Interpretive Ethnography: Ethnographic Practices for the 21st Century

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Norman K. Denzin

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  • Front Matter
  • Back Matter
  • Subject Index
  • Part 1: Reading the Crisis

    Part 2: Experiential Texts

    Part 3: Whose Truth?

  • Dedication

    Dedicated to Kenneth F. Denzin 1920–1995 Friend and Father

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    Epigram

    Every morning brings us news of the globe, and yet we are poor in noteworthy stories. This is because no event any longer comes to us without already being shot through with explanation. In other words, by now almost nothing that happens benefits storytelling: Almost everything benefits information. Actually, it is half the art of story telling to keep a story free from explanation as one reproduces it.

    —Benjamin (1968, p. 89)

    Writers are always selling somebody out.

    —Didion (1968, p. xiv)

    Introduction

    It is a question, rather, of producing a new concept of writing.

    —Derrida (1981, p. 26)

    The anthropologist, as we already know, does not find things; s/he makes them. And makes them up.

    —Trinh (1989, p. 141)

    Ethnography is that form of inquiry and writing that produces descriptions and accounts about the ways of life of the writer and those written about. This is a book about ethnographic writing in the twilight years of the twentieth century—ethnography's sixth moment. In the twentieth century ethnography has passed through five historical moments: the traditional (1900 to World War II), modernist (World War II to the mid-1970s), blurred genres (1970–1986), crisis of representation (1986 to present), and the fifth moment (now)(see Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Lincoln & Denzin, 1994).1

    Interpretive ethnography faces a crossroad. It is time to take stock, to review where ethnography has come, and to examine the experimental work of the past decade and the critiques it has produced and confronted (Clough, 1992, 1994; Conquergood, 1991; Jackson, 1989; Marcus, 1994, p. 567; Tyler, 1986).

    A single, nine-part thesis organizes my reading of this situation. First, I read ethnography through Derrida (1981), who argues, as Clough (1994, p. 171) reminds us, that a theory of the social is also a theory of writing. A theory of writing is also a theory of interpretive (ethnographic) work. Theory, writing, and ethnography are inseparable material practices. Together they create the conditions that locate the social inside the text. Hence, those who write culture also write theory. Also, those who write theory write culture. Paraphrasing Clough (1994), there is a need for a reflexive form of writing that turns ethnographic and theoretical texts back “onto each other” (p. 62).

    Second, American ethnography is deeply embedded in American and world culture. As that culture has gone postmodern and multinational, so too has ethnography. The ethnographic project has changed because the world that ethnography confronts has changed. Disjuncture and difference define this global, postmodern cultural economy we all live in (Appadurai, 1990, 1993). National boundaries and identities blur. Everyone is a tourist, an immigrant, a refugee, an exile, or a guest worker, moving from one part of the world to another. The new global cultural economy is shaped by new technologies, shifting systems of money, and media images that flow across old national borders. Cultural narratives still entangled in the Enlightenment worldview circulate between the First and Third Worlds (Fischer, 1994; see Geertz, 1995, pp. 128–131). The periphery has been electronically transported into the center of these First World stories. Old master images and values, from freedom to welfare, human rights, sovereignty, representation, and “the master-term ‘democracy’” (Appadurai, 1990, p. 10), are part of this global discursive system.

    This is a postcolonial world, and it is necessary to think beyond the nation (Appadurai, 1993, p. 411), or the local group, as the focus of inquiry. This is the age of electronic capitalism, diaspora, and instant democracy in the media. Postnational social formations compete for resources to serve the needs of refugees, exiles, and the victims of ethnic and cultural genocide. America has become “a federation of diasporas, American-Indians, American-Haitians, American-Irish, American-Africans…. The hyphenated American might have to be twice hyphenated (Asian-American-Japanese, or …Hispanic-American-Bolivian)” (Appadurai, 1993, p. 424).

    Third, this is the world that ethnography is mapped into and grows out of—the world in which ethnographic texts circulate like other commodities in the electronic world economy. It may be, as Tyler (1986, p. 123) argues, that ethnography is “the discourse of the post-modem world.” If this is so, however, it is no longer possible to take for granted what is meant by ethnography.2 The classic realist ethnographic text is now under attack. It is time to teach readers and writers how to engage, produce, and understand the new ethnographic text.3 Global and local legal processes have problematicized and erased the personal and institutional distance between the ethnographer and those he or she writes about (Lee & Ackerman, 1994, p. 350). We do not own the field notes we make about those we study. We do not have an undisputed warrant to study anyone or anything. Subjects now challenge how they have been written about and some ethnographers have been taken to court (Lee & Ackerman, 1994, p. 343).

