Ironies of Imprisonment

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Michael Welch

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  • Dedication

    To my sisters and brothers:

    Margaret, Patrice, Kevin, Joe, and Greg

    Copyright

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    Foreword

    When it comes to the problem of imprisonment in the United States, there are indeed a host of ironies worth our contemplation. For instance:

    • A nation whose self-image boasts a proud claim as the founder and defender of human freedom operates a penal system that denies freedom to a greater proportion of its citizens than any other democratic nation.
    • Our incarceration rate seems to have little to do with our crime rate: Prison populations continue to grow, despite close to a decade of falling crime; indeed, since 1975, we have had almost the same number of years of declining crime rates as years of increasing crime rates—but prison populations have gone up every year regardless.
    • Everyone would agree that among our most pressing social problems are disparities among the races in wealth, access to opportunity, and quality of life; yet the prison system, which locks up 8% of African American males, and will be home to almost one third of all black males sometime during their lifetimes, must surely be seen as making a major contribution to those very disparities.

    When it comes to penal policy, we have a problem in language. Our penal policy seems made up of soundbites and social metaphors. We find ourselves drawn to confident-sounding phrases, such as “a thug in jail can't shoot your sister,” or “don't do the crime if you can't do the time.” And we seem ever to be building laws that resonate with other spheres of social activity, for instance sports (“three strikes you're out”) and war (as in, “war on drugs”). This problem in the capacity of our language interferes with our ability to develop sound crime policy, since once we become enamored of the metaphor, we lose track of the meaning.

    Sensible talk about crime policy requires more reflection than a soundbite and more depth than a metaphor. If we are to ever become wise in crime policy we must be willing to think about it, and to think critically about our most cherished assumptions. Let me provide an example of what I mean.

    A great deal has been made recently of “truth in sentencing.” The idea behind this simple phrase is that when a sentence is announced by the judge in court, the offender ought to serve it—or at least in today's version of the “truth” serve at least 85% of it—and that such “truth” will be an improvement in justice. The idea is undeniably appealing; who can argue against “the truth?” But if we look behind the soundbite, we find much that might trouble us. The most obvious question would be: Who can say that any sentence imposed by a judge is the correct sentence? Take the situation, for example, of two offenders standing before two judges, each convicted of the sale of an illegal drug. One gets a sentence of 10 years, the other a sentence of 2 years. Under “truth in sentencing,” the first will serve 120 months, the second more than 20 months. Which sentence is “true,” in any meaningful sense of the word “true?” If we require that justice be true, how can such disparate sentences be just? How, then, can they both be “true?”

    In fact, when we think about such a sentence, what “truth” is it trying to communicate? The amount of time a person will eventually serve is such a limited and insignificant portion of the “truth” at the time of the sentence, it is as though we all want to participate in a fiction and call it the “truth” when it is only a part of the story. A judge, required to tell the whole truth at the time of a sentence, might need to say something like this:

    For the crime of drug selling, I sentence you to 10 years in prison. I am doing so even though we know that this sentence will not prevent any more drugs from being sold, and that it will probably even result in someone not now involved in the drug trade being recruited to take your place while you are locked up. I impose this sentence knowing that the main reason you have been caught and convicted is that we have concentrated our police presence in the community where you live, and that had you lived where I live, your drug use and sales would most probably have gone undetected. I impose this sentence knowing that it will cost taxpayers over a quarter of a million dollars to carry it out, money we desperately need for the schools and health care in the area where you live, but instead it will go into the pockets of corrections officers and prison builders who live miles away from here and have no interest in the quality of life in your neighborhood. I impose this sentence knowing that it will most likely make you a worse citizen, not a better one, leaving you embittered toward the law and damaged by your years spent behind bars. You think you have trouble making it now? Wait until after you have served a decade of your life wasting in a prison cell. And I impose this sentence knowing that it will make your children, your cousins, and your nephews have even less respect for the law, since they will come to see you as having been singled out for this special punishment, largely due to the color of your skin and the amount of money in your pocket. I impose this sentence knowing that its only purpose is to respond to an angry public and a few rhetorically excited politicians, even though I know that this sentence will not calm either of them down in the slightest. This is the truth of my sentence.

    Now, wouldn't that be a “truth in sentencing!”

