Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voting in the 21st Century

Books

Edited by: Lawrence LeDuc, Richard G. Niemi & Pippa Norris

  • Citations
  • Add to My List
  • Text Size

  • Chapters
  • Front Matter
  • Back Matter
  • Subject Index
  • Copyright

    View Copyright Page

    About the Contributors

    Ingrid van Biezen is Professor of Comparative Politics at Leiden University. She has previously taught at the University of Birmingham and the Johns Hopkins University, and has held Visiting Fellowships at Yale University and the University of California, Irvine. She is the author of Political Parties in New Democracies and Financing Political Parties and Election Campaigns and has published widely on comparative party politics, political finance, and democratic theory in European and American journals.

    André Blais is Professor of Political Science at the Université de Montréal. He is a fellow of the Royal Society of Canada, and a research fellow with the Centre for the Study of Democratic Citizenship, the Centre interuniversitaire de recherche en économie quantitative (CIREQ), and the Center for Interuniversity Research Analysis on Organizations (CIRANO). He is past president of the Canadian Political Science Association. His research interests are elections, electoral systems, turnout, public opinion, and methodology.

    Elisabeth Carter is Lecturer in Politics at Keele University in the UK. Her research interests include political parties, electoral institutions, and electoral behaviour. Her articles on the impact of electoral institutions on small and extremist parties have been published in the European Journal of Political Research, Representation, and West European Politics. She is the author of The Extreme Right in Western Europe: Success or Failure? (2005) and the co-editor of The Europeanization of National Political Parties: Power and Organizational Adaptation (2007).

    Russell J. Dalton is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Irvine and was the founding director of the Center for the Study of Democracy. He has received a Fulbright Research Fellowship at the University of Mannheim, the Barbra Streisand Fellowship, a German Marshall Research Fellowship and a POSCO Fellowship at the East/West Center. His recent publications include The Good Citizen and Democratic Challenges, Democratic Choices; he is co-editor of Party Politics in East Asia, The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior and Citizens, Democracy and Markets around the Pacific Rim, and Parties without Partisans.

    David M. Farrell has recently taken up the position of chair of Politics at University College Dublin. Prior to that he was the Jean Monnet chair in European Politics at the University of Manchester. He is co-editor of the journal Party Politics and also of the ECPR/Oxford University Press book series on Comparative Politics. Recent publications include Representing Europe's Citizens? (2006) and The Australian Electoral System (2005). He is currently finalizing a revised edition of his long-standing textbook on Electoral Systems.

    Timothy Hellwig is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Indiana University. He has published articles on economic voting, political accountability, and the electoral consequences of globalization in journals such as the British Journal of Political Science, Comparative Political Studies, International Studies Quarterly, and the Journal of Politics. He is currently working on a book-length project, funded by the National Science Foundation, on economic globalization and mass politics in advanced industrial democracies.

    Lawrence LeDuc is Professor of Political Science at the University of Toronto. His publications include The Politics of Direct Democracy (2003) and Absent Mandate: Canadian Electoral Politics in an Era of Restructuring (1996) as well as articles on voting, elections, and related topics in North American and European political science journals. His current research deals with electoral reform, political participation, and direct democracy.

    Richard G. Niemi is Don Alonzo Watson Professor of Political Science at the University of Rochester. He is co-author or co-editor of Vital Statistics on American Politics, 2009–2010 (2009), Voting Technology: The Not-So-Simple Act of Casting a Ballot (2008), Institutional Change in American Politics: The Case of Term Limits (2007), and other books. His current research includes voting, US ballots, and public opinion.

    Pippa Norris is the McGuire Lecturer in Comparative Politics at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. She has also served as Director of the Democratic Governance Group at UNDP in New York. Her work compares democracy, elections and public opinion, political communications, and gender politics. Recent books are Cosmopolitan Communications (coauthored with Ronald Inglehart, 2009), and Public Sentinel: The News Media and the Governance Agenda (edited, 2009).

    G. Bingham Powell, Jr. is Marie C. and Joseph C. Wilson Professor of Political Science at the University of Rochester. He is author of Elections as Instruments of Democracy (2000), Contemporary Democracies (1982) and co-author and co-editor of the textbook Comparative Politics Today (9th edn, 2008). His current research focuses on election rules, party systems, and political representation.

    Marian Sawer is Adjunct Professor and Director of the Democratic Audit of Australia at the Australian National University. She has published 15 books, including the co-authored Australia: The State of Democracy (2009). Apart from electoral reform, her current research projects deal with the evolution of social movements and gender and multilevel governance.

    Susan E. Scarrow is Professor of Political Science at the University of Houston. She is author of Perspectives on Political Parties (2002) and Parties and Their Members (1996), and co-editor of Democracy Transformed? (2003). Her main research interests are political parties, direct democracy, and political finance.

    Claes H. de Vreese is Professor and Chair of Political Communication and Scientific Director of The Amsterdam School of Communication Research (ASCoR) at the University of Amsterdam. He is also Adjunct Professor of Political Science and Journalism at the University of Southern Denmark and Director of the Center for Politics and Communication (http://www.polcomm.org). He has published more than 50 peer-reviewed journal articles on political communication, media, public opinion, journalism, and European integration.

    Christopher Wlezien is Professor of Political Science at Temple University. He is co-author of the forthcoming Degrees of Democracy (2010) and co-editor of The Future of Election Studies (2002) and Britain Votes (2005). He has published many articles on elections, public opinion and policy, and currently is co-editor of the Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, and the ‘Poll-Reviews’ section of Public Opinion Quarterly.

  • Notes

    Chapter 1 Introduction

    1 This label was offered by former US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice.

    2 The Freedom House scores for 193 countries may be found at http://www.freedomhouse.org

    3 OSCE/ODIHR. September 28, 2008. OSCE/ODIHR Belarus Parliamentary Elections Election Observation Mission Final Report.http://www.osce.org/documents/odihr/2008/11/35145_en.pdf

    4 See, for example, reports by Amnesty International, http://www.amnestyusa.org/annualreport.php?id=ar&yr=2008&c=BLR

    5 EU Election Observation Mission. December 9, 2008. Ghana Presidential and Parliamentary Elections, 2008, p. 1. http://www.eueomghana.org/EN/PDF/Press/EU%20EOM%20Ghana%20Statement%20Final.pdf

    6 http://www.freedomhouse.org

    7 UNDP (2008). Human Development Indices 2008. http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/data/

    8 For a review of this literature, see Geddes (1999) or Bunce (2003). On more recent trends, see Diamond (2008).

    9 The lower house of the legislature must be elected; the chief executive must be elected (directly in presidential systems and indirectly by members of the elected legislature in parliamentary systems); there must be more than one party; if, after passing the previous rules, the incumbent party held, but never lost an election, such regimes are regarded by default as authoritarian.

    10 The notion of several distinct “waves” of democratization was highlighted by Huntington (1991).

    11 Qatar has promised to hold parliamentary elections but these have not yet been scheduled.

    12 Bangladesh, Madagascar, Malawi, Nepal, Pakistan, Russia, Thailand, Venezuela.

    Chapter 2 Electoral Systems and Election Management

    We are grateful to Hein Heuvelman and Joanna Rozanska for gathering the data used in Table 2.2, and to our editors for their advice and feedback. The usual disclaimer applies.

    1 This chapter deals only with national-level electoral systems. Clearly, another interesting dimension of variation is the large range of different electoral systems at sub-national level, such as in the US (Bowler, Donovan and Brockington 2003), the UK (Farrell 2001b), and Australia (Farrell and McAllister 2006).

    2 The primary emphasis of the standard electoral system classifications is on proportionality variations, which in large part explains our decision to focus on these three components. Clearly there are other dimensions of variation in electoral system design such as: assembly size, electoral threshold (in essence the mirror image of M) and legal thresholds. For more discussion, see Blais and Massicotte (2002); Farrell (2001a). Other features of variation–that significantly affect gender and ethnic minority representation–include gender quotas and reserved seats (cf. Norris 2004).

    3 After district magnitude, the electoral formula also has a significant effect on proportionality. A third characteristic, which has come to prominence quite recently (Lijphart 1994; Taagepera 2007) is assembly size, i.e., the number of seats in the parliament. Technically assembly size is not actually part of the electoral system (and hence is not covered in this chapter) but, in combination with district magnitude, it does have a profound effect on the proportionality of the election result.

    4 More sophisticated classifications are available which give equal attention to all three components of electoral systems (Blais 1988; Taylor and Johnston 1979), but while these may produce more theoretically appropriate typologies they also tend to be somewhat unwieldy.

    5 Note that throughout this chapter (as, indeed, throughout this volume) the number of cases varies depending on data access. This chapter focuses on electoral systems for legislative elections. Inevitably things are much simpler when it comes to presidential elections for the simple reason that just one office holder is being elected, thus by definition ruling out any proportional electoral systems. Here, with very few exceptions (such as Ireland's president who is elected using the alternative vote system), the choice boils down to a single member plurality system or a majority runoff one. About two-thirds of cases use the majority runoff system (cf. Blais and Massicotte 2002).

    6 Another way of reducing the disproportional tendencies of the block vote system is to allow voters to express more than one vote for a candidate. This is known as the cumulative vote, which is now used by a number of states in the US (Bowler, Donovan and Brockington 2003).

    7 In the US this is sometimes referred to as the instant runoff vote (IRV). It is used in San Francisco city elections and is being pushed by the Fairvote group (http://www.fairvote.org).

    8 See data for all countries on the Comparing Democracies3 website (http://www.sagepub.co.uk/leduc3)

    9 For illustrations of how this works in practice, see Blais and Massicotte (2002); Farrell (2001a).

    10 For more on how mixed-member systems can vary, see Farrell (2001a) and Shugart and Wattenberg (2001).

    11 For more details, see Blais and Massicotte (2002), and Farrell (2001a).

    12 On the problems of introducing too much complexity into electoral system design–a feature becoming ever more common in recent times–see Taagepera (2007).

    13 The number of seats a party might win can be limited by imposing a legal threshold on one or more of the tiers of representation.

    14 In itself this is a large and complex area, to which we cannot do full justice in the space we have. As we shall touch on below (and is also developed by other chapters in this volume), there are questions to be asked about the direction of causality, and also about the effects of other institutional and cultural features on some of these relationships. There are also many other potential electoral system consequences that do not feature in our analysis, perhaps most prominent among these being the role of electoral systems (as part of the process of institutional design) in facilitating conflict-reduction and peace-building (e.g., Reilly 2001; Reynolds 1999, 2002).