    Fourth, accordingly, self-reflexivity in ethnography is no longer a luxury, a “privileged understanding done at one's leisure” (Lee & Ackerman, 1994, p. 351). The writer can no longer presume to be able to present an objective, noncontested account of the other's experiences. Those we study have their own understandings of how they want to be represented.

    Furthermore, the worlds we study are created, in part, through the texts that we write and perform about them. These texts take four forms: ordinary talk and speech, inscriptions of that speech in the form of transcriptions, written interpretations based on talk and its inscriptions, and performances of those texts. Ethnographic texts are the primary texts given for the interpretive, ethnographic project. These texts are always dialogical—the site at which the voices of the other, alongside the voices of the author, come alive and interact with one another. Thus, the voices that are seen and heard (if only imaginatively) in the text are themselves textual, performative accomplishments. These accomplishments have a prior life in the context of where they were produced. Texts, as I discuss in Chapter 2, are easily reproduced; contexts are not.

    Fifth, ethnography is a gendered project. Feminist, postcolonial, and queer theory question the Oedipal logic of the heterosexual, narrative ethnographic text that reflexively positions the ethnographer's gender-neutral (or masculine) self within a realist story about the “other” (see Anzaldua, 1987; Chow, 1993; Clough, 1994; Spivak, 1990; Trinh, 1989). It is now understood that reflexivity does not produce a solidified ethnographic identity. The ethnographer works within a “hybrid” reality (Trinh, 1992, p. 140). Experience, discourse, and self-understandings collide against larger cultural assumptions concerning race, ethnicity, nationality, gender, class, and age. A certain identity is never possible; the ethnographer must always ask, “Not Who Am I?,” but “When, where, how am I (so and so)?” (Trinh, 1992, p. 157; also quoted in Clough, 1994, p. 116).

    Sixth, following from the third and fourth assumptions, ethnography is a moral, allegorical, and therapeutic project. Ethnography is more than the record of human experience. The ethnographer writes tiny moral tales—tales that do more than celebrate cultural difference or bring another culture alive. The ethnographer's story is written as a prop, a pillar, that, to paraphrase William Faulkner (1967, p. 724), and C. Wright Mills (1959, p. 225), will help men and women endure and prevail in the frightening twilight years of the twentieth century. These tales record the agonies, pains, successes, and tragedies of human experience. They record the deeply felt emotions of love, dignity, pride, honor, and respect.

    A feminist, communitarian moral ethic structures these tales (see Ryan, 1995). Following Christians, Ferre, and Fackler (1993, pp. 12–17, 194–195), this ethic presumes a dialogical view of the self.4 It seeks to produce narratives that ennoble human experience while facilitating civic transformations in the public (and private) spheres. This ethic promotes universal human solidarity. It ratifies the dignity of the self and the value of human life. It is committed to human justice and the empowerment of groups of interacting individuals (Christians et al., 1993, pp. 193–194).

    The feminist, communitarian ethical model produces a series of norms for ethnographic writing.5 The ethnographer's moral tales are not written to produce harm for others. The ethnographer's tale is always allegorical—a symbolic tale that is not just a record of human experience. This tale is a means of experience for the reader. It is a vehicle for readers to discover moral truths about themselves. More deeply, the ethnographic tale is a Utopian tale of self and social redemption, a tale that brings a moral compass back into the readers (and the writer's) life. The ethnographer discovers the multiple “truths” that operate in the social world—the stories people tell one another about the things that matter to them (see Straley, 1992, p. 9). These stories move people to action, and they rest on a distinction between fact and truth. Truth and facts are socially constructed, and people build stories around the meanings of facts. Ethnographers collect and tell these multiple versions of the truth.6

    Seventh, although the field of qualitative research is defined by constant breaks and ruptures, there is a shifting center to the project: the avowed humanistic commitment to study the social world from the perspective of the interacting individual (Lincoln & Denzin, 1994, p. 575). From this principle flow the liberal and radical politics of action that are held by feminist, clinical, ethnic, critical, and cultural studies researchers. Although multiple interpretive communities now circulate within the field of qualitative research, they are all united on this single point.