    Of course, we never hear such a sentence imposed. In that sense, regardless of the “truth in sentencing” movement that has recently swept the nation, every sentence coming under this policy contains deep and profound untruths—the lies of silence, omission, and misrepresentation. The fact that a judge who imposes a sentence is not required to say any of the above is a social manipulation, the fact that it gets called “truth” is an insult to our intelligence.

    The book you hold in your hands is about these much more subtle, more profound truths in our penal policy. These truths are described as “ironies.” The dictionary defines an “irony” as “the use of language with one meaning for a privileged audience and another for those addressed or concerned.” Today's penal apparatus is a litany of ironies, speaking the harsh tones of crime control and public safety to those who never come close to its manifestations, and shrieking the even harsher messages of repression and arbitrary power to those grasped in its tentacles. It is simply not possible to develop an informed view of modern penal activity without cultivating an ear attuned to both messages.

    Michael Welch's book is an invitation to think. It is an invitation to grow intellectually and critically, as a consumer of crime policy and an observer of the American scene. Written by a scholar who has dedicated his work to uncovering the hidden ironies of formal crime policy, this is a collection of essays of depth and significance. Those who read it will be challenged, and those who engage with the challenges contained within these pages will have their views of the realities of penal policy changed, deepened, and made more honest, more complete. More true.

    Todd R.Clear Distinguished Professor, John Jay College of Criminal Justice

    Preface

    As the title suggests, this book explores the ironies of imprisonment while contributing to a critical penology that strives to understand problems facing punishment. It draws heavily on leftist sociology and critical criminology by placing special emphasis on social control. The work consists of substantive changes and revision of my earlier book, Punishment in America: Social Control and the Ironies of Imprisonment, a volume that combined some of my previously published articles with several original chapters on punishment, corrections, and social control. In this incarnation, the entire book stands as an original body of work while retaining the previous volume's major themes and topics. The much-improved continuity adds tremendously to the overall narrative, and each chapter offers an up-to-date presentation of the subject matter, reviewing chief developments in research and theory.

    Taken together, the 10 chapters in this book cover a good deal of territory. While attending to key historical, conceptual, and theoretical cornerstones of the critical tradition, the book examines some of society's most pressing problems, including drug dependency, inadequate health care, violence, capital punishment, the war on terror, and prison profiteering. Issues pertaining to race, ethnicity, and class are discussed throughout. Above all, the purpose of the book is to trace the ironies of imprisonment to their root causes manifesting in social, political, economic, and racial inequality.

    While maintaining a scholarly presentation, each chapter contains review items for those who wish to adopt the book for classroom use. Indeed, the controversial nature of the ironies of imprisonment promises to stimulate spirited discussion and debate over the use of prisons.

    In reading these pages, my intellectual debts become quite evident, and there are many research assistants and colleagues whom I would like to acknowledge. Several Rutgers University students in the Criminal Justice Program in New Brunswick were instrumental in retrieving literature and assembling data; they are Meredith Roberts, Patricia Cavuoto, Richard Linderman, Eric Price, Karen Kabara, Joseph Fredua-Agyman (a.k.a. Haas), Daanish Faruqi, Bindi Merchant, Frank Carle, and Todd Margiotta. I would also like to thank my colleagues at Rutgers University for their support of my work: Dean Arnold Hyndman, Freda Adler, Gerhard O. W. Mueller, Lennox Hinds, and Albert Roberts, as well as the staff at the University's libraries.

    In addition, I am grateful to the following reviewers for their candid and constructive criticism:

    • Laura E. Bedard, Florida State University
    • Mary Bosworth, Wesleyan University
    • Michael Lynch, University of South Florida
    • Barbara Owen, California State University, Fresno
    • Lisa Rapp-Paglicci, University of Nevada, Las Vegas
    • Stephen C. Richards, Northern Kentucky University
    • James Robertson, Minnesota State University
    • Larry E. Sullivan, John Jay College of Criminal Justice
    • Rich Wallace, University of Wisconsin—River Falls
    • Terri A. Winnick, Ohio State University

    At Sage Publications, I wish to acknowledge the strong support of my editor, Jerry Westby, and his editorial assistant, Vonessa Vondera, along with Terry Hendrix, Kassie Gavrilis, Catherine Rossbach, Denise Santoyo, Julie Ellis, Elisabeth Magnus, and Teresa Herlinger in the Thousand Oaks office, and Carolyn Porter in the London office.