    15 Clearly the relationship is weaker than shown in earlier studies (e.g., Lijphart 1994). In large part, this is due the large number, and more particularly the range, of countries included in our sample, lending support to Baldini and Pappalardo's (2009) argument in favor of a smaller, less diverse, number of cases in the analysis of electoral system consequences.

    16 As Carstairs (1980) shows, in many cases this shift from SMP to list was via a two-round majoritarian system.

    17 For important critiques, see especially Blais et al. (2004), who find no evidence to support the “socialist threat” thesis. See also Katz (2005) and Rahat (2004) who dispute the simplistic assumptions that underlie these rational choice perspectives.

    18 These were not the only electoral reforms at that time, though they were certainly the most notable. Another democracy to change its electoral system was Israel, which introduced a system for directly electing the country's prime minister (judged as a variant of MMP–see Hazan 2001). This ill-conceived reform was repealed in 2001 (Rahat and Hazan 2005).

    19 More generally, see: http://aceproject.org/epic-en/vo#VO11

    20 http://www.guardian.co.uk/technology/2007/mar/03/news.international news (last accessed 07.04.2009).

    21 Election Management Bodies have a number of different titles. For instance, the body responsible for the management and administration of federal elections in Australia is known as the Australian Electoral Commission, while the EMB in charge of national elections in Canada is known as Elections Canada.

    22 For a discussion on when EMBs fail in their mandate, see Wall et al. (2006: 297).

    23 In some countries, such as Jamaica and Romania, the tasks of implementation and policy making are in fact split between two separate independent bodies (http://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/ema/ema02).

    24 That said some countries do have temporary EMBs that exist during election periods only. For instance, in mixed systems, the governmental component of the EMB is sometimes temporary as civil servants are redeployed to their “home” ministry or department outside of election periods (Wall et al. 2006: 17).

    Chapter 3 Political Parties and Party Systems

    1 The formula for calculating the Effective Number of Parties (seats) is 1/(Σseats2).

    2 The author gratefully acknowledges David Llanos-Paez and Anna Mikulska for their help in assembling the data for this section, and Ernesto Calvo for advice on data interpretation.

    3 These terminus data coincide with the most recent of the attitudinal measures.

    4 Such growth could also result from a decline in the number of independent deputies.

    5 Electoral volatility is measured by comparing the sum of the absolute difference between vote percentages for each party between two elections, divided by two.

    6 Details of the factor analysis are reported in Appendix 2. Missing values have been imputed using MICE in R 2.7 and factor analysis was estimated in SPSS 13. Only the first two dimensions were saved, which explained approximately 60% of the variance in the data.

    Chapter 4 Campaign and Party Finance

    1 Broadly speaking, political finance involves the public and private funding of both political parties and individual candidates, and includes routine operational costs as well as the cost of election campaigns. This chapter focuses primarily on the financing of political parties, including the rules that govern both their organizational and their electoral activities. For a useful overview of the funding of election campaigns in particular see the UDNP handbook Getting to the Core: A Global Survey on the Cost of Registration and Elections, available at http://www.undp.org/governance/docs/Elections-Pub-Core.pdf

    2 See Ackerman and Ayres (2002) for a compelling but unconventional argument that a system of decentralization and anonymity–whereby the recipients are fully unaware of the identity of their contributors–is a much better solution for the problems with political finance than regulation and control, full information or bureaucratic subsidies.

    Chapter 5 Election Campaigns

    I am most grateful to Shaun Bowler David Farrell, Mark Franklin, Michael Hagen, Richard Johnston, Larry LeDuc, Richard Niemi, and Pippa Norris for very helpful advice and comments.

    1 See, for instance, Banducci and Karp's interesting (2003) comparative examination.

    2 Sub-national elections are interesting and important of course, and much of what is discussed here applies there, though perhaps to a differing degree. The same is true for supra-national elections, such as those in the European Union (EU). At these levels referenda have become more important (see LeDuc 2003). For an interesting examination of EU campaigns, see Hobolt (2005).

    3 Sweden is one exception. Here early dissolution of the legislature is prohibited by the constitution. Parties simply have to find some way of forming a government.

    4 There are prohibitions on election campaigning in some countries. In Italy, for instance, explicit campaigning activities cannot start until 45 days in advance of an election.

    5 Canada Elections Act (http://www.parl.gc.ca/common/bills_ls.asp?lang=E&ls=C2&Parl=36&Ses=2).

    6 In the many countries that use an “open party list,” where voters select candidates to determine the votes for the parties and order of candidates on the party lists, the candidates do matter to some degree.

    7 Federalism also is important, as it influences the degree of decentralization of campaigns (Farrell, 1996).

    8 The specifics of direct elections can differ quite a lot. In the US, senators and House members are both elected from particular geographic areas, while in the Philippines senators are elected at-large and House members are elected from districts.

    9 Where this does not hold, it can be due to differential party support across regions or provinces itself, as in Canada and India (Rae 1971; Riker 1982a; Chhibber and Kollman 2004). Multipartyism at the local level also is important in Canada (Johnston 2008).

    10 While parties tend to play a big role in all parliamentary systems, the tone of campaigns tends to differ a lot depending on the electoral system/number of parties. That is, proportional representation, in increasing the number of parties and the need for coalition government, encourages parties to be less explicitly negative toward potential coalition allies (Powell 2000). This is not the case in majoritarian systems, where the winner takes all.

    11 See also Shugart (2005a).

    12 One interesting exception at present may be Russia, where former President Putin looks to control almost all of the country's politics as Prime Minister.

    13 The nature of news coverage differs across countries in important ways–see de Vreese et al.'s interesting (2006) examination of the 2004 European parliamentary elections.

    14 Exceptions include Honduras, Switzerland, and the US. See also Chapter 4.

    15 A similar pattern holds on the entertainment side. For instance, while more than 70% of the ESPN audience is male, nearly 30% is female. The figures are much the same, in reverse, for the Lifetime Network.

    16 See Internet World Stats at http://www.internetworldstats.com

    17 Note that there are legal restrictions on Internet usage during election campaigns in Japan, though (predictably) these have proved difficult to enforce.

    18 To a lesser extent, they reflect the wealth of countries–the more wealth there is, the more there is to spend.

    19 Although the party or candidate spending the most money does not always win, a certain amount of money is necessary for a candidate to be competitive. Speaking with his tongue partly in his cheek, one American political observer noted, specifically in regard to high-level statewide races in Texas, that even if “you don't have to raise $10 million, you have to raise $8 million.” The observer is Jim Hightower, former Texas Agricultural Commissioner and current political columnist in “The Senate Can Wait,” from an interview in The Texas Observer, January 27, 1989, p. 6.

    20 There is also tremendous variation in Internet consumption, as usage has exploded in some countries and only just begun in many others (Internet World Stats: http://www.internetworldstats.com). As of 2009, in North America nearly 75% had Internet access and in Europe almost 50% did; in Latin America the number was less than 25%, in Asia 15%, and in Africa only 5%. The role of the Internet in election campaigns necessarily differs widely across continents, and also across the countries on each continent–see Chapter 6.

    21 These are conservative estimates, as there are other sources of survey error that further complicate things (Wlezien and Erikson 2001). For difficulties in establishing the effects of political communications across individuals, see Zaller (2002).

    22 Even if we had perfect polls–no survey error–at regular intervals over time, it would not be easy to isolate the effects of campaign activities. That is, we could not be sure that the change in the polls we observe is due to a particular event and not the many other things that happen on a daily basis during campaigns, some of which are exogenous, i.e., from outside the campaigns per se.

    23 See also Huber and Arceneaux (2007). There is a lot of experimental research on voter mobilization, much of which has been conducted by Alan Gerber and Donald Green, and is summarized in their 2004 book. One interesting and important finding is that traditional door-to-door canvassing matters much more than more modern approaches, such as telephone calls and direct mail.

    24 In the language of political psychologists, voters are, at least to some extent, “online processors” (see Lodge et al. 1995). That is, they update their preferences based on new information about the parties and candidates.

    25 Campaigns also have a much greater effect during the primaries, when the two major parties choose the candidates to run in the general election (Bartels 1988).

    26 A similar pattern holds in US congressional elections (see Erikson and Sigelman 1996).

    27 The small change also appeared to alter the balance of power in meaningful ways, costing the Conservatives 38 seats, 23 of which went to Labour and 14 of which went to the Liberal Democrats (Norris and Wlezien, 2005).

    28 The logic applies equally well to legislative elections in presidential systems, and is precisely what we observe in US House elections: poll variation over time is about half that for presidential candidates, even in presidential election years (Erikson and Sigelman 1996).

    29 The unfolding of events also appears to have mattered greatly (Clarke et al. 2009).

    30 The “personal vote” also can matter in proportional systems that use open lists (see Shugart et al. 2005). The causal effect of incumbency is debatable–see Fenno 1978; Zaller 1998.

    31 The pattern in referendum elections is very different indeed–see LeDuc (2003).

    32 Based on data from Levada Center in Moscow, Dmitry Medvedev held a 33–25% lead over Sergei Ivanov in the polls at the beginning of 2007 and then fell behind (34–30%) during the summer before regaining it through the fall, in a more crowded field, with Viktor Zubkov in third with 17% and Zyuganov and Vladimir Zhironovsky at 11%. This hinted at an intense campaign leading up to the March 2, 2008, election. Then, in December 2007, Putin endorsed Medvedev, and Ivanov and Zubkov did not stand for election. Medvedev pulled away, winning in the first round with 71% of the vote.

    33 The opposite may be true in the US, where the level and effect of party identification have been on the rise (Bartels 2000).

    34 The extent to which this is true, especially as regards the latter, varies considerably across elections and countries in understandable ways (see Nadeau et al. 2002). See Chapter 9 for more on economic voting.

    Chapter 7 Ideology, Partisanship, and Democratic Development

    1 Many public opinion researchers have questioned whether ordinary citizens can understand and utilize abstract political concepts like “Left” and “Right.” For a discussion of this topic in advanced industrial democracies see Converse (1964), Lewis-Beck et al. (2008: ch. 9), and Fuchs and Klingemann (1989). See Mainwaring (1999) for a discussion on developing democracies.

