Dirty Business: Exploring Corporate Misconduct Analysis and Cases


Maurice Punch

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  • Part One: Introduction

    Part Two: Cases

    Part Three: Conclusion

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    For Julio


    In the late 1970s I carried out research on police corruption in Amsterdam which drew me into a consideration of ‘organizational deviance’ (Punch, 1985). As I was working in a business school (Nijenrode, The Netherlands School of Business), I was unable to teach in my main areas of interest – police corruption, corporate crime and organizational deviance; but it proved possible to smuggle some topics on business deviance and control into courses on Public Policy and Social Responsibility in Business, Social Issues in Management, Business Ethics and Management of Crisis. From disparate sources I started to collect data on scandals, accidents, mismanagement, business leaders, and cases of serious corporate misconduct. Much of this comprised clippings from newspapers and magazines (often with intriguing titles that caught the eye such as ‘Light Sentences for Fraudulent Nuns in Belgian Convent’, where the nuns had fraudulently diverted money, roughly $5 million, from a hospital to build an indoor swimming pool and to place TV sets in every cell of a new luxurious convent; de Volkskrant, 1 November 1984). As someone wrote in another context, it's almost enough to restore your belief in original sin.

    An earlier attempt to write up this material foundered on an institutional upheaval at Nijenrode, where it was made difficult to work on anything for over a year, but this did lead to exit and a new life as an ‘independent scholar’ that has given me both time and a renewed motivation for writing. I can now look back at sixteen years among business students and managers as a form of covert observation and as a rich source of data and anecdote. There was the Belgian manager horrified at the prospect of having a delegation of prospective clients from the Middle East; it meant nursing them around the fleshpots every evening until deep into the night. There was no hint of moral reserve but simply frustration at the boredom, physical exhaustion and waste of working time that these jaunts would involve. Also most Dutch managers exude an aura of Calvinist respectability and are straight-faced in a formal setting, where they deny everything; there's no meaningful Gallic shrug, no cynical Latin smirk, and no highly symbolic Mediterranean body language to convey ambivalence and duplicity. But after class, and after a few drinks in the bar, they would open up on their predicament. One told me that when he was sent to a Latin American country he had to construct a double bookkeeping system in order to create a hidden economy for informal purposes (such as bribes); but the accountants at headquarters ‘didn't want to know’ and hence the shadow finance had to be cleverly camouflaged. It's the classic managerial dilemma and also the standard justification for rule-bending (‘I had no alternative’). In addition, it was considered all right to do it abroad but you would never try it on home ground. Similarly, a leading Dutch captain of industry addressed one of my MBA classes; a student asked him, ‘Do you bribe?’ (Nijenrode MBA'ers are noted for their subtlety); without a flinch he stated, ‘No, of course not, never’, and then added, ‘but if you want to do business, say in [he mentioned a country in the Far East], and you haven't got a million dollars in your back trouser pocket then you're a very naïve manager.’

    When I was teaching MBA students it was often difficult to visualize their becoming bent. Many were sharp, lively and well informed and also pleasant people to be with socially. Indeed, over the years I've seen female students in particular getting really angry about the Dalkon Shield case (this intrauterine device caused its users to suffer a wide range of disorders); heard people state they would never work for the tobacco, weapons, or nuclear industries; had students who became quite genuinely distressed at tackling the Bhopal case (the massive accident at the Union Carbide chemical plant in India); and witnessed disbelief when students were confronted with Stanley Adams in person telling his account of his imprisonment in Switzerland for espionage when he ‘blew the whistle’ on Hoffmann La Roche. At the same time, if I asked them to draw up a list of crises, ethical dilemmas, or significant problems that they had encountered in their work experience then most groups would come up with a colourful and quite impressive list of cock-ups, mismanagement, near accidents, sexual intimidation, abuse of power by the leadership, deceit, cooking the books, unwarranted risk-taking, back-stabbing, and incompetence. One British engineer told me that he heard on the news of a tunnel collapse near a construction site above the London Underground and in a blind panic drove to his own site because he was petrified that his company might have caused it; in fact, the roof fall was elsewhere. He made it sound just like Goodrich.

