Cultural Policy


Toby Miller & George Yúdice

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    We wish to thank the following for their assistance: Ian Antcliff, Kay Bridger, John Caldwell, Briankle Chang, Stuart Cunningham, Talitha Espiritu, John Hill, Mariana Johnson, Linda Lai, Marie Leger, Andrew Lockett, Anna McCarthy, Eric Kit-Wai Ma, Robert Murphy, Robert Nixon, Chris Rojek, Sohnya Sayres, and an anonymous reviewer for Sage. This project derived in part from a doctoral seminar we taught together in the Fall semesters of 1998 and 2000, and our thanks are due to students in the class. We also wish to thank colleagues at Social Text over the years for their interest in cultural policy questions, along with a number of fellow-travelers: Tony Bennett, Andrea Frazer, Néstor García Canclini, May Joseph, Randy Martin, Ana Maria Ochoa, Tom O'Regan, and Vera Zolberg. Finally, our appreciation to all the workers who made this book.

    Parts of what follows have appeared in different forms in Emergences, Continuum, Global Hollywood, American Behavioral Scientist, Social Text, Culture and Policy, Southeast Asian Journal of Social Science, Film Policy, Communication, Citizenship and Social Policy, Oxford Guide to Film Studies, and British Cinema of the 90s.

  • Conclusion

    It was envisioned as a feel-good patriotic festival like the American Bicentennial. But the Brazilian government should have known that its plans to mark the 500th anniversary of the landing of the Portuguese were doomed when an irate Indian chief marched into Congress … drew his bow and arrow and threatened to kill the Senate president. – Larry Rohter (‘500’)

    How can you expect to govern a country that has 246 kinds of cheese? – Charles de Gaulle (quoted in ‘How’)

    I'm aware that it's a lot more glamorous to be on the barricade with a handkerchief around your nose than it is to be at the meeting with a briefcase and a bowler hat, but I think that we're getting more done this way. – Bono of U2 (quoted in Dominus)

    Brazil's 300,000 Indians and their leaders vowed to struggle against the commemoration of invasion throughout 2000. They were joined in this desire by many Afro-Brazilians, who deemed themselves excluded from the ‘celebration’, and activists from the Movement of the Landless, who called for agrarian reform. Pelé said he was ‘ashamed of Brazil’ because of the event. Meanwhile, across the Southern Hemisphere in Australia, a six-week experiment by the New South Wales railway service saw the rate of vandalism on trains cut by 75% – seats were no longer slashed and walls were not painted. Why? The usual suspects were apparently driven away by a relentless onslaught of Western European Enlightenment-era sonatas and concertos played on loudspeakers. Further north, the NEA was continuing to struggle. The newest tactic was to cast itself as standing in loco parentis to the US population. The Endowment used the terms ‘nurturing’, ‘supporting’ and ‘fostering’ to describe its goals for the coming century – a kind of non-pharmacological, pre-managed care, non-directive, client-centered Rogerian therapy (‘Learn’). In responding to the shocks and doubts of the 1980s and 1990s from critics speaking in the name of family values, US cultural policy had literally become a family.

    For all that this book was born in a neoliberal era, when global élites and policymakers deride old-style politics, the state remains with us as the locus classicus of politics, as exemplified by popular Brazilian revolt and middle-class Australian policing. This is the Janus face to the state, that it subjectifies citizens and residents in a way that makes them its own and it theirs, as well as ushering out those whom it would rather forget or deny. The state monopolizes both violence and national representation, even as its legitimacy depends on a space for its subjects to appeal to it for redress on both these scores.

    Nevertheless, the state is seen in much global elite and media discourse as standing in the way of democracy. Rather than politics, the market is said to epitomize freedom. And yet these graceless antinomies, as recent as they are avowedly timeless, are not so far apart as this binary suggests. Just as governments have always facilitated forms of accumulation, so markets have always played a part in allocating political preferences. Just as entrepreneurs have loudly proclaimed the inefficiency of political intervention, so the public routinely calls on parliaments to protect it from untrammeled private investment. And the very notions of limited liability, public education and tax writeoffs for research are crucial to successful business innovation. Instead of an uplift model, whereby welfarist doctrines saw governments give money to the arts in order to ‘improve’ their citizenry, the 1990s model was a cultural-industry one – the state underwrote new market infrastructures, such as art fairs, within which consumer preferences ‘determined’ the canon (Ardenne 101–02). At the same time, however, as this neoliberal/industry policy rapprochement was underway, there were dirigiste pressures as well. The US saw repeated assaults on migrants, from the denial of benefits to legal residents, to crackdowns on employed workers without immigration papers. And Europe saw a renewed nationalism that merged anti-immigration rhetoric on the right with the left's call for demographically inclusive national cultural policies (Ingram).