    2 The data in this chapter are drawn from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. The first module of CSES was conducted between 1996 and 2001 and the second module was done between 2001 and 2006. These data and documentation are available for free download at http://www.cses.org. We supplemented this with the original data for France that included the prospective vote in the 2002 legislative election, the Chilean survey with a corrected Left–Right variable, and the 1998 Philippines survey. The nations in each figure/table vary because some variables are not available in all surveys.

    3 On average, 89% of the public in the CSES nations positioned themselves on the Left–Right scale, and 84% in the 1999–2002 WVS nations that overlap with CSES II. In the WVS, 97% of the Taiwanese respondents place themselves on the Left–Right scale.

    4 The five WVS nations with the highest percentage of Left–Right extremists were: Uganda (50%), Mexico (47%), Morocco (43%), the Dominican Republic (43%), and El Salvador (41%).

    5 The same pattern emerges for the United Nations Human Development Index (r = −0.78) in the CSES nations (logarithmic curve). Furthermore, people are not polarized toward the Left in one nation, and the Right in another; the percentage of both extremists in a nation is positively related (r = 0.51). National affluence is also negatively related to both the percentage of Leftist extremists (r = −0.56) and Rightist extremists (–0.74).

    6 Freedom House codes nations on both political rights and civil liberties. We combined the two scores to measure democratic development. The overall index was recoded so that higher values are more democratic. These data and documentation are available from http://www.freedomhouse.org. There is a very strong relationship between national affluence and democracy (r = 0.70), which makes it difficult to separate empirically the distinct effects of these two national characteristics.

    7 To fit the Marxian framework, we code social class as (1) working class; (2) white collar middle class; and (3) self-employed and professionals. Union membership is a three-point scale in most nations: (1) respondent is a member of a union; (2) someone in household belongs to a union; and (3) no union member in household. In some nations the family membership question was not asked, so here we use only a question on the respondent's union membership.

    8 The 2003 Latinobarometer surveyed 17 Latin American nations (http://www.latinobarometro.org). We used a measure of interviewer perceptions of the respondent's social status because an occupation or union question comparable to the CSES was not available. The average correlation (Pearson r) between social status and Left–Right identities was 0.07, and only one nation had a correlation about 0.10.

    9 The CSES coded approximately two dozen religious denominations and those with no religious affiliation. The largest single group was Roman Catholics, followed by Protestants, and then Eastern Orthodox, Muslims, and Buddhists. The religiosity question asked: Would you say you: (1) have no religious beliefs; (2) are not very religious; (3) are somewhat religious, or (4) are very religious? See the study documentation at http://www.cses.org

    10 We replicated the religiosity and Left–Right analyses with the 2003 Latinobarometer for 17 Latin American nations. The average Pearson r correlation was only 0.06.

    11 Regional differences are often strengthened when they find formal representation in the party system, such as in the UK (Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru), Canada (Bloc Québécois), Germany (the PDS.Linke), and Spain (EAJ/PNV and CiU).

    12 Comparing distinctive populations across nations is complicated because the primary division can be based on race, ethnicity, or language. Table 7.2 uses ethnicity as the most general measure, but in some nations only race was available and this is substituted for ethnic differences.

    13 For instance, education and social class effects are cross-cutting as we have noted. In addition, gender equality and religious values also tap traditional/modern value differences, so the interpretation of these issues can be ambiguous (Dalton 2006a; Inglehart and Norris 2003).

    14 However, the WVS finds that attitudes toward gender equality are often strongly related to Left–Right orientations in less developed nations where the status of women was severely restricted and there are new international pressures to reform gender policies. This is another example of where traditional/modern values may have differential patterns in developing nations and advanced industrial democracies (Dalton 2006; Inglehart and Norris 2003).

    15 Barnes et al. (1988) compared the traditional American party identification question and a party closeness question. They found high correlations between both measures at two timepoints and a general consistency in the correlates of both questions.

    16 The source for the age of the party system is Bargsted (2007). We capped the age of the party system at 100 years, figuring that by this time (or before) party attachments should have reached an equilibrium point. In addition, we adjusted the age of the party system in a few nations because there was an extensive period of a non-democratic regime that would have disrupted partisanship. For instance, the CSES gives the Czech party system an age of 67.5 years in 2002, but the democratic transition was only 12 years earlier.

    17 We replicated the analyses with the CSES Module II nations, which show virtually no relationship between the age of the party system and levels of partisanship (r = 0.03). We suspect this is because the CSES partisanship question is susceptible to short-term electoral effects. For instance, several nations increased partisanship by 20% or more between the two modules; real party identifications would not change so rapidly.

    18 A fully defined model would include social characteristics in predicting the vote. As noted above in the case of region, we expect that when political parties explicitly emphasize social identities, this may increase the influence of social characteristics on voting behavior beyond their relationship with citizens' Left–Right identities. This contrasting pattern of correlations is apparent in some nations in our analyses, but not in others.

    19 We combined GDP/capita and a measure of the ideological polarization of the party system derived from Dalton (2008) in a multiple regression analysis to predict the strength of Left–Right voting in a nation; ideological polarization has a much stronger impact on the degree of Left–Right voting in a nation (ß = 0.72), while national affluence has a more modest impact (ß = 0.23).

    Chapter 8 Political Participation

    I would like to thank Aina Gallego for her assistance and the editors for their comments on a draft of this chapter.

    1 Some studies use “voting age population” as the denominator, but this has the disadvantage of including people who do not have the right to vote (Blais and Dobrzynska 1998; Franklin 2004). The United States is not included because people (mostly) have to register themselves, contrary to almost every other country.

    2 Franklin (2004: 187), for instance, shows a slight reduction in average margin of victory between 1965 and 1999.

    3 A similar definition is proposed by Parry et al. (1992: 19–20).

    4 I leave aside campaign activity, which is also decreasing in most advanced industrial democracies (Dalton and Wattenberg 2000: ch. 3).

    5 For the positive correlation between age and voting see Wolfinger and Rosenstone (1980) and Blais (2000). Dalton (2006b: 72) shows a negative correlation between age and protest activity in the US, the UK, Germany, and France.

    6 For contacting, see Verba et al. (1995).

    Chapter 9 Elections and the Economy

    1 These points of debate are taken up in more detail in two recently published books on individual-level economic voting by van der Brug, van der Eijk, and Franklin (2007) and by Duch and Stevenson (2008). While both studies examine the economic vote in advanced industrial democracies, Duch and Stevenson examine the effect of perceptions of the national economy on actual party choice, while van der Brug et al. look at the influence of aggregate economic indicators on a measure of the utility a voter would get from choosing one party over another (discussed below). The two books also have different points of departure: van der Brug et al. provide readers with a set of shortcomings in empirical work on economic voting and show how their approach corrects for them. Duch and Stevenson, however, begin by developing a competency-based theory for how voters decide in complex environments.

    2 The party of the incumbent chief executive is the party of the prime minister in parliamentary systems and the party of the president in presidential regimes. Parties in government are identical to the party of the chief executive except in cases where the incumbent is composed of a coalition of parties. There are arguments on both sides for which measure is preferred; one might argue, for instance, that “party in government” is better because it does not make sense to treat junior coalition partners as being part of the opposition. On the other hand, it has been shown that voters evaluate parties differently in terms of the economy based on whether or not the party holds the prime minister's office (see, e.g., Anderson 1995).

    3 Complete descriptions of variables and codes used, along with the logistic regression results for each country, are found in Appendix 9.A, available from the Comparing Democracies 3 website http://www.sagepub.co.uk/leduc3).

    4 Here a positive economic vote means that a worsening economic perception increases the incumbent's standing in the polls beyond what it would otherwise be.

    5 Indeed, herein lies much of the attraction of economic voting in general: by only knowing two pieces of information, the state of the economy and the incumbent party, voters can cast their ballots in a fashion that serves to hold elected officials accountable.

    6 This may be due to a culture of individualism in the UK or the broad social protections in Denmark that desensitize voters to national economic cycles. Similarly, Feldman (1982: 446) writes that American voters' “belief in economic individualism leads people to accept personal responsibility for their economic conditions, which in turn eliminates any connection between personal well-being and political evaluation.”

    7 As part of their comprehensive study of the American macro-political economy, Erikson et al. (2002: 98) demonstrate that “the subjective economy is somewhat different from the one objectively measured.”

    8 Still more troubling is that the difficulty with separating political evaluations from economic ones increases opportunities for voter manipulation–a point taken up below.

    9 These data are an updated version of those used in Hellwig and Samuels (2008). I thank Eva Coffey and Anna Mikulska for assisting in data collection. A listing of the cases and data sources is found in Appendix 9. B, available from the Comparing Democracies 3 website (http://www.sagepub.co.uk/leduc3).

    10 In cases of coalition governments in parliamentary systems, the head of government's party is that of the prime minister. For executive elections we use results from the first or only round of elections.

    11 The source is the Penn World Tables v6.2, http://pwt.econ.upenn.edu/, last accessed 06/08. I use GDP change in year “t-1” if the election was held in the first six months of the year, and the change in year “t” if the election was held later in the year. While other macro studies have used measures such as unemployment or inflation, only GDP data are available for our larger global sample.

    12 Age of Democracy is equal to the election year minus the year in which the country first scores +6 or above on Polity IV's −10 to +10 democracy measure. The expectation is that the coefficient on the variable is positive since in older democracies elections are less volatile and, therefore, the incumbent should be better able to maintain a level of votes. Following Hellwig and Samuels (2008), I also include the variable squared to account for the declining marginal impact of years of democratic experience.

    13 To control for possible heteroscedasticity within country-groups, all models are estimated with Huber–White robust standard errors clustered within country-units. This approach is appropriate for data sets where the number of observations exceeds the number of non-missing within-panel time periods. The errors are robust to any type of error correlation within each country-group and assume only that observations are independent across country-groups.

    14 Semi-presidential regimes are those in which there is a head of state (president) and head of government (prime minister), both are directly elected, and the prime minister is accountable to the legislature.

    15 In examining the semi-presidential French case, Lewis-Beck (1997) shows the electoral consequences of the economy depending on whether the executive is unified or divided. Hellwig and Samuels (2008) report similar evidence in cross-national perspective.

    16 An exception are partisan, or issue-priority models of economic voting which assert that voters evaluate parties differently according to the preferences of their key constituents in the electorate–e.g., preferences for curbing inflation relative to lowering unemployment (Hibbs 1977; see also Anderson 1995).