    Eighth, ethnography's sixth moment will be defined by the work that ethnographers do as they implement the previously discussed assumptions. Endless self-reflections and self-referential criticisms will produce few texts anchored in the worlds of concrete human experience (Ashley, Gilmore, & Peters, 1994; Lincoln & Denzin, 1994, p. 577). Although I will add my own self-reflections to this project, my aim is always to keep my text anchored in the worlds of lived experience.

    Ninth, the experimental versions of ethnography that have appeared since Writing Culture (Clifford & Marcus, 1986) have been vehemently criticized for being narcissistic, overly reflexive, and not scientific; some even call the new ethnographers ethnographs (e.g., see Dawson & Prus, 1993, 1995; Farberman, 1991, p. 475, 1992; Kleinman, 1993; Kunda, 1993; Lofland, 1993; Nader, 1993; Prus, 1996, p. 218; Sanders, 1995; Snow & Morrill, 1993, 1995a, 1995b). These criticisms serve to police the boundaries of ethnography, inscribing a proper version of how this form of scientific work should be done. These criticisms reproduce a traditional bias that argues that ethnographers study real people in the real world. The ethnographer's task is clear. Malinowski (1922/1961), a founding father, was quite clear on this: “Find out the typical ways of thinking and feeling, corresponding to the institutions and culture of a given community and formulate the results in the most convincing way” (p. 3; also quoted in Van Maanen, 1995b, p. 6). This injunction dictated that the analyst show how culture and social structure were mapped into the mental structures of the persons studied. A cultural transmission model was thereby directly translated into realist ethnography. Ethnographers connect meanings (culture) to observable action in the real world.

    I will argue repeatedly in the chapters that follow that this is a flawed and inadequate model. C. Wright Mills (1963) and Stuart Hall (1985) remind us that humans live in a secondhand world of meanings. They have no direct access to reality. Reality as it is known is mediated by symbolic representation, by narrative texts, and by cinematic and televisual structures that stand between the person and the so-called real world. In critically reading these texts, the new ethnographers radically subvert the realist agenda because the real world is no longer the referent for analysis. Ethnographies of group life are now directed to this world of televisual and cinematic narrativity and its place in the dreams, fantasies, and interactions of everyday people. Malinowski's (1922/1961) definition of ethnography is no longer workable.

    These nine situations set the stage for ethnography's transformation in the twenty-first century. If the postmodern ethnography is the moral discourse of the contemporary world, then this writing form must be changed. Several interconnected lines of action are suggested. The ethnographer can act as a scribe for the other, writing “messy” texts (see below; Marcus, 1994). The writer can become a coauthor with the other, producing a joint document, which has long been the tradition in critical, participatory research (see Kincheloe & McLaren, 1994; Reason, 1994). The writer can produce a purely autoeth-nographic text based on his or her personal experiences (see Ellis, 1994, 1995a, 1995b; Richardson, 1993, 1995; Ronai, 1995). A performance text (Chapter 4) can be constructed; the writer can experiment with the writing styles created by the new journalists, even those pursuing mystery fiction.

    These are some of the many options available to us. They are explored in detail in the chapters that follow. In every instance, the ethnographer attempts to write in a way that adheres to the norms and values of the feminist, communitarian ethic.

    Background

    This, then, is a book about the prospects, problems, and forms of ethnographic, interpretive writing in the twenty-first century. Since 1986, ethnographers have been writing their way out of Clifford and Marcus's (1986) Writing Culture. Ethnographers are now in the “sixth moment” of inquiry. This is a period of intense reflection, “messy texts” (Marcus, 1994, p. 567), experiments in autoethnography (Okely & Callaway, 1992), ethnographic poetics (Marcus & Fischer, 1986, p. 74), anthropological and sociological poetry (Benson, 1993; Brady, 1991a, 1991b, 1991c; Diamond, 1982, 1985a, 1985b, 1986a, 1986b; Hymes, 1985; Prattis, 1985a, 1985b, 1985c; Richardson, 1993, 1992; Rose, 1991), evocative and layered accounts (Ellis, 1994; Ronai, 1995), short stories (Ellis, 1993), the “New Journalism” (Marcus & Fischer, 1986, pp. 75–76; Wolfe & Johnson, 1973), performance texts (McCall & Becker, 1990; Paget, 1990a, 1990b; Richardson, 1993, 1994a, 1994b), plays (Grindal & Shephard, 1993; Richardson & Lockridge, 1991), ethnographic fictions and ethnographic novels (Marcus & Fischer, 1986, p. 75), and narratives of the self (Ellis, 1995a, 1995b; Ellis & Flaherty, 1992b; Van Maanen, 1995a).