    Rather than propose an end to the big state, capital works for the redeployment of state resources in keeping with its own interests. And the global spread of neoliberalism has uneven consequences, diverging as it does between commercial and non-commercial aims, then reconnecting them in aberrant ways. The international art market, valued in late 1999 at US$17 billion a year, is slowly being reorganized, in keeping with norms of monetary valuation via indices that compare art with other investments (especially important given the market's relative autonomy from share fluctuations) (‘The Colour’). This represents an attempt to make art calculable according to the norms of the fully-knowledgeable consumer, in the face of a history that cordoned off high culture from mainstream economic indicators. On the other hand, the model of the US philanthropist as a neoliberal benefactor is on export as an alternative to the big state and the unwieldy cultocracy. But it cannot be expected to operate exactly as it has in the US in those countries where wealth is held by traditional families rather than early-generation migrants. In any event, the 1960s US model, whereby Foundations would demonstrate the value of an intervention, then wait for governmental action to come into play, has been succeeded by ‘venture philanthropy’. This irksome oxymoron is in a sense an old model of thrift, Victorian improvement by giving, such that angelic high-tech ‘venture philanthropists’ hand over money without the desire for a financial return – simply that those receiving it will start a business that becomes self-supporting (Cook). The demonstration-effect has shifted from Foundation-state to Foundation-firm, with the individual subject of civil society supposedly empowered by the process.

    Through all this, it often seems as though the globalizing force of neoliberalism is a codeword for the extension of the ‘American Century’, in both temporal and spatial terms, along with that tortured and torturing nation's strange, reluctant notion of statehood. The remainder of our Conclusion will demonstrate the limitation of any approach that stringently separates corporation from state, and either from culture, or hews to an individualist model of socio-cultural theory.

    Consider US doctrine over the role played in the Internet by individual North American ‘visionaries’. Who invented the Internet? When he's not busy claiming the status of a role model for Love Story or working on his post-2000 impersonation of Sebastian Cabot, Al Gore sometimes includes this achievement on his CV. He is not alone – chain bookstores feature memoirs by all manner of men making similar assertions. The truth is out there, though, and it's about government policy, not ‘individual initiative’. For while Al, his girlfriend Tipper, and his roommate Tommy Lee Jones were padding around Ivy-League dorms during late-night ice-cream feasts, the RAND Corporation was busily devising means of waging the Vietnam War. Its consultancy services didn't end there, of course. Our friends over at the Corporation also addressed the question: what if the Soviet Union managed to strike at the heart of the domestic US communications system? A successful attack would leave the country disabled, unless a devolved network could be introduced. The packet system of today originated with that desire to decentralize computing through nodal, semi-autonomous sites. In keeping with those origins – state-driven Cold War consultancies – the Internet grew up nested within public institutions of government and education, and the associated warfare-welfare para-bureaucracy of publicly-funded, but ostensibly independent, research by private universities and firms. How, then, did the myth of individual freedom as the source of the Internet (we call this cybertarianism) emerge? And what is it?

    Think back to the early days of radio for some clues. In the US, as in several other countries, the 1920s saw struggles waged between the repressive state apparatus and commerce over radio. The navy and the police asserted the need for exclusive use of the spectrum, while businesses wanted it for themselves. Government ultimately stepped in as an umpire. For listeners, those early days were a challenge – how clearly could a signal be heard, and from how far away? Stations offered prizes to those who reported the greatest reception distances. Meanwhile, Germany and Australia saw union-owned stations pioneering choral response, two-way radio, a Brechtian dream of worker-actor collaboration across the ether. And speaking of the ether, this mystical substance was given all kinds of bizarre properties by early practitioners, such as contact with the dead and a cure for cancer. Then the system became comprehensively corporatized. Two-way dreams were dispatched to the margins, as the radio set was sealed and the airwaves zoned. Theosophists and oncologists found other sites to ply their trades.