    17 That is, these elections are “opportunistic” in that they are due to government calls. Opportunistic elections are distinguished from those held early for other reasons, such as due to a split in the government's coalition or an election following a failed vote of no-confidence. Following Kayser (2006), I classify an election as occurring early if it takes place before the quarter of the constitutionally mandated end of term.

    18 To see this, we combine the coefficients on Economy and the Economy × Opportunistic interaction term (+0.32 and −0.29) to get a conditional coefficient of 0.03. The large conditional standard error (0.42) makes clear that the economy, on average, has no effect on incumbent vote shares when the government calls an early election.

    19 Though the coefficient on the Economy × Polarization term is not statistically significant, the reported standard error pertains only to two specific combinations of values: the effect of Economy on Incumbent Vote when Polarization equals zero or the effect of Polarization on Incumbent Vote when Economy equals zero.

    20 The KOF Index of Globalization develops indices for three forms of globalization: economic, social, and political. The measure used here is the restrictions sub-component of the economic globalization index, consisting of scores for hidden import barriers, tariff rates, taxes on international trade, and capital account restrictions. Data are available at http://globalization.kof.ethz.ch/

    21 This claim is supported by a comparison of means between old and new democracies. The data show that old democracies (those greater than 10 years) more frequently are subjected to early election calls, score higher on the liberalization index, and have more polarized parties than young democracies. Regarding the last of these, some scholars (e.g., Dalton, see Chapter 7) have argued that partisan attachments are a sign of democratic consolidation. Similarly, it may be the case that coherent and distinct policy positions held by elites are part and parcel with democratic consolidation. With consolidation, then, comes a divergence of issue positions and thus greater polarization and less economic voting.

    Chapter 10 Women and Elections

    My thanks to Donley Studlar, Merrindahl Andrew, and Peter Brent for helpful comments and assistance.

    1 The IPU data here are aggregated from those OECD countries that have been continuous democracies since 1949, with universal suffrage (Sweden, Finland, Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Germany, Austria, Iceland, New Zealand, Belgium, Luxembourg, Israel, Canada, Italy, the United Kingdom, Australia, Ireland, the United States, France, Japan). As elsewhere in the chapter, figures for the parliamentary representation of women refer to the percentage of women in the lower house or the only house of national parliaments/legislatures.

    2 The right of women to participate in public life on an equal basis with men had also been inscribed in Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights but indirectly and without nearly as much impact as Article 7 of CEDAW.

    3 For more detailed discussion of the effects of different types of electoral system on women's representation see Tremblay (2008).

    4 Matland (2006) argues that what is more important is the related factor of party magnitude–how many seats a party expects to fill.

    5 The Women's List merged into a new Social Democratic Alliance in 1998 of which Sólrún became Chair and, in 2007, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

    6 Legislated quotas were introduced in Argentina (1991), Bolivia (1997), Brazil (1997), Costa Rica (1997), the Dominican Republic (1997), Ecuador (1997), Mexico (1996), Panama (1997), Paraguay (1996), Peru (1997), and Venezuela (1998).

    7 France's parity legislation was much more successful in municipal elections, where PR is used for the larger units. In Belgium, the effectiveness of the party list system was enhanced by the introduction of larger district magnitudes at the same time as the parity legislation.

    Chapter 11 Consequences of Elections

    1 There is also a complex and growing literature on the implications of democratic regimes for citizen welfare, especially in its redistributive dimension. Dreze and Sen (1989) argue that no democracy has suffered a real famine. But it seems to be independent media and information that are the causal mechanism, rather than elections as such. Blaydes and Kayser (2008) find the empirical literature on the effects of democratic regimes on income redistribution to be highly mixed; their work suggests that democratic regimes have some redistributive effect on caloric consumption, maybe income generally, under conditions of economic growth. However, works in this literature, including theirs, don't try to disentangle the role of elections per se from other features of democratic regimes.

    2 A famous example is the British electorate's eviction of Winston Churchill as prime minister immediately after World War II, despite his magnificent war leadership. Shortly thereafter Churchill, ostensibly writing about France and Clemenceau after World War I, quoted Plutarch as saying that “Ingratitude towards their great men is the mark of strong peoples” (Churchill, World War II, vol. 1: The Gathering Storm, p. 11).