    These messy texts are often grounded in the study of epiphanal moments in people's lives: the birth of a child (Prattis, 1985c), a sudden death (Ellis, 1993), and the field experience itself (Gottlieb & Graham, 1993). The focus is on those events, narratives, and stories people tell one another as they attempt to make sense of the epiphanies or existential turning-point moments in their lives.7 Messy texts are many sited, open ended, they refuse theoretical closure, and they do not indulge in abstract, analytic theorizing. They make the writer a part of the writing project. These texts, however, are not just subjective accounts of experience; they attempt to reflexively map multiple discourses that occur in a given social space. Hence, they are always multivoiced, and no given interpretation is privileged. They reject the principles of the realist ethnographic narrative that makes claims to textual autonomy and to offering authoritative accounts of the processes being examined (Bruner, 1993, p. 1; Clough, 1992, p. 10; Lee & Ackerman, 1994, p. 350).

    The epiphanic, messy text redefines the ethnographic project. The writer-as-scribe for the other also becomes a cultural critic, a person who voices interpretations about the events recorded and observed. At the same time, as the scribe of a messy text the writer shapes the representations that are brought to the people studied. We study those biographical moments that connect us and our private troubles (our epiphanies) to the larger public culture and its social institutions (Mills, 1959, p. 8). There are many risks here and they are explored in Chapter 7 (see Hymes, 1985).

    These experiments in genre, voice, narrative, and interpretive style challenge, while they belie a commitment to a visual, ocular epistemology—an epistemology that privileges sight, sound, and vision (Chapter 8; Denzin, 1995a; Jay, 1993; Tyler, 1986, p. 136). There are other ways of knowing, other ways of feeling our way into the experiences of self and other (see Ong, 1977). An ethnographic epistemology that goes beyond vision and mimesis is required (see Tyler, 1986, p. 130). This will be an evocative epistemology that performs, rather than represents, the world (Tyler, 1986, p. 136; see also Bochner and Ellis, 1996).

    The dividing lines between a secular science of the social world and sacred understandings of that world are now being challenged and, in some cases, erased (Lincoln & Denzin, 1994, p. 576; Nelson, 1983, 1989). Interpretive ethnographic writing in the twenty-first century will move closer to a sacred and critically informed discourse about the moral, human universe (Clough, 1992, 1994). The chapters in this book speak to this new discourse, a new ethics of inquiry.

    This Book

    This book begins where The Cinematic Society: The Voyeur's Gaze (Denzin, 1995a) ended—with the call for a postpragmatist, ethnographic, ethical model fitted to the cinematic, video age.8 In that book, I used the voyeur's cinematic text as a backdrop for criticizing current interpretive practices in the social sciences, especially the practices of ethnography and cultural studies. I argued that the cultural logics of the postvideo, cinematic culture define the lived experiences that a critical cultural studies project takes as its subject matter.

    Television, cinema, ethnography, and the panoptic gaze of the cultural voyeur are the keys to the production of these authentic, realistic accounts of lived experience. In these texts, there is a subtle and sudden switching of surveillance codes from Foucault's panopticon to a system of deterrence (Baudrillard, 1983, p. 53), in which the person gazed upon is the person doing the gazing—the voyeur-as-newsmaker, tourist, traveling ethnographer, or the writer of messy texts.

    The cultural voyeur moves back and forth between both forms of textuality—the cinematic, televisual representation of reality and the new ethnographic text. The unstable relationship between the ethnographer, the cultural subject, the ethnographic text, and cinematic and video representations cannot be avoided. Current cultural critics of ethnography, and cultural studies, however, have yet to seriously interrogate and question their own license to gaze, let alone write about what they gaze upon (see Clough, 1994, p. 117; see also Anzaldua, 1987, p. 23; Chow, 1993; Sharpe, 1993; Spivak, 1990, p. 51; Trinh, 1989, p. 22). That is, many appear to justify the gazing eye of the voyeuristic cultural critic by appealing to the politics of resistance that they attempt to write (see Drotner, 1994; Schwarz, 1994, p. 389). They remain, accordingly, under the protective umbrella the surveillance society has traditionally and always made available to the voyeur disguised as ethnographer or field-worker.