    Finally, I wish to express enormous gratitude to Todd R. Clear, Distinguished Professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York (and former guitarist in the famously obscure surf rock band, The Retroliners) for writing the foreword to this book. Likewise, I appreciate the wit and wisdom of fellow musical bohemians Mike “Coffee Can” Beckerman and Dave “Bogart” Schreck.

    —Michael Welch
    Hoboken, New Jersey

  • Cases

    Adams v. Poag, 61 F.3d 1537, 11th Cir. (1995).

    Al Jundi v. Mancusi, F.2d 2287 (1991).

    Atkins v. Virginia, 00–8452, 536 US 304 (2002).

    Doe v. Meachum, 126 F.D.R. 444 (D. Conn., 1989).

    Dunn v. White, 800 F.2d 1188, 10th Cir. (1989).

    Edwards v. U.S., 96–8732, S.Ct. (1996).

    Ewing v. California, No. 01–6978 (2002).

    Farmer v. Brennan, 114, S.Ct. 1970 (1994).

    Farmer v. Moritsugu, 742 F.Supp. 525, WD Wisc. (1990).

    Ford v. Wainwright, 477 U.S. 699 (1986).

    Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153 (1976).

    Harris v. Thigpen, 941 F.2d 1495, 11th Cir. (1991).

    Herrera v. Collins, 91–7328, 506 US 390 (1993).

    Hudson v. McMillian, 60 U.S. Law Week 4151 (Feb. 25, 1992).

    Inmates of Attica v. Rockefeller, 453 F.2d 12, 18, 22, 2d Cir. (1971).

    Lockyer v. Andrade, No. 01–1127 (2003).

    McClesky v. Kemp, 41 CrL 4107 (1987).

    Medina v. O'Neill, 589 F. Supp. 1028 (1984).

    Miranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436 (1966).

    New Jersey v. Smith, NJ Super.Ct., App. Div., No. A-636389-T4 (1993).

    Nolley v. County of Erie, 776 F.Supp. 715 W.D. NY (1991).

    Penry v. Lynaugh, 57 U.S.L.W. 4958 (1989).

    Proctor v. Alameda County, Calif. Super.Ct., Alameda Cnty., No. 693983–8 (1992).

    Richardson v. McKnight, 96–318 (1997).

    Roe et al. v. Fauver et al., D.NJ No.88–1225-AET (1992).

    Ruiz v. Estelle, 74–329. E.D. Tex. (Dec. 19, 1980).

    U.S. v. Armstrong, 21 F 3rd 1431, 9th Cir. (1995).

    Weeks v. Texas, Texas Ct. Crim.App., No. 92–1154 (1992).

    Whitney v. California, 274 US 357 (1927).

    William P. v. Corrections Corporation of America, C/A No.: 3:98–290–17 (“Verdict Phase I” document, filed on December 14, 2000).

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    About the Author

    Michael Welch received a Ph.D. in sociology from the University of North Texas and is Associate Professor of Criminal Justice at Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ. He has correctional experience at the federal, state, and local levels. His research interests include punishment and social control, and he has published numerous articles for academic journals, edited volumes, and other scholarly publications. His key writings have appeared in Justice Quarterly, Journal of Research in Crime & Delinquency, The Prison Journal, Crime, Law & Social Change, Social Justice, Youth & Society, Race, Gender & Class, Critical Criminology: An International Journal, Contemporary Justice Review, American Journal of Criminal Justice, Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, Women & Criminal Justice, Journal of Sport & Social Issues, Criminal Justice Policy Review, Journal of Crime & Justice, Addictive Behaviors: An International Journal, Dialectical Anthropology, Journal of Offender Counseling, Services & Rehabilitation, Social Pathology, Crisis Intervention & Time-Limited Treatment, Federal Probation: Journal of Correctional Philosophy & Practice, and The Justice Professional. He is also author of Detained: Immigration Laws and the Expanding I.N.S. Jail Complex (2002), Flag Burning: Moral Panic and the Criminalization of Protest (2000), Punishment in America: Social Control & the Ironies of Imprisonment (1999), and Corrections: A Critical Approach (2nd edition, 2004). Welch invites you to visit his website, http://www.professormichaelwelch.com


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