    Bibliography

    Aarts, Kees, AndréBlais, and HermannSchmitt, eds 2010. Political Leaders and Democratic Elections. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Abramowitz, Alan I.1988. “Explaining Senate Election Outcomes.”American Political Science Review83: 385–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957392
    Abramowitz, Alan I.1991. “Incumbency, Campaign Spending, and the Decline of Competition in the U.S. House Elections.”Journal of Politics53: 35–58.
    Abramson, Paul R., John H.Aldrich, and DavidW. Rohde2007. Change and Continuity in the 2004 and 2006 Elections. Washington, DC: CQ Press.
    Achen, Christopher, and RichardSinnott2007. “The Rational Learning Model.” In Voting Turnout in Multi-Level Systems, eds ChristopherAchen and RichardSinnott. Typescript.
    Ackerman, Bruce, and IanAyres2002. Voting with Dollars: A New Paradigm for Campaign Finance. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
    Alcañiz, Isabella, and TimothyHellwig. Forthcoming. “Who's to Blame? The Distribution of Responsibility in Developing Democracies.”British Journal of Political Science.
    Aldrich, John H.1993. “Rational Choice and Turnout.”American Journal of Political Science37: 246–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111531
    Aldrich, John.1995. Why Parties?Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
    Alexander, Herbert E.2001. “Approaches to Campaign and Party Finance Issues.” In Foundations for Democracy: Approaches to Comparative Political Finance, ed. Karl-HeinzNassmacher. Baden-Baden: Nomos.
    Alexander, Herbert E., and ReiShiratori, eds 1994. Comparative Political Finance among the Democracies. Boulder, CO: Westview.
    Almond, Gabriel, and SidneyVerba.1963. The Civic Culture. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
    Alt, James E., and David DreyerLassen. 2006. “Transparency, Political Polarization, and Political Budget Cycles in OECD Countries.”American Journal of Political Science50: 530–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00200.x
    Altheide, David L., and RobertP. Snow.1979. Media Logic. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
    Alvarez, R. Michael, and JonathanNagler.1995. “Economics, Issues, and the Perot Candidacy: Voter Choice in the 1992 Election.”American Journal of Political Science39: 714–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111651
    Anderson, Christopher J.1995. “The Dynamics of Support for Coalition Governments.”Comparative Political Studies28: 350–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414095028003002
    Anderson, Christopher J.2007. “The End of Economic Voting? Contingency Dilemmas and the Limits of Democratic Accountability.”Annual Review of Political Science10: 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.050806.155344
    Ansolabehere, Stephen D., ShantoIyengar, and AdamSimon.1999. “Replicating Experiments Using Aggregate and Survey Data: The Case of Negative Advertising and Turnout.”American Political Science Review93: 901–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586120
    Arceneaux, Kevin.2005. “Do Campaigns Help Voters Learn: A Cross-National Analysis.”British Journal of Political Science36: 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123406000081
    Armony, Ariel C., and HectorE. Schamis.2005. “Babel in Democratization Studies.”Journal of Democracy16: 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2005.0055
    Asher, Herbert.1998. Polling and the Public: What Every Citizen Should Know,
    4th edn.
    Washington, DC: CQ Press.
    Asp, Kent.1983. “The Struggle for the Agenda: Party Agenda, Media Agenda, and Voter Agenda in the 1979 Swedish Election Campaign.”Communication Research10: 333–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009365083010003004
    Austin, Reginald, and MajaTjernström. 2003. Funding of Political Parties. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance.
    Aye, Joseph.2000. Deepening Democracy in Ghana. Oxford: Freedom Publications.
    Bakke, Elizabeth, and NickSitter.2005. “Patterns of Stability: Competition and Strategy in Central Europe since 1989.”Party Politics11: 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068805049779
    Baldini, Gianfranco and AdrianoPappalardo.2009. Elections, Electoral Systems and Volatile Voters. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
    Ballington, Julie, and DrudeDahlerup.2006. “Gender Quotas in Post-Conflict States: East Timor, Afghanistan and Iraq.” In Women, Quotas and Politics, ed. DrudeDahlerup. London: Routledge.
    Ballington, Julie, and AzzaKaram.2005. Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers,
    rev. edn
    . Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance.
    Banducci, Susan A., and JeffreyA. Karp.2003. “How Elections Change the Way Citizens View the Political System: Campaigns, Media Effects and Electoral Outcomes in Comparative Perspective.”British Journal of Political Science33: 443–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S000712340300019X
    Bargsted, Matias.2007. Macro Level Data Codebook for CSES Module 1 and 3 Countries. Available from the CSES website: http://www.cses.org
    Barisione, Mauro. Forthcoming. “So, What Difference Do Leaders Make? Candidates' Images and the ‘Conditionality’ of Leader Effects on Voting.”Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties.
    Barnes, Samuel H.1977. Representation in Italy: Institutionalized Tradition and Electoral Choice. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
    Barnes, Samuel, M. KentJennings, RonaldInglehart, and BarbaraFarash. 1988. “Party Identification and Party Closeness in Comparative Perspective.”Political Behavior10: 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00990552
    Barro, Robert J.1999. “Determinants of Democracy.”Journal of Political Economy107: 158–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/250107
    Barry, Brian.1978. Sociologists, Economists, and Democracy. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
    Bartels, Larry M.1988. Presidential Primaries and the Dynamics of Public Choice. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
    Bartels, Larry M.1996. “Uninformed Votes: Information Effects in Presidential Elections.”American Journal of Political Science40: 194–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111700
    Bartels, Larry M.2000. “Partisanship and Voting Behavior, 1952–1996.”American Journal of Political Science44: 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2669291
    Bartolini, Stefano.2000. The Political Mobilization of the European Left. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511521560
    Bartolini, Stefano, and PeterMair.1990. Identity, Competition and Electoral Availability. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Bell, Daniel.1970. The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
    Bell, Daniel.2000. “The Resumption of History in the New Century.” In DanielBell, The End of Ideology,
    rev. edn
    . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
    Bennett, StephenEarl, Staci L.Rhine, Richard S.Flickinger, and Linda L.M.Bennett. 1999. “‘Video Malaise’ Revisited: Public Trust in the Media and Government.”Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics4: 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180X9900400402
    Benoit, Kenneth.2004. “Models of Electoral System Change.”Electoral Studies23: 363–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794%2803%2900020-9
    Benoit, Kenneth.2005. “Hungary: Holding Back the Tiers.” In The Politics of Electoral Systems, eds MichaelGallagher and PaulMitchell. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Benoit, Kenneth, and MichaelLaver.2006. Party Policy in Modern Democracies. London: Routledge.
    Berelson, Bernard, Paul F.Lazarsfeld, and William N.McPhee. 1954. Voting. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
    Berglund, Frode, SörenHolmberg, HermannSchmitt, and JacquesThomassen. 2005. “Party Identification and Party Choice.” In The European Voter, ed. JacquesThomassen. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Birch, Sarah, FrancesMillard, MarinaPopescu, and KieranWilliams. 2002. Embodying Democracy: Electoral System Design in Post-Communist Europe. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403914248
    Blais, André.1988. “The Classification of Electoral Systems.”European Journal of Political Research16: 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1988.tb00143.x
    Blais, André.2000. To Vote or Not to Vote: The Merits and Limits of Rational Choice Theory. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press.
    Blais, André.2006. “What Affects Voter Turnout?”Annual Review of Political Science9: 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.070204.105121
    Blais, André, and KeesAarts.2006. “Electoral Systems and Turnout.”Acta Politica41: 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500148
    Blais, André, and Marc A.Bodet. 2006. “Does Proportional Representation Foster Closer Congruence between Citizens and Policymakers?”Comparative Political Studies9: 1243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005284374
    Blais, André, and R. KennethCarty. 1991. “The Psychological Impact of Electoral Laws: Measuring Duverger's Elusive Factor.”British Journal of Political Science21: 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400006037
    Blais, André, and AgniezskaDobrzynska. 1998. “Turnout in Electoral Democracies.”European Journal of Political Research33: 239–61.
    Blais, André, AgnieszkaDobrzynska, and IndridiIndridason. 2004. “To Adopt or Not to Adopt Proportional Representation: the Politics of Institutional Choice.”British Journal of Political Science35: 182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123405000098
    Blais, André, ElisabethGidengil, NeilNevitte, and RichardNadeau. 2004. “Where Does Turnout Decline Come From?”European Journal of Political Research43: 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2004.00152.x
    Blais, André, ElisabethGidengil, RichardNadeau, and NeilNevitte. 2003. “Campaign Dynamics in the 2000 Canadian Election: How the Leader Debates Salvaged the Conservative Party.”PS: Political Science and Politics36: 45–50.
    Blais, André, and IgnacioLago. 2009. “A General Measure of District Competitiveness.”Electoral Studies28: 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2008.07.007
    Blais, André, and LouisMassicotte. 2002. “Electoral Systems.” In Comparing Democracies 2, eds LawrenceLeDuc, Richard G.Niemi, and PippaNorris. London and Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
    Blaydes, Lisa, and Mark AndreasKayser. 2008. “Counting Calories: Democracy and Distribution in the Developing World.” Unpublished ms, University of Rochester.
    Blechinger, Verena, and Karl-HeinzNassmacher. 2001. “Political Finance in Non-Western Democracies: Japan and Israel.” In Foundations for Democracy: Approaches to Comparative Political Finance, eds Karl-HeinzNassmacher. Baden-Baden: Nomos.
    Blondel, Jean.1968. “Party Systems and Patterns of Government in Western Democracies.”Canadian Journal of Political Science1: 180–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0008423900036507
    Blumler, Jay G., and MichaelGurevitch. 1995. The Crisis of Public Communication. London: Routledge. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203181775
    Blumler, Jay G., and MichaelGurevitch. 1998. “Change in the Air: Campaign Journalism at the BBC, 1997.” In Political Communication: Why Labour Won the General Election of 1997, eds IvorCrewe, BrianGosschalk, and JohnBartle. London: Frank Cass.
    Blumler, Jay G., and MichaelGurevitch. 2000. “‘Americanization’ Reconsidered: UK–US Campaign Communication Comparisons across Time.” In Mediated Politics: Communication and the Future of Democracy, eds L.Bennett and B.Entman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Boafo-ArthurKwame, ed. 2007. Ghana: One Decade of the Liberal State. London: Zed Books.
    Boas, Taylor.2008. “Varieties of Electioneering: Success Contagion and Presidential Campaigns in Latin America.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Boston, MA.
    Bogdanor, Vernon.1983. “Introduction.” In Democracy and Elections: Electoral Systems and Their Political Consequences, eds VernonBogdanor and DavidButler. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Boix, Carles.1999. “Setting the Rules of the Game: The Choice of Electoral Systems in Advanced Democracies.”American Political Science Review93: 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585577
    Bollen, Kenneth A.1990. “Political Democracy: Conceptual and Measurement Traps.”Studies in International Development25: 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02716903
    Bowler, Shaun, ElisabethCarter, and DavidFarrell. 2003. “Changing Party Access to Elections.” In Democracy Transformed? Expanding Political Opportunities in Advanced Industrial Democracies, eds BruceCain, Russell J.Dalton, and SusanScarrow. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Bowler, Shaun, ToddDonovan, and DavidBrockington. 2003. Electoral Reform and Minority Representation: Local Experiments with Alternative Elections. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press.
    Bowler, Shaun, and David M.Farrell, eds 1992. Electoral Strategies and Political Marketing. London: St. Martin's Press.
    Bowler, Shaun, and DavidFarrell. 2008. “Just Because They Are ‘Second-order’ Doesn't Mean You Can Put Your Feet Up: Campaign Activity in European Parliament Elections.”DCERN Working Paper, University of Manchester. http://www.dcern.org.uk/research/working_papers/index.htm
    Bowler, Shaun, David M.Farrell, and Richard S.Katz, eds 1999. Party Discipline and Parliamentary Government. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press.
