoretical-political analysis of men, ‘masculinities’ and gender relations, continuing in 1992 with Men in the Public Eye, which examined in some detail historical development and change, especially in the period 1870–1920, and now addressing some rather similar questions through geographical, spatial, global and transnational concerns.

    So, how is globalization gendered? Joan Acker (2004) provided one succinct answer in terms of: ‘gender as embedded in globalizing capitalism’; ‘gendered construction of a division between capitalist production and human reproduction’; ‘masculinities in globalizing capital’; gender as a resource for globalizing capital’; and ‘the gendered effects of globalization’. But why do many, perhaps most, especially mainstream, texts on globalization fail to discuss gender relations? And why do many of those that do, even with the recent explosion of interest in gender and globalization, omit explicit and developed analysis of men and gender relations? What have men got to do with the global and the transnational? Thus this is a book on men, Men of the World, within changing gender relations, with particular reference to global and transnational change. The book considers the implications of debates on processes of transnationalization and these transnational times for analysing men – hence the sub-title, Gender, Globalizations, Transnational Times.

    To be direct, I seek to contribute to feminist/profeminist critical studies on men and masculinities, through a perspective that is transnational and material-discursive, a hyphen not easy to bridge. This is in strict contrast to those terrible ‘men's studies’ that seek to develop a field more or less separate from, even competitive with, feminist studies, women's studies or gender studies. Critically engaging with questions of men and masculinities within the context of feminist and critical gender theory is necessary, as is attending to questions of power throughout. Considering men transnationally recognizes both stable transnational patterns and transnational processes of flux, especially at this historical moment. Transnational processes, transnationalizations, take many and various forms, with major substantive, policy and theoretical implications for gender relations. In this approach, men and gender relations can no longer be understood only in immediate moments, here and now, locally or nationally – as if that were ever the case.

    Helsinki and Örebro, May 2014

  • Postscript: Towards the Abolition of ‘Men’?

    The Time Has Come …

    Charting the particular, changing forms of rigidities and movements of and around the taken-for-granted social category of men may be a means of interrogating the possibility of the abolition of ‘men’. This may sound strange, but I think the time has come to, first, name men as men, and next, consider, perhaps promote, the abolition of men – that is, abolition of the gender category of ‘men’ as a social category of power – the bleating hegemony of men. On the one hand, ‘men’ is an incredibly powerful social and political category: dominating the worlds of work, business, religion, militarism, energy, transport, and so on; on the other, there is no strong reason for a fixed category of ‘men’, and especially of ‘men’ as a category of social power, and as expectation, individual and collective identity, legal prescription, and fixed historical concept.

    This is similar to trying to consider that it might be useful to consider demystifying, taking apart, abolishing, the raced category of ‘white people’ (Schwalbe, 2014: 146). And when I talk of abolition of the gender category of men I should make it very clear that I certainly do not mean abolishing actual corporeal beings, individual or collective gendercide, or any kind of personal bodily harm or destruction. That is not a good idea at all! Indeed the people called ‘men’ are as precious as all other people. In fact, they are reduced as ‘men’.

    So I do not see this as a matter of enlisting men in their own personal abolition, nor is about male biological redundancy (Cherfas and Gribbin, 1984), much less still to do with the idea that the supposed dominance of women in schools and workplaces brings ‘the end of men’ (Rosin, 2012; cf. Hearn, 1998a). As far as I can see, patriarchies, transpatriarchies, are alive and well.1 Rather, I mean a long-term socio-political subversion of the social category of men; this might usher in a coming together of radical and materialist feminism, with queer and transgender theory which argues for assertion of difference rather than reassertion of gender stereotypes.

    The case for this comes from many directions. One is the need to question and move beyond the two-sex model, and recognize the possibilities of a third … and fourth and fifth sex/gender/gexe, and multiple gender ideologies. The sex of ‘male’ is a variable, a ‘summary’, category, summarizing many and various bodily – or assumed to be bodily – variations. Some of these can be changed to some extent, some not. ‘Male’ is used to include creatures ranging from some foetuses to traces of the long dead, human and non-human.

    Second, a wide variety of approaches, studies, and writing have shown the limitations of both a view of gender as just one thing or another, as overly dichotomized or in any fixed relation to sex. These include cross-societal analyses of ‘multiple gender ideologies’ (Meigs, 1990), in which in some societies people's relation to sex or gender is not necessarily fixed across their lifetime, representing movements with ageing beyond a gender binary. This perspective also problematizes the relations of male, men, masculinities, and masculine. When we start to think that way, the mixing, and even confusion, of what is a sex and what is a gender is such that I prefer to talk of gender/sex – or simply ‘gex’, as denoting non-equivalence (Hearn, 2012a).

    A third set of approaches for thinking towards the abolition of the category of men comes from what might be summarized as queering ‘men’: various doings, undoings and redoings of genderqueer and overlapping genders. Even in the 1970s, and also much earlier, so-called ‘pre-queer’, there were movements such as effeminism (Dansky et al., 1977). There are many and various non-hegemonic, specific multiple multiplicities and gender variances and non-conformities: agender, bigender, pangender, third sex/gender, various transgenders, MTFTM, FTMTF, ‘bois’, ‘tomboys’, ‘cissies’, ‘pansies’, ‘pretty boys’, feminine men, midlings, androgenous persons, masculine women, masculine-off-centre (Hill and Mays, 2011), female masculinities, possibly queer heterosexualities. This fits with the deconstruction of sex/gender. Simple equations of male, men, masculine, and masculinities are not so viable.