    In The Cinematic Society (Denzin, 1995a), I sought to unmask this voyeur. In the nine chapters that follow, I seek to put into place a new mask for this individual.

    The first chapter in Part I, “The Lessons James Joyce Teaches Us,” outlines the representation and legitimation crises now confronting the social sciences and the ethnographic project more broadly defined. I use the work of James Joyce as a model for the kind of writing I will develop in later chapters. In this chapter, I struggle to name this project, offering the unsatisfactory term, critical poststructuralism. Chapter 2, “Visual Truth and the Ethnographic Project,” elaborates the representational crisis, focusing on a critique of the cinematic apparatus and the visual regimes of truth that apparatus has produced. I attempt to expose the limits of the gaze and the new technologies that have been deployed to better capture and reveal reality in its fullest. I assess the part the social sciences have played in this project, critiquing the investigative, ethnographic, qualitative gaze that the social sciences have used throughout the twentieth century. I call, after Martin Jay (1993), for a new epistemology of truth. This is an epistemology that goes beyond the ocular-based systems of knowing, emphasizing the other senses, especially hearing (the acoustical eye).

    The five chapters in Part II turn to the new experiential texts that ethnographers are now producing. Chapter 3, “Standpoint Epistemologies,” examines the works of Dorothy Smith, Patricia Hill Collins, Gloria Anzaldua, and Trinh T. Min-Ha. I show how the standpoint text reproduces certain misunderstandings concerning lived experience and its representation in the ethnographic text. Chapter 4, “Performance Texts,” examines performance-based texts and offers a framework for producing this kind of work in ethnography's sixth moment.

    Chapter 5, “The New Journalists,” takes up the work of the literary or new journalists (Wolfe, Didion, Malcom, Capote, and Mailer), arguing that ethnographers have much to learn from this body of work, which I return to in Chapter 9 when I discuss civic journalism. Chapter 6 suggests that the modernist ethnographic model of textuality must be replaced by a new form of fiction that draws on the postmodern detective and his or her search for a moral truth about self. The post-modem detective, unlike his or her modernist counterpart, is no longer an objective observer of the world. In this chapter, I challenge the privileged place Tyler (1986, p. 123) assigns the postmodern ethnography. I call for a form of detective fiction that answers to moral and not scientific or aesthetic norms of accountability. Chapter 7 offers an interpretation of ethnopoetics and personal narratives of the self, creating a space for this kind of work within the framework of the messy text.

    The two chapters in Part III bring this work to conclusion. Chapter 8 analyzes the recent embracement of narrative analysis by the social sciences (see Brown, 1987; Clandinin & Connelly, 1994; Clough, 1992, 1994; Manning & Cullum-Swan, 1994; Polkinghorne, 1988, 1995; Reissman, 1993; Rorty, 1989; Tyler, 1986; Vidich & Lyman, 1994; Wolcott, 1994). This narrative turn has produced an embarrassment of riches because multiple narrative strategies now exist (semiotic, rhetorical, topological, structural, feminist, content based, micro level, dramaturgical, thematic, and functional). These strategies falter at the moment when the recorded or analyzed text is taken to be an accurate (visual) representation of the worlds and voices studied.

    Chapter 9, “The Sixth Moment,” charts ethnography's future, beginning with the criticisms of the new writing that have been produced since Writing Culture (Clifford & Marcus, 1986). This leads to a treatment of new models of truth—the ethics and epistemologies of a postpragmatist social criticism. A feminist, communitarian ethics is outlined and connected to the radical democratic project of the new, civic journalism (Charity, 1995; Fallows, 1996). The norms for writing the new ethnography are discussed as I attempt to bring ethnography closer to a set of critical, journalistic practices. A text must do more then awaken moral sensibilities. It must move the other and the self to action. Ethnography's future can only be written against the history of a radical democratic project that intends humane transformations in the public sphere.

    Notes

    1. Elsewhere (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994; Lincoln & Denzin, 1994), five moments of ethnographic inquiry are identified: the traditional, modernist, blurred genres, crisis of representation, and the present or fifth moment. The sixth moment (Lincoln, 1995a, p. 40) charts the future.

    2. As Tyler (1986, pp. 127–128) notes, the metaphors and allegories that organize the ethnographic text have changed: the eighteenth century's noble savage, the nineteenth century's primordial primitive, the twentieth century's primitive turned into data and evidence, on occasion pure difference, and most recently the postcolonial hybrid writer (Chow, 1993).