    Bowler, Shaun, and BernardGrofman, eds 2000. Elections in Australia, Ireland, and Malta under the Single Transferable Vote. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    Brader, Ted, and JoshuaTucker. 2001. “The Emergence of Mass Partisanship in Russia, 1993–1996.”American Journal of Political Science45: 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2669360
    Brady, Henry E., and RichardJohnston, eds 2006. Capturing Campaign Effects. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    Brady, Henry E., SidneyVerba, and Kay LehmanSchlozman. 1995. “Beyond SES: A Resource Model of Political Participation.”American Political Science Review89: 271–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082425
    Bratton, Michael, RobertMattes, and E.Gyimah-Boadil. 2004. Public Opinion, Democracy, and Market Reform in Africa. New York: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511617324
    Bratton, Michael, and NicolasVan de Walle. 1997. Democratic Experiments in Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Briffault, Richard.2006. “Soft Money, Congress and the Supreme Court.” In Party Funding and Campaign Financing in International Perspective, eds K.D.Ewing and SamuelIssacharoff. Oxford and Portland, OR: Hart Publishing.
    Brownlee, Jason.2007. Authoritarianism in an Age of Democratization. New York: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511802348
    Brudny, Yitzhak M.1997. “In Pursuit of the Russian Presidency: Why and How Yeltsin Won the 1996 Presidential Election.”Communist and Post-Communist Studies30: 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0967-067X%2897%2900007-X
    Budge, Ian, IvorCrewe, and Dennis J.Farlie. 1976. Party Identification and Beyond. New York: Wiley.
    Budge, Ian, and DennisFarlie. 1983. Explaining and Predicting Elections: Issue Effects and Party Strategies in Twenty-three Democracies. London: George Allen and Unwin.
    Budge, Ian, Hans-DieterKlingemann, AndreaVolkens, JudithBara, and EricTanenbaum. 2001. Mapping Policy Preferences. New York: Oxford University Press.
    Bunce, Valerie.2003. “Rethinking Recent Democratization: Lessons from the Postcommunist Experience.”World Politics55: 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0010
    Burnell, Peter.2005. “Political Strategies of External Support for Democratization.”Foreign Policy Analysis1: 361–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-8594.2005.00016.x
    Butler, David and AustinRanney. 1992. Electioneering: A Comparative Study of Continuity and Change. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
    Cain, Bruce E., John A.Ferejohn, and Morris P.Fiorina. 1984. “The Constituency Service Basis of the Personal Vote for U.S. Representatives and British Members of Parliament.”American Political Science Review78: 110–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961252
    Campbell, Angus, PhilipConverse, Warren E.Miller, and Donald E.Stokes. 1960. The American Voter. New York: Wiley.
    Campbell, David E.2006. Why We Vote: How Schools and Communities Shape Our Civic Life. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
    Campbell, James E.2000. The American Campaign: U.S. Presidential Campaigns and the National Vote. College Station: Texas A&M University Press.
    Campbell, James E., and James C.Garand. 2000. Before the Vote: Forecasting American National Elections. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
    Campbell, Rosie, SarahChilds, and JoniLovenduski. 2007. “Do Women Need Women MPs?” Paper to ECPR Workshop on Substantive Representation, Helsinki.
    Cappella, Joseph N., and Kathleen HallJamieson. 1997. Spiral of Cynicism: The Press and the Public Good. New York: Oxford University Press.
    Caramani, Daniele.2005. “The Formation of National Party Systems in Europe: A Comparative-Historical Analysis.”Scandinavian Political Studies28: 295–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2005.00134.x
    Carothers, Thomas.2002. “The End of the Transition Paradigm.”Journal of Democracy13: 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0003
    Carroll, Susan J.2002. “Have Women Legislators in the United States Become More Conservative? A Comparison of State Legislators in 2001 and 1988.”Atlantis27: 128–39.
    Carstairs, Andrew McLaren.1980. A Short History of Electoral Systems in Western Europe. London: George, Allen and Unwin.
    Casas-Zamora, Kevin.2005. Paying for Democracy: Political Finance and State Funding for Parties. Colchester: ECPR Press.
    Castles, Francis, and PeterMair. 1984. “Left–Right Political Scales: Some ‘Expert’ Judgments.”European Journal of Political Research12: 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1984.tb00080.x
    Caul, Miki.2001. “Political Parties and the Adoption of Candidate Gender Quotas: A Cross-National Analysis.”Journal of Politics63: 1214–29.
    Chazan, Naomi, PeterLewis, RobertMortimer, DonaldRothchild, and StevenStedman. 1999. Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.
    Cheibub, Jose Antonio and AdamPrzeworski. 1999. “Democracy, Elections and Accountability for Economic Outcomes.” In Democracy, Accountability and Representation, eds AdamPrzeworski, Susan C.Stokes and BernardManin. New York: Cambridge University Press.
    Cheibub, Jose, and JenniferGandhi. 2004. “A Six-fold Measure of Democracies and Dictatorships.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association.
    Chhibber, Pradeep.1999. Democracy without Associations. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    Chhibber, Pradeep, and KenKollman. 2004. The Formation of National Party Systems: Federalism and Party Competition in Canada, Great Britain, India and the United States. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
    Chhibber, Pradeep, and GeethaMurali. 2006. “Duvergerian Dynamics in the Indian States: Federalism and the Number of Parties in the State Assembly Elections.”Party Politics12: 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068806059243
    Childs, Sara, and Mona LenaKrook. 2006. “Should Feminists Give Up on Critical Mass? A Contingent Yes.”Politics and Gender2: 522–30.
    Clarke, Harold, AllanKornberg, and Thomas J.Scotto. 2009. Making Political Choices: Canada and the United States. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
    Clarke, Harold, DavidSanders, MarianneStewart and PaulWhiteley. 2004. Political Choice in Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/019924488X.001.0001
    Clarke, Harold, DavidSanders, MarianneStewart and PaulWhiteley. 2008. Special Issue on Internet Surveys and National Election Studies. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties18: 325–448. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457280802305136
    Clarke, Harold D., and MarianneStewart. 1998. “The Decline of Parties in the Minds of Citizens.”Annual Review of Political Science1: 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.1.1.357
    Clarke, Harold D., Marianne C.Stewart, MikeAult, and EuelElliott. 2004. “Men, Women, and the Dynamics of Presidential Approval.”British Journal of Political Science35: 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123405000025
    Collier, David, and RobertAdcock. 1999. “Democracy and Dichotomies: A Pragmatic Approach to Choices about Concepts.”Annual Review of Political Science1: 537–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.2.1.537
    Colomer, Josep M.2001. Political Institutions. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/019924183X.001.0001
    Colomer, Josep, ed. 2004. Handbook of Electoral System Choice. London: Palgrave. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522749
    Colomer, Josep.2005. “It's Parties that Choose Electoral Systems or, Duverger's Laws Upside Down.”Political Studies53: 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00514.x
    Colton, Timothy J., and MichaelMcCaul. 2003. Popular Choice and Managed Democracy. Washington, DC: Brookings.
    CEDAW (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women). 1997. General Recommendation No. 23. http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/recommendations (accessed 8 January 2009).
    Converse, Philip E.1964. “The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics.” In Ideology and Discontent, ed. DavidApter. New York: Free Press.
    Converse, Philip E., and RoyPierce. 1986. Political Representation in France. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
    Cox, Gary.1987. The Efficient Secret. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511571473
    Cox, Gary W.1997. Making Votes Count: Strategic Coordination in the World's Electoral Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139174954
    Cross, William.2005. “The Rush to Electoral Reform in the Canadian Provinces: Why Now?”Representation41: 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890508523292
    Curtin, Jennifer. 2008a. “Gendering Parliamentary Representation: A Mixed System Producing Mixed Results?” In Women and Legislative Representation: Electoral Systems, Political Parties and Sex Quotas, ed. ManonTremblay. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
    Curtin, Jennifer. 2008b. “Women, Political Leadership and the Substantive Representation of Women.”Parliamentary Affairs61: 490–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsn014
    D'Alessio, Dave, and MikeAllen. 2000. “Media Bias in Presidential Elections: A Metaanalysis.”Journal of Communication50: 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2000.tb02866.x
    D'Angelo, Paul.2002. “News Framing as a Multiparadigmatic Research Program: A Response to Entman.”Journal of Communication52: 870–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2002.tb02578.x
    Dahl, Robert A.1989. Democracy and Its Critics. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
    Dahl, Robert A.1966. “Patterns of Opposition.” In Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, ed. RobertDahl. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
    Dahlerup, Drude.1988. “From a Small to a Large Minority: Women in Scandinavian Politics.”Scandinavian Political Studies11: 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1988.tb00372.x
    Dahlerup, Drude, ed. 2006. Women, Quotas and Politics. London: Routledge.
    Dalton, Russell.1985. “Political Parties and Political Representation: Party Supporters and Party Elites in Nine Nations.”Comparative Political Studies18: 267–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414085018003001
    Dalton, Russell.2002. “The Decline of Party Identifications.” In Parties without Partisans: Political Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies, eds RussellDalton and MartinWattenberg. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0199253099.001.0001
    Dalton, Russell. 2006a. “Social Modernization and the End of Ideology Debate: Patterns of Ideological Polarization.”Japanese Journal of Political Science7: 1–22http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1468109905002045
    Dalton, Russell. 2006b. Citizen Politics: Public Opinion and Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies,
    5th edn.
    Washington, DC: CQ Press.
    Dalton, Russell. 2007a. “Partisan Mobilization, Cognitive Mobilization and the Changing American Electorate.”Electoral Studies26: 274–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2006.04.009
    Dalton, Russell. 2007b. The Good Citizen: How a Younger Generation is Reshaping American Politics. Washington, DC: CQ Press.
    Dalton, Russell.2008. “The Quantity and the Quality of Party Systems: Party System Polarization, Its Measurement and Its Consequences.”Comparative Political Studies41: 899–920. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008315860
    Dalton, Russell J., and MartinWattenberg, eds 2000. Parties without Partisans: Political Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Dalton, Russell J., and Steven A.Weldon. 2005. “Public Images of Political Parties: A Necessary Evil?”West European Politics28: 931–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380500310527
    Dalton, Russell, and StevenWeldon. 2006. “Partisan Attachments in New and Old Democracies.”Party Politics13: 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807073856
    Dalton, Russell, and StevenWeldon. 2007. “Partisanship and Party System Institutionalization.”Party Politics13: 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807073856
    Darras, Eric.2008. “Free Journalism under Control: Election Coverage in France.” In Handbook of Election News Coverage around the World, eds JesperStrömback and Lynda LeeKaid. London: Routledge.
    Davenport, Christian.2007. State Repression and the Domestic Democratic Peace. New York: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511510021
    Dawood, Yasmin.2006. “Democracy, Power, and the Supreme Court: Campaign Finance Reform in Comparative Context.”International Journal of Constitutional Law4: 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/mol005
    De Vreese, Claes H.2001. “Election Coverage–New Directions for Public Broadcasting: The Netherlands and Beyond.”European Journal of Communication16: 155–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323101016002002
    De Vreese, Claes H.2002. Framing Europe: Television News and European Integration. Amsterdam: Aksant/Transaction.
    De Vreese, Claes H.2009a. “Second-rate Election Campaigning? An Analysis of Campaign Styles in European Parliamentary Elections.”Journal of Political Marketing, 8 (1), 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15377850802603424
    De Vreese, Claes H.2009b. “Framing the Economy: Effects of Journalistic News Frames.” In Doing Framing Research, ed. Pauld'Angelo and JimKuipers. London: Routledge.
    De Vreese, Claes H., Susan A.Banducci, Holli A.Semetko, and Hajo G.Boomgaarden. 2006a. “The News Coverage of the 2004 European Parliamentary Election Campaign in 25 Countries.”European Union Politics7: 477–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116506069440