    In general, my students in class discussions were often more sensitive to ethical issues and sympathetic to ‘social responsibility’ in business than you might expect from budding executives. Yet if you gave them a simulation which asked them to take a risk in order to achieve an important goal, then almost without exception they would jump right in and take the risk. Clearly, the classroom is not reality but it was noticeable how, in a role-play or simulation, these bright young people would almost instantly revert to the gung-ho, ‘go-for-it’ management style. If you then explained that they had just replicated decision-making in the ‘Challenger’ case (by pushing for performance over safety and by filtering out warning signals), then they would say things like ‘Yes, I should have seen that coming, that was dumb of me, but I've been there before and you do go into meetings and take decisions where you simply blind yourself to the consequences.’ And then they would add, ‘But of course our decisions never harmed anyone.’

    Another source of insights and indirect data for me was gained by attending the Management of Disasters and Civil Emergencies course at the Police Staff College, Bramshill, UK. When you have sat through the graphic and grisly presentations on the series of British disasters – the fire at the King's Cross Underground Station, the train crash at Clapham, the terrorist bomb aboard the PanAm Boeing above Lockerbie, the capsizing of the Herald of Free Enterprise at Zeebrugge, the plane crash on the M1 motorway at Kegworth, the fire at the Bradford football stadium, the accident on the River Thames when the sand-barge The Marchioness ran into a crowded pleasure-boat at night, and the crushing of fans at the Hillsborough football ground – then it sharpens your mind considerably on the issues of safety, risk, recklessness, negligence, and corporate accountability. We heard an extensive account, for instance, of the failure to secure a conviction against P & O (the parent company of Townsend Thorensen) for corporate manslaughter in the courts in relation to the Zeebrugge disaster. The police inquiry had generated sixty volumes of evidence; it contained a 43-page glossary of nautical terms to enable detectives and lawyers to understand the jargon of seamen who were interviewed; the report was virtually an extended exercise in industrial sociology that recreated the discrepancies between the formal world of rules and procedures and the informal social world of the crew on a cross-Channel ferry. Afterwards a policeman turned to me and said, ‘I'll never travel on a car-ferry again.’ Indeed, it was difficult to know which form of transport to take on leaving Bramshill and there was something of a general reluctance to enter a train, boat, or plane.

    Then, just before I left Nijenrode, I was asked if I would like to invite Ernest Saunders, who figured in the Guinness case, to lecture to my students. Saunders had been sentenced to five years for a number of offences related to market manipulation. In prison he developed symptoms that appeared to be a form of Alzheimer's. Given an early release on medical grounds he was doing the rounds of the business schools telling his story (which he had also done prior to his conviction, at the leading European business school, INSEAD in Fontainebleau, for instance). Since then he has appealed successfully to the European Commission on Human Rights that his trial was unfair (The Economist, 24 September 1994). The four suspects in the Guinness case have now been given the right to appeal against their convictions, and if the sentences are quashed then multi-million pound compensation claims could follow (Daily Mail, 23 December 1994). Saunders illustrates how resilient and combative those involved in white-collar crime cases can be, how determined Saunders was to broadcast his innocence (and to spread the message in the business schools of Europe to aspiring managers), and how he had the power to influence his case in a way that is unthinkable for most people who wish to protest their innocence of ‘common’ crimes. Indeed, the ambition, resourcefulness, and drive that executives displayed in their business careers can stand them in good stead when faced with trial and/or bankruptcy; some make successful comebacks and are clearly aided by the social and cultural ‘capital’ that they enjoy; their companies may also lend financial and other support during prosecution as well as later during rehabilitation. I did not invite him.

    While I was writing, a lot of interest was aroused in Britain about ‘sleaze’ (conflicts of interest and back-handers for politicians; the Guardian, 21 October 1994), norms of conduct in public life, ‘bungs’ for soccer managers and goalkeepers taking a tumble in football matches for cash (is nothing sacred?), government deviance in tying construction deals in Malaysia to overseas development funds and dubious arms sales to Iraq prior to the Gulf War (cf. the Scott Inquiry and the so-called ‘super-gun’ affair; The Economist, 18 December 1993). In Italy ‘Operation Clean Hands’ has revealed a vast network of illegal transactions between business, politicians, and organized crime.