    Contemporary radio hams continue the fond memory of a system that broke down the gap between producers and consumers. They are bearers of a largely forgotten myth, if one that resonates in another, contemporary sphere. Libertarian individualists of the US Electronic Frontier Foundation and many other sites, both corporate and not (libertarians need to organize?) today view the Internet as a technologically entrepreneurial zone. It is said to permit human ventriloquism, autonomous subjectivity and a break-up of state power – all thanks to the ‘innate’ properties of cyberspace. Hence our coining the term ‘cybertarian’. Cybertarian mythology rests not only on a flawed, albeit touching, account of the person as a ratiocinative, atomistic individual who can exist outside politics and society. It equally assumes that what was born of warfare consultancies and ‘big science’, was spread through large institutions, was commodified for a tiny fraction of computer users, and is now moving towards comprehensive corporate control, can be claimed, now or ever, for the wild boys of geekdom. A touching foundation myth, typical of US fantasies about the autonomous subject breathing life into the world.

    Of course there is a role for the geek in the electronic domain. But today even hackers happily turn up at FBI conventions on Internet security, aiding the state and business to uncover errors and openness in operating systems. The expansion of entertainment conglomerates into the Internet will not, of course, end the technical capacity of web users to make their own sites. But it will minimize their significance. Crucial portals take up the traditional corporate role of policing zones and charging tolls. The fastest, easiest, most accessible search systems linked to browsers will direct folks to the ‘best’ sites – which will not be those of cybertarians. But a far older subject is lurking here – older than the cybertarian, older even than the libertarian. This is, of course, the citizen, who has been a stuttering but persistent presence throughout our investigations.

    Whereas the cybertarian is a monad, happily sitting at the controls of his or her life like an idealized consumer, the citizen is intersubjective, keen to link with others in solidarity as well as conflict. As we have seen, citizenship takes three forms: political, economic and cultural. In cyber terms, political citizenship has major implications for the regulation of speech, systems and policing of encryption, privacy, voting and the expression of public opinion. Economic citizenship's Internet significance lies in the push by the IMF and the World Bank for Third World states to get out of telecommunications, leaving the field to private investment. This has dramatically affected the pace and breadth of telephone and Internet access in many countries. Where development comes, it will be driven by corporate targets among the wealthy. Cultural citizenship encompasses discussion groups, ventriloquism, physical space, hardware and access to and for non-citizens, such as temporary workers and refugees.

    The NICL and the Internet will interact in ways we can only imagine, as cultural labor is internationalized on an uneven basis that will favor North over South and capital over labor. Yet we are seeing signs in the US of a new drive towards unionization. Lapsing cybertarians find an end to vested shares, salaries and health care if they got on board too late, or experience global competition for their jobs. As film and television production go global in search of locations, skills and docile labor, post-production and distribution centralize, thanks to armchair management by computer. Meanwhile, away from the salariat, those affected by the division of labor in manufacturing and agriculture need rights to communication in the new media.

    What should be done? First, we need to reconceptualize the three forms of citizenship as interlocking zones, interdependent and equally important. Second, we need to theorize the Internet in terms not just of individual access, but political rights, economic development, cultural norms and tastes. Third, the NICL must be centered in deliberations that look to those who are disenfranchised from citizenship and consumption, via a global statement of worker and citizen rights.

    Many other cultural institutions owe their lives, however secretly, to the work of US policy. The chaotic, piecemeal, but discernible outline of US cultural policy and its relationship to the culture industries is beautifully captured in the Hollywood sign. Overlooking LA from Mount Lee in Griffith Park, and visible from Burbank to Santa Monica, the site we now understand as a monument to the cinema started out as a promotion for home sales in a canyon subdivision in 1923 that read ‘Hollywoodland’. When the company went bankrupt twenty years later, it handed over both the land and the sign to the City. In 1949 a wind gust destroyed the H letter, encouraging TV executives to metonymize the event as the end of the film industry. Repairs were financed by a blend of governmental and private funds, with the quid pro quo that ‘Hollywood’ stand alone. There was no ongoing maintenance however. In the 1960s, it was declared an historic monument by the City's Cultural Heritage Board, but it seemed done for by the mid-1970s. Then the local Chamber of Commerce patched together funds from Hugh Hefner, Gene Autry, Andy Williams and Alice Cooper in 1978 (an unholy quartet for an unholy decade) to build a new sign, with each man paying for a letter or two (Abramian). Twenty years on, it is one of the most famous signs in the world, its history a quixotic, but in some respects typical, patchwork of public and private interests, their mutuality and contradictoriness hidden, along with years of disrepair, in a historicity of celebration.