    De Vreese, Claes H., and Hajo G.Boomgaarden. 2006b. “How Content Moderates the Effects of Television News on Political Knowledge and Engagement.”Acta Politica: International Journal of Political Science41: 317–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500164
    De Vreese, Claes H., JochenPeter, and Holli A.Semetko. 2001. “Framing Politics at the Launch of the Euro: A Cross-National Comparative Study of Frames in the News.”Political Communication18: 107–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/105846001750322934
    De Vreese, Claes H., and Holli A.Semetko. 2004. “News Matters: Influences on the Vote in the Danish 2000 Euro Referendum Campaign.”European Journal of Political Research43: 699–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0304-4130.2004.00171.x
    Deegan-Krause, Kevin.2007. “New Dimensions of Political Cleavage.” In Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior, eds RussellDalton and Hans-DieterKlingemann. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Denny, Kevin, and OrlaDoyle. 2009. “Does Voting History Matter? Analyzing Persistence in Turnout.”American Journal of Political Science. 53: 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00355.x
    Denver, David, and GordonHands. 1997. Modern Constituency Electioneering. London: Frank Cass.
    Diamond, Larry.1996. Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
    Diamond, Larry. 2002. “Thinking about Hybrid Regimes.”Journal of Democracy13: 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0025
    Diamond, Larry.2008. The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies throughout the World. New York: Times Books.
    Dix, Robert.1989. “Cleavage Structures and Party Systems in Latin America.”Comparative Politics22: 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422320
    Downs, Anthony.1957. An Economic Theory of Democracy. New York: Harper and Row.
    Dreher, Axel, NoelGaston, and PimMartens. 2008. Measuring Globalization–Gauging Its Consequences. New York: Springer.
    Drew, Dan, and DavidWeaver. 2006. “Voter Learning in the 2004 Presidential Election: Did the Media Matter?”Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly83: 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900608300103
    Dreze, Jean, and AmartyaSen. 1989. Hunger and Public Action. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
    Duch, Raymond M., and RandyStevenson. 2008. The Economic Vote: How Political and Economic Institutions Condition Election Results. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511755934
    Duverger, Maurice. 1959 (1954). Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State (
    revised 2nd edn
    ). trans. Barbara and RobertNorth. New York: Wiley.
    Duverger, Maurice.1980. “A New Political System Model: Semi-Presidential Government.”European Journal of Political Research8: 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1980.tb00569.x
    Edlin, Aron, AndrewGelman, and NohaKaplan. 2007. “Voting as a Rational Choice: Why and How People Vote to Improve the Well-Being of Others.”Rationality and Society19: 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043463107077384
    Ejima, Akiko.2006. “Revisiting Transparency and Disclosure in Japanese Political Reform.” In Party Funding and Campaign Financing in International Perspective, ed. K.D.Ewing and SamuelIssacharoff. Oxford and Portland, OR: Hart Publishing.
    Eke, S.M.2000. “Sultanism in Eastern Europe: The Socio-political Roots of Authoritarian Populism in Belarus.”Europe-Asia Studies52: 523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713663061
    Elkins, Zachary.2000. “Gradations of Democracy? Empirical Tests of Alternative Conceptualizations.”American Journal of Political Science44: 293–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2669311
    Epstein, Leon.1967. Political Parties in Western Democracies (
    rev. edn. 1980
    ). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
    Erickson, Lynda.1997. “Might More Women Make a Difference? Gender, Party and Ideology among Canada's Parliamentary Candidates.”Canadian Journal of Political Science30: 663–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0008423900016474
    Erikson, Robert S., Michael B.MacKuen, and James A.Stimson. 2002. The Macro Polity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Erikson, Robert S., CostasPanagopoulos, and ChristopherWlezien. 2004. “Likely and Unlikely Voters and the Assessment of Campaign Dynamics.”Public Opinion Quarterly68: 588–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfh041
    Erikson, Robert S., and LeeSigelman. 1996. “Poll-Based Forecasts of the House Vote in Presidential Election Years.”American Politics Research24: 520–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673X9602400408
    Erikson, Robert S., and ChristopherWlezien. 2008. “Leading Economic Indicators, the Polls and the Presidential Vote.”PS: Political Science and Politics41: 703–7.
    Esmer, Yilmaz, and ThorleifPettersson. 2007. “The Effects of Religion and Religiosity on Voting Behavior.” In Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior, eds RussellDalton and Hans-DieterKlingemann. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Esser, Frank, and PaulD'Angelo. 2006. “Framing the Press and Publicity Process in U.S., British, and German General Election Campaigns: A Comparative Study of Metacoverage.”Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics11: 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180X06289188
    Esser, Frank, and KatharinaHemmer. 2008. “Characteristics and Dynamics of Election News Coverage in Germany.” In Handbook of Election News Coverage around the World, eds JesperStrömback and Lynda LeeKaid. London: Routledge.
    Esser, Frank, CarstenReinemann, and DavidFan. 2000. “Spin Doctoring in British and German Election Campaigns: How the Press is Being Confronted with a New Quality of Political PR.”European Journal of Communication15: 209–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323100015002003
    Evans, Geoffrey, and RobertAndersen. 2005. “The Impact of Party Leaders: How Blair Lost Labour Votes.” In Britain Votes, eds PippaNorris and ChristopherWlezien. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Evans, Geoffrey, and RobertAndersen. 2006. “The Political Conditioning of Economic Perceptions.”Journal of Politics68: 194–207.
    Evans, Geoffrey.2006. “The Social Bases of Political Divisions in Post-Communist Eastern Europe.”Annual Review of Sociology32: 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.32.061604.123144
    Ewing, K.D.2002. Trade Unions, the Labour Party and Political Funding. London: Catalyst Press.
    Ezrow, Lawrence.2007. “The Variance Matters: How Party Systems Represent the Preferences of Voters.”Journal of Politics69: 182–192.
    Farrell, David M.1996. “Campaign Strategies and Tactics.” In Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voting in Global Perspective, eds LawrenceLeDuc, Richard G.Niemi, and PippaNorrisThousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
    Farrell, David. 2001a. Electoral Systems: A Comparative Introduction. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
    Farrell, David. 2001b. “The United Kingdom Comes of Age: The British Electoral Reform ‘Revolution’ of the 1990s.” In Mixed-Member Electoral Systems: The Best of Both Worlds? ed. MatthewShugart and MartinWattenberg. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Farrell, David.2010. Electoral Systems: A Comparative Introduction,
    2nd edn
    . Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
    Farrell, David, and IanMcAllister. 2006. The Australian Electoral System: Origins, Variations and Consequences. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press.
    Farrell, David M., and RudigerSchmitt-Beck, eds 2002. Do Political Campaigns Matter? Campaign Effects in Elections and Referenda. London: Routledge. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203166956
    Farrell, David, and RogerScully. 2007. Representing Europe's Citizens? Electoral Institutions and the Failure of Parliamentary Representation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199285020.001.0001
    Farrell, David, and PaulWebb. 2000. “Political Parties as Campaign Organisations.” In Parties without Partisans, Russell J.Dalton and MartinWattenberg. ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Farrell, Henry, and DanielDrezner. 2008. “The Power and Politics of Blogs.”Public Choice134: 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-007-9198-1
    Fearon, James D.1999. “Electoral Accountability and the Control of Politicians: Selecting Good Types versus Sanctioning Poor Performance.” In Democracy, Accountability, and Representation, eds AdamPrzeworski, SusanStokes, and BernardManin. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Feasby, Colin.2006. “The Supreme Court of Canada's Political Theory and the Constitutionality of the Political Finance Regime.” In Party Funding and Campaign Financing in International Perspective, eds K.D.Ewing and SamuelIssacharoff. Oxford and Portland, OR: Hart Publishing.
    Feldman, Stanley.1982. “Economic Self-Interest and Political Behavior.”American Journal of Political Science26: 446–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2110937
    Fenno, Richard F.1978. Home Style: House Members in Their Districts. Boston, MA: Little, Brown.
    Ferdinand, Peter.1998. “Building Democracy on the Basis of Capitalism: Towards an East Asian Model of Party Funding.” In Funding Democratization, eds PeterBurnell and AlanWare. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
    Ferejohn, John.1986. “Incumbent Performance and Electoral Control.”Public Choice50: 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00124924
    Finkel, Steven E., Edward N.Muller, and Karl-DieterOpp. 1989. “Personal Influence, Collective Rationality and Mass Political Action.”American Political Science Review83: 885–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962065
    Fiorina, Morris.1981. Retrospective Voting in American National Elections. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
    Fisher, Justin, and Todd A.Eisenstadt. 2004. “Introduction: Comparative Party Finance. What Is to Be Done?”Party Politics10: 619–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068804046910
    Fisher, Justin, DavidDenver, and GordonHands. 2005. “The Relative Electoral Impact of Central Party Co-ordination and Size of Party Membership at Constituency Level.”Electoral Studies25: 664–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2005.10.001
    Flanagan, Scott, ShinsakuKohei, IchiroMiyake, Bradley M.Richardson, and JojiWatanuki. 1991. The Japanese Voter. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
    Fornos, Carolina A., Timothy J.Power, and James C.Garand. 2004. “Explaining Voter Turnout in Latin America, 1980–2000.”Comparative Political Studies37: 909–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004267981
    Fournier, Patrick, RichardNadeau, AndreBlais, ElisabethGidengil, and NeilNevitte. 2004. “Time of Voting Decision and Susceptibility to Campaign Effects.”Electoral Studies23: 661–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2003.09.001
    Fowler, James H.2006. “Altruism and Turnout.”Journal of Politics68: 674–83.
    Fowler, James, Laura A.Baker, and Christopher T.Dawes. 2008. “Genetic Variation in Political Participation.”American Political Science Review102: 233–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055408080209
    Fowler, James H., and Christopher T.Dowes. 2008. “Two Genes Predict Voter Turnout.”Journal of Politics70: 579–94.
    Fowler, James H., and Cindy D.Kam. 2007. “Beyond the Self: Altruism, Social Identity, and Political Participation.”Journal of Politics69: 813–27.
    Fowler, James H., and OlegSmirnov. 2007. Mandates, Parties, and Voters: How Elections Shape the Future. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.
    Franklin, Mark N.2004. Voter Turnout and the Dynamics of Electoral Competition in Established Democracies since 1945. New York: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511616884
    Franklin, Mark, TomMackie, and HenryValen, eds 1992. Electoral Change. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
    Frear, M.2008. “The Lukashenka Phenomenon: Elections, Propaganda and the Foundations of Political Authority in Belarus.”Europe–Asia Studies60: 1274–6.
    Freedman, Paul, MichaelFranz, and KennethGoldstein. 2004. “Campaign Advertising and Democratic Citizenship.”American Journal of Political Science48: 723–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00098.x
    Freedom House. 2008a. Freedom in the World 2008. Washington, DC: Freedom House. http://www.freedomhouse.org
    Freedom House. 2008b. “Freedom of the Press World Ranking.”http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=251&year=2008 (accessed 15.03.2009).
    FreedomHouse. 2009. Freedom in the World 2009. Washington, DC: Freedom House. http://www.freedomhouse.org
    Fuchs, Dieter, and Hans-DieterKlingemann. 1989. “The Left–Right Schema.” In Continuities in Political Action, ed M.Kent Jennings and Janvan Deth. Berlin: de Gruyter.
    Gaines, Brian.1999. “Duverger's Law and Canadian Exceptionalism.”Comparative Political Studies32: 835–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414099032007004
    Gallagher, Michael.1991. “Proportionality, Disproportionality and Electoral Systems.”Electoral Studies10: 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794%2891%2990004-C
    Gallagher, Michael and PaulMitchell, eds 2005. The Politics of Electoral Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0199257566.001.0001
    Gambetta, Diego.2002. “Corruption: An Analytical Map.” In Political Corruption in Transition: A Sceptic's Handbook, ed. StephenKotkin and AndrásSajó. Budapest: Central European University Press.