    By the end of 1993 magistrates had traced just over 620 billion lire ($390 m) in bribes to politicians alone. Between February 1992 (when a Milanese police investigation called ‘Operation Clean Hands’ first brought the corruption to light) and February 1994, 4,800 Italians were arrested on ‘Tangentopoli’ [‘Bribesville’, as Italians refer to the scandal – MP] charges. Of these 930 were businessmen in private or state-owned companies. The industries hit hardest include advertising, insurance, mineral water, telecommunications and office equipment – virtually all those, in other words, that depend on public contracts or permits. Two industries that have depended particularly on good will are construction and pharmaceuticals. More than 2,000 arrests have been connected to corrupt building contracts and permits; just under 400 of those arrested were businessmen. (The Economist, 2 July 1994)

    In Japan there have been a whole series of political and financial scandals during the last twenty years. Some twenty-five people were recently indicted for insider trading in the Nippon Shoji case; a number of people died after taking the drug Sorivundine together with cancer drugs, and members of the drug industry started dumping shares based on unpublished information about the fatal side-effects of Sorivundine (Japan Times, 21 December 1994; I would like to thank John Kerr of Tsukuba University for drawing my attention to this and other cases). Also considerable evidence has emerged about the role of organized crime, particularly the drug syndicates, infiltrating the straight financial world in order to launder vast sums of dirty money (Ehrenfeld, 1992). Hopefully, the revelations surrounding these affairs and scandals will further stimulate the study of organizational crime and deviance in business, government, and non-profit organizations.

    Completion of this book has, alas, been a more than usually prolonged and painful process. In the last phase of writing both my parents died one shortly after the other, and I would like to record my gratitude to them both for all that they did for me. I have been fortunate, however, in receiving valuable comments on drafts from Nic van Dijk, Bob Hoogenboom, Ralph Crawshaw, Geoffrey Markham, Henk van Luijk, John Kerr, Jeff Gaspersz, Aaldert van der Vlies and Mike Chatterton (also from a number of anonymous reviewers, while Dick Bennett and Roger Price provided some useful materials and references). In particular I was kept going by the valuable comments and strong encouragement of Mike Useem, the judicious criticisms of Michael Clarke, the whip-cracking enthusiasm of John Van Maanen (who wrote presciently, ‘it will certainly not make you the featured speaker at the next Academy of Management Meetings’), and the patience and support of Sue Jones at Sage. In the past I enjoyed a number of discussions with Al Reiss, Jr, who has been influential in mapping out the area of ‘organizational crime’ and whose advice was valuable and stimulating. And I've always gained a lot from discussing ideas, books, and approaches to my work with Derek Phillips after our weekly game of squash. I'm really most grateful to them all. Then, in times of acute culture conflict, I could always seek solace in the curries at Bobby Khawaja's Pakistan Restaurant, and welcomed a string of itinerants from abroad, but particularly Buddy Ungson from Oregon, as an excuse to over-indulge on the lamb chops and butter chicken. I would also like to thank Christa Been and Julie de Jong for typing the manuscript so professionally. And when the going got rough I could always rely on my children, Julio and Maria, to deride my efforts (they were particularly caustic about the unmanageable piles of press-clippings). Fortunately, there was always Corry to fall back on for coffee and moral support; her Dutch common sense, resilience, and affection were essential to keeping me going through the dark and gloom-laden periods. In return I will really have to fulfil the twenty-year-old promise to reserve Sunday mornings exclusively for bike rides and walks on the beach. Together we are involved in a foundation that plans to set up a rehabilitation project for young ex-psychiatric patients suffering from schizophrenia, and the proceeds from this book will go to supporting the ‘One in a Hundred Foundation’.



    Doubleday and Co. gave permission to quote generously from K. Vandivier's ‘Why Should My Conscience Bother Me?’ (originally published in R.L. Heilbroner, In the Name of Profit, New York: Doubleday, 1972), as I exceeded the number of words normally allowed for citation in my summary of the article. Case no. 9 on Calvi and the Banco Ambrosiano appeared in a nearly identical form as ‘Bandit Banks: Financial Services and Organized Crime’ in Contemporary Criminal Justice, 9: 3 (August 1993), and I appreciate the permission of editor-in-chief George E. Rush to reproduce it in this volume.

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