    3. The realist text, Jameson (1990) argues, constructed its version of the world by “programming …readers; by training them in new habits and practices…. Such narratives must ultimately produce that very category of Reality … of the real, of the ‘objective’ or ‘external’ world, which itself historical, may undergo decisive modification in other modes of production, if not in later stages of this one” (p. 166). The new ethnographic text is producing its versions of reality and teaching readers how to engage this view of the social world.

    4. Following Clifford Christians's (personal communication, January 8, 1996) communitarianism is understood here to be a social philosophy developed by Charles Taylor, Michael Sandel, Carole Pateman, and others as an alternative to equalitarian democracy (such as Richard Rorty's version). When Amitai Etzioni uses the term for a political movement, it bears the same discontinuity with communitarian political theory as the democratic party does with the term “democracy.”

    5. These are extensions of the norms Christians et al. (1993, pp. 55–57) see as operating for journalists.

    6. Cecil Younger, Straley's (1992, p. 9) fictional private investigator, puts it this way, “If cops collect the oral history of a crime, I gather folklore.”

    7. Each of these moments operates in the present. Elsewhere (Denzin, 1989b, p. 17), I distinguish four types of epiphanies, or turning-point moments in people's lives: the major (an experience shatters a life), cumulative (a series of events build up to a crisis), minor (underlying problems are revealed in a small event), and relived (a person relives a major, turning-point moment).

    8. It also extends the model of inquiry developed in Interpretive Biography (Denzin, 1989a) and Interpretive Interactionism (Denzin, 1989b).

    Acknowledgments

    I thank Mitch Allen for his quick and early support of this project and Peter Labella for helping see it through to conclusion. Interactions in the Unit for Criticism and Interpretive Theory at the University of Illinois and conversations with Katherine Ryan, Cliff Christians, Yvonna Lincoln, Patricia Clough, Laurel Richardson, Carolyn Ellis, Art Bochner, John Straley, Paul Benson, and Carl Couch helped to clarify my arguments. Patricia Clough, in particular, gave the entire manuscript an important, critical evaluation. Karin Admiral was an outstanding research assistant. I thank Frances Borghi for her careful assistance during production, Dan Hays for copyediting, Michèle Lingre, production editor, for patience and assistance throughout, Paul Benson for his meticulous reading of the page proofs and the production of the index. Johanna Bradley, Sara Connell, and Sylvia Allegretto also assisted with proofreading. I also thank the students at the University of Illinois who patiently sat through formal and informal seminars, listening to earlier versions of my arguments about ethnography and writing. Finally, I gratefully acknowledge the moral, intellectual, and financial support given this project by Dean Kim Rotzoll of the College of Communication and Clifford Christians, the director of the Institute of Communication Research, my new home at the University of Illinois.

    Portions of the material in Chapter 1 appeared in Norman K. Denzin's “Evaluating Qualitative Research in the Poststructural Moment: The Lessons James Joyce Teaches Us” (1994b); portions of the material in Chapter 2 appeared in Norman K. Denzin, “On Hearing the Voices of Educational Research: Review Essay” (1995c) and Norman K. Denzin, “The Experiential Text and the Limits of Visual Understanding” (1995d); portions of the material in Chapter 3 appeared in Norman K. Denzin, “The Standpoint Epistemologies and Social Theory” (in press-a); an earlier version of Chapter 4 appears in Re-Privileging Voice: The Poststructural Turn in Qualitative Research. (in press-b); portions of Chapter 5 appeared in American Cultural Studies (1996a); portions of Chapter 9 appeared in Norman K. Denzin, “Institutional Perspectives on Sociology” (1996b).

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    Note

    1. I thank Patricia T. Clough for this reference.

    About the Author

    Norman K. Denzin is Distinguished Professor of Communications, College of Communications scholar, and Professor of Sociology and Humanities at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. He is author of numerous books, including The Cinematic Society, Images of Postmodern Society, The Research Act, Interpretive Interactionism, Hollywood Shot by Shot, Symbolic Interactionism and Cultural Studies, The Recovering Alcoholic, and The Alcoholic Self, which won the Cooley Award from the Society for the Study of Symbolic Interaction in 1988. He is editor of Studies in Symbolic Interaction: A Research Annual, Cultural Studies, and The Sociological Quarterly. He is coeditor of the Sage publication, Handbook of Qualitative Research, and coeditor of Qualitative Inquiry.


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