    Such contradictions are the stuff of cultural policy. In 1994, the French cultural theorist Jean Baudrillard traveled to Australia for a symposium entitled ‘The Art of Theory: Baudrillard in the 90s’, in order to display fifty of his photographs at various galleries. Now Baudrillard claims that simulation has pervaded the social and artistic world, to the point where originality and authorial signature are no longer noteworthy or even credible, given the culture of the copy. Like reality, art is overrun by signification, such that truth and deception are no longer distinct. But on entering the country, Baudrillard discovered that institutions know the difference: he encountered the Australian Customs Service's Harmonized Commodity Description and Coding System. It did not count photographs as works of art, so ‘his’ visual texts were liable to import duty (A$16000). This drew the ire of the exhibiting galleries, and much mirth from the Australian media at the way in which Baudrillard's own intellectual position had been instantiated to cost him money (Peter Anderson ‘On the Legal’). It also indicated the absence in Baudrillard's atmospheric, impressionistic critique of any sense that concrete institutions and practices determine what counts as art, not some abstract Zeitgeist. These mundane knowledges have formed the basis to this book.

    Such a complex latticework of forces also applies elsewhere. The meeting of the modern with the colonial, of the traditional and the postcolonial, attains sharp relief in the case of Ghanaian cinema. The Ghana Film Industry Corporation, a state-owned enterprise, has suffered years of inactivity, due to lack of funds. Renowned directors such as King Ampaw and Kwaw Ansah look to former colonial sites for finance, and the cinemas have been dominated by Hong Kong, Indian and Hollywood texts. In the late 1980s, low-budget films, shot on video, started filling local theatres. Instead of addressing officially endorsed themes, such as the emancipation of black thinkers and a return to precolonial custom, these ‘guerrilla’ genres fixed on the contemporary city, modernization, and the occult, to the alarm of conventional culture-brokers (Birgit Meyer). While in the People's Republic of China, the fiftieth anniversary of the September 1949 socialist revolution saw 100,000 dancers and singers in action as a festival of worker, disabled, regional, and military theatre and opera troupes from around the nation performed local and Western texts, alongside eleven companies run by the Ministry of Culture. This intrication of labor, state and culture went back to Confucianism. The blend of tradition with socialism and Western capitalism was new, however (Melvin).

    Clearly, these stories represent historic renegotiations of the citizen-consumer couplet that has exercised us so much here. They signify both new problems and renewed tasks. The problems lie in the push towards commodification by agencies, movements and artists whose defining characteristic has hitherto been their attempt to innovate beyond the borders of market domination. The renewal lies in the fact that the task of binding people to a polity remains, alongside a stubborn faith on the part of both private and public bureaucrats that this can be achieved at the intersection of the aesthetic and anthropological accounts of culture with which we began. The goal must be to avoid the separation of aesthetic awareness from awareness of the history to social division, as García Canclini avows:

    In the presence of the magnificence of a Maya or Inca pyramid, of colonial palaces, indigenous ceramics from three centuries ago, or the work of an internationally recognized national painter, it occurs to almost no one to think about the social contradictions they express. The perennial character of these goods makes us imagine that their value is beyond question and turns them into a source of collective consensus, beyond the divisions among classes, ethnic groups, and other groups that fracture society and differentiate ways of appropriating that patrimony. (108)

    This consensual talent derives from fetishising art objects as having their own properties of quality, which become available to the properly schooled observer. The properties of the object, rather than its history of creation and dissemination, then become the proper domain of appreciation, as per our Introduction. But there are other options.

    Foucault suggests that pop art offered new ways of appreciating images by its pleasurable commentary on ‘the endless circulation of images’, rather than through any striking contribution to new aesthetic forms. The newness lay not in innovative ways of painting objects, but innovative ways of painting images of those objects (‘Photogenic’ 90). Twisting that insight a few degrees, with thanks to the Australian Customs Service's Baudrillardian watchdogs, we believe that studying cultural policy can also renew our appreciation of art, albeit not always thanks to pleasurable commentary. Looking at cultural policy through the lens of cultural studies encourages us towards innovative ways of understanding the circulation of texts, how certain forms of cultural expression are privileged and with what effect, such that the systematic inequalities of a society can be both highlighted and countered. Ideally, citizenship can be more than a collection of rights (that are routinely denied to many subjects). Citizenship can be a site for empowering a critique-in-principle of social arrangements, for transcending existing structures of economy and polity by connecting to social movements. Culture has clearly been a key site of critique by those excluded from the bounty of modernity, and its policy seeds need tending by those hopeful for a progressive future.


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