    A fourth approach derives from seeing gender in a long-term historical view. Just as there are macro-historical changes in class relations, so too there are long-term historical dialectical changes, subversions, of sex and changes in gender relations. The possibility and prospect of the abolition of men can be part of such historical (dialectical) processes of transformation of gender, and of men (as a class). Part of these changes concerns possible long-term implications of technologies, including bio-, socio- and information and communication technologies.

    A further inspiration is taken from the wider politics of abolition (cf. Mathieson, 1974; Lorber, 2005; Spade, 2011; Schwalbe, 2014):

    Abolition. Our vision of liberation assumes not equality between genders, sexualities, and races, but the abolition of these identity categories as structural relations that organize human activity and social life. We believe that these identities are the names of real material processes of capitalism — not of something essential or salvageable within us. (Palace, 2012: 213)

    So, What Implications?

    This all might sound a bit far-fetched, a bit abstract or theoretical or disconnected from everyday life, ‘as we know it’. But actually I would see it as very down to earth, very grounded. Counter-hegemonic ways of being men and subversions of logophallocentrism, the hegemony of men (the double message that men are a gender category, and men are individual and collective agents as men) go hand in hand.

    As Amanda Sebestyen wrote in On the Problem of Men: ‘I see men as my political enemies. I don't want to kill them, that's too conservative a solution. I want them to stop being men any more’ (1982: 229).2 I see abolition as a further step, with the envisaging of many different possible gender categories. And how is it for men to stop being men, and why is it, for many, so easy for men to pass as men? For men, I recommend coming out publicly as profeminist, but is that enough? I am not so sure.

    Most simply, it is time to take apart the taken-for-granted category of ‘men’ – and instead create, produce, improvise, practice, make, a large number of possible gender positions. Seen through these lenses, perhaps the most obvious broad area for change is that of male/men's homosociality, paradoxically and ironically often heterosexual homosociality – men's preference and valuing of heterosexual men in terms of company, information, and satisfying most needs. In all sorts of everyday places and arenas, men reproduce themselves as men, apparently perhaps mystically as supposedly unproblematic. In these everyday practices men make each other, mutually and reciprocally, on and on and on. You can see it in workplaces, the street, bars, meetings, religious ceremonies, universities, political parties, governments, corporations, and the rest.

    One fertile area for this mutual conspiracy is sport. If people want to compete in sport, why would it be so terrible to forget sex, gender, gex? You can have all sorts of possible sporting arrangements, based on gender positions, strengths, abilities, orientations, not just ‘single sex’ (in most sports) or the infamous tennis ‘mixed doubles’. I am reminded of playing cooperative games many years ago, where the variety of gender positions, strengths, abilities, orientations, was part of the fun.

    Another obvious area is the military and militarism. In around 90 countries, male conscription and various forms of compulsory military service still prevail, for men. In a few, this applies to women too. So, what's at stake here in keeping men as a category of power? Let's just abolish men! Life would be so much simpler …

    This approach to men, as subject to redefinition, undoing, Othering, and deconstruction, brings together materialist theory, queer politics, and transnational studies. The category of ‘men’ is becoming more problematic for a variety of reasons, in part from various possibilities for multiple sexes/genders complicating, and perhaps challenging the hegemony of men.

    … And Towards Trans-Forms of Life

    Transnational change involves not just doing things differently and building on existing structures, but arises from attempts to create something different across borders, what I call trans-forms of life (Hearn, 2012c). These can be framed in terms of (transnational) political entities, (transdisplinary) knowledge construction, and (transinstitutional) strategic initiatives. Such initiatives are more than the sum of their parts, and may prefigure new material discursive forms of life. However, trans-forms of life are not necessarily emancipatory, as seen clearly in the transnational far right and transnational violences. Trans-forms of life bring multiple contradictions, for example the emergence of new forms of citizenship and trans(national) patriarchies or in the complex impacts of various and changing ICTs. Working with and across trans-forms of life also raises many specific practical challenges. Perhaps most urgent is how to work transnationally, transdisciplinarily and transinstitutionally, so that environments, materialities, and inequalities are not forgotten in the effort to work reasonably fairly and democratically. And this is all the more so as the transnational, the transdisciplinary, and the transinstitutional, though resting on each other, do not neatly integrate into one simple trans-form of life.

    Notes

    1 The mainly US discussion around ‘the end of men’, following the book of that name, might appear similar to ‘the abolition of men’, but it is certainly not. Drawing largely on anecdoctal and selective research material from the US and South Korea, Rosin (2012) appears to consider that men might become ‘ended’ or irrelevant, with economic shifts allowing women to succeed over the unchallenged entitlement to dominance that men often feel. In contrast, I think of the abolition of men as a way of subverting the persistent resilience of transpatriarchies. Mayeri (2013) has commented on the possible ‘end of men’ in its historical, legal, raced US context.

    2 Similarly, John Stoltenberg (1989) proposed in Refusing to be a Man that men refuse to be men. Some see Stoltenberg's ‘refusing’ as discredited, as impractical for men to embrace. Refusal on the part of individuals or groups is refusal of an offer or option through some form of ‘choice’ and is not the same as abolition as a political process and the prospect of changing options, even with a residual category of ‘men’ (that would be something very different to now) remaining. Refusing to be a class member is not the same as abolishing that class (but not the corporeal people!).

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