    Geddes, Barbara.1999. “What Do We Know about Democratization after Twenty Years?”Annual Review of Political Science2: 115–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.2.1.115
    Geer, John.1998. In Defense of Negativity. Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press.
    Gelman, Andrew, and GaryKing. 1993. “Why are American Presidential Election Polls so Variable When Votes are so Predictable?”British Journal of Political Science23: 409–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400006682
    Gelman, Andrew, and GaryKing. 1994. “Enhancing Democracy through Legislative Redistricting.”American Political Science Review88: 541–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944794
    Gerber, Alan, and DonaldGreen. 2004. Get Out the Vote: How to Increase Voter Turnout. Washington, DC: Brookings.
    Gerber, Alan S., Donald P.Green, and RonShachar. 2003. “Voting May Be Habit-Forming: Evidence from a Randomized Field Experiment.”American Journal of Political Science47: 540–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-5907.00038
    Gibson, Rachel K., and IanMcAllister. 2006. “Does Cyber-Campaigning Win Votes? Online Communication in the 2004 Australian Election.”Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties16: 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689880600950527
    Gibson, Rachel K., MichaelMargolis, DavidResnick, and Stephen J.Ward. 2003. “Election Campaigning on the WWW in the USA and UK: A Comparative Analysis.”Party Politics9: 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135406880391004
    Gibson, Rachel, PaulNixon, and StephenWard, eds 2003. Political Parties and the Internet–Net Gain?London: Routledge.
    Gidlund, Gullan, and RuudKoole. 2001. “Political Finance in the North of Europe: The Netherlands and Sweden.” In Foundations for Democracy: Approaches to Comparative Political Finance, ed. Karl-HeinzNassmacher. Baden-Baden: Nomos.
    Gillespie, Richard.1998. “Party Funding in a New Democracy: Spain.” In Funding Democratization, eds PeterBurnell and AlanWare. Manchester: Manchester University Press.
    Githens, Marianne.2003. “Accounting for Women's Political Involvement: The Perennial Problem of Recruitment.” In Women and American Politics, ed. Susan J.Carroll. New Questions, New Directions. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Goetz, Anne-Marie, and ShireenHassim. 2002. “In and Against the Party: Women's Representation and Constituency Building in Uganda and South Africa.” In Gender, Justice, Development and Rights, eds MaxineMolyneux and ShahrashoubRazavi. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Golder, Matt, and JacekStramski. 2007. “Ideological Congruence and Two Visions of Democracy.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago.
    Golder, Matt and JacekStramski. Forthcoming. American Journal of PoliticalScience54.
    Golder, Sona. 2006a. “Pre-Electoral Coalition Formation in Parliamentary Democracies.”British Journal of Political Science36: 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123406000123
    Golder, Sona Nadenichek. 2006b. The Logic of Pre-Electoral Coalition Formation. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press.
    Gomez, Brad T., and J. MatthewWilson. 2001. “Political Sophistication and Economic Voting in the American Electorate.”American Journal of Political Science45: 899–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2669331
    Gomez, Brad T., and J. MatthewWilson. 2006. “Cognitive Heterogeneity and Economic Voting: A Comparative Analysis of Four Democratic Electorates.”American Journal of Political Science50: 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00174.x
    Goodin, Robert, ed. 1996. The Theory of Institutional Design. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511558320
    Granberg, Donald, and SörenHolmberg. 1988. The Political System Matters: Social Psychology and Voting Behavior in Sweden and the United States. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
    Grant, Alan.2005. “Party and Election Finance in Britain and America: A Comparative Analysis.”Parliamentary Affairs58: 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsi007
    Green, Donald, SunshineHillygus, JohnSides, and DaronShaw. 2008. “The Influence of Television and Radio Advertising on Candidate Evaluation: Results from a Large-Scale Randomized Experiment.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, IL.
    Green, Donald, BradleyPalmquist, and EricSchickler. 2002. Partisan Hearts and Minds: Political Parties and the Social Identities of Voters. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
    Grey, Sandra.2002. “Does Size Matter? Critical Mass and New Zealand's Women MPs.”Parliamentary Affairs55: 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/parlij/55.1.19
    Griner, Steven, and DanielZovatto, eds 2005. The Delicate Balance between Political Equality and Freedom of Expression: Political Party and Campaign Financing in Canada and the United States. Washington, DC: Organization of American States and International IDEA.
    Grofman, Bernard, Sung-ChullLee, EdwinWinckler, and BrianWoodall, eds 1999. Elections in Japan, Korea and Taiwan under the Single Non-Transferable Vote: The Comparative Study of an Embedded Institution. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    Gryzymala-Busse, Anna.2006. “Authoritarian Determinants of Democratic Party Competition.”Party Politics12: 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068806063089
    Gunther, Richard, and AnthonyMughan, eds 2000. Democracy and the Media: A Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139175289
    Gurevitch, Michael, and Jay G.Blumler. 1993. “Longitudinal Analysis of an Election Communication System: Newsroom Observation at the BBC, 1966–92.”Oesterreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft22: 427–44.
    Hagen, Michael, and RobinKolodny. 2008“Slicing and Dicing the Electorate: Heterogeneity and Campaign Strategy.” Paper presented at the conference on Homogeneity and Heterogeneity of Public Opinion. Ithaca, NY: October.
    Hagopian, Frances.1998. “Democracy and Political Representation in Latin America in the 1990s.” In Fault Lines of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America, eds FelipeAgüero and JeffreyStark. Coral Gables, FL: North/South Center Press, University of Miami.
    Hallin, Daniel C.1992. “Sound Bite News: Television Coverage of Elections, 1968–1988.”Journal of Communication42: 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.1992.tb00775.x
    Hallin, Daniel C., and PaoloMancini. 2004. Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511790867
    “Has Labour Kept Its Promises?” BBC News, May 3, 2002, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/1961522.stm
    Hazan, Reuven.2001. “The Israeli Mixed Electoral System: Unexpected Reciprocal and Cumulative Consequences.” In Mixed-Member Electoral Systems, eds MatthewShugart and MartinWattenberg. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Hellwig, Timothy, EveRingsmuth, and John R.Freeman. 2008. “The American Public and the Room to Maneuver: Responsibility Attributions and Policy Efficacy in an Era of Globalization.”International Studies Quarterly52: 855–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2008.00529.x
    Hellwig, Timothy, and DavidSamuels. 2007. “Voting in Open Economies: The Electoral Consequences of Globalization.”Comparative Political Studies40: 283–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006288974
    Hellwig, Timothy, and DavidSamuels. 2008. “Electoral Accountability and the Variety of Democratic Regimes.”British Journal of Political Science38: 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123408000045
    Hibbing, John R., and ElizabethTheiss-Morse. 2002. Stealth Democracy: Americans' Beliefs about How Government Should Work. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511613722
    Hibbs, Douglas A., Jr.1977. “Political Parties and Macroeconomic Policy.”American Political Science Review71: 1467–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961490
    Hicken, Allen.2006. “Stuck in the Mud: Parties and Party Systems in Democratic Southeast Asia.”Taiwan Journal of Democracy2: 23–46.
    Hillygus, D. Sunshine.2005. “Campaign Effects and the Dynamics of Turnout Intention in Election 2000.”Journal of Politics67: 50–68.
    Hobolt, Sara Binzer.2005. “When Europe Matters: The Impact of Political Information on Voting Behaviour in EU Referendums.”Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties15: 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689880500064635
    Holbrook, Thomas.1996. Do Campaigns Matter?Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781452243825
    Holmberg, Sören.2000. “Issue Agreement.” In Beyond Westminster and Congress: The Nordic Experience, eds PeterEsaiasson and KnutHeidar. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press.
    Holmberg, Sören.2007. “Partisanship Reconsidered.” In Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior, eds Russell J.Dalton and Hans-DieterKlingemann. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Hopkin, Jonathan.2004. “The Problem with Party Finance: Theoretical Perspectives on the Funding of Party Politics.”Party Politics10: 627–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068804046911
    Horowitz, Donald.2000. Ethnic Groups in Conflict: Theories, Patterns, and Policies,
    2nd edn.
    Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
    Howard, Morje Marc, and Philip G.Roessler. 2006. “Liberalizing Electoral Outcomes in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes.”American Journal of Political Science50: 365–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00189.x
    Huber, Gregory, and KevinArceneaux. 2008. “Uncovering the Persuasive Effects of Presidential Advertising.”American Journal of Political Science51: 957–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00291.x
    Huber, John D., and G. BinghamPowell. 1994. “Congruence between Citizens and Policymakers in Two Visions of Liberal Democracy.”World Politics46: 291–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950684
    Huff, Barbara.2003. “No Lessons Learned from the Holocaust? Assessing Risks of Genocide and Political Mass Murder since 1955.”American Political Science Review97: 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055403000522
    Huntington, Samuel P.1991. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press.
    Inglehart, Ronald.1990. Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
    Inglehart, Ronald, and Hans-DieterKlingemann. 1976. “Party Identification, Ideological Preference and the Left–Right Dimension among Western Mass Publics.” In Party Identification and Beyond, eds IanBudge, IvorCrewe, and DennisFarlie. New York: Wiley.
    Inglehart, Ronald, and PippaNorris. 2003. Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change around the World. New York: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511550362
    Inglehart, Ronald, and ChristopherWlezien. 2005. Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy: The Human Development Sequence. New York: Cambridge University Press.
    International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. 2001. Handbook on Funding of Parties and Election Campaigns. Stockholm: International IDEA.
    International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. 2002. International Electoral Standards Guidelines for Reviewing the Legal Framework of Elections. Stockholm: International IDEA.
    International Telecommunications Union (ITU). 2003. World Telecommunications Development Report. Geneva: ITU.
    IPU. 1997. Men and Women in Politics: Democracy Still in the Making. Geneva: Inter-Parliamentary Union.
    IPU. 2007. The Role of Parliamentary Committees in Mainstreaming Gender and Promoting the Status of Women. Geneva: Inter-Parliamentary Union.
    IPU. 2008a. Women in National Parliaments. 31 October, http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm
    IPU. 2008b. Equality in Politics: A Survey of Women and Men in Parliaments. Geneva: Inter-Parliamentary Union.
    Irwin, Galen A., and Jacques, Thomassen.1975. “Issue-consensus in a Multi-party System: Voters and Leaders in the Netherlands.”Acta Politica10: 389–420.
    Jackman, Robert W.1987. “Political Institutions and Voter Turnout in the Industrialized Democracies.”American Political Science Review8: 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961959
    Jamieson, Katheleen Hall.1992. Dirty Politics: Distraction, Deception and Democracy. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
    Janda, Kenneth.2005. Adopting Party Law. Washington, DC: National Democratic Institute.
    Jennings, M. Kent, and Richard G.Niemi. 1981. Generations and Politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
    Johnson, Thomas J., Barabara K.Kaye, Shannon L.Bichard, and W. JoannWong. 2007. “Every Blog Has Its Day: Politically-interested Internet Users' Perceptions of Blog Credibility.”Journal of Computer Mediated Communication13: 100–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1083-6101.2007.00388.x
    Johnston, Richard.2008. “Polarized Pluralism in the Canadian Party System: Presidential Addresses to the Canadian Political Science Association.”Canadian Journal of Political Science41: 815–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0008423908081110
    Johnston, Richard, AndréBlais, Henry E.Brady, and JeanCrete. 1992. Letting the People Decide: Dynamics of a Canadian Election. Kingston, Canada: McGill-Queen's Press.
    Johnston, Richard, Michael G.Hagen, and Kathleen HallJamieson. 2004. The 2000 Presidential Election and the Foundations of Party Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511756207
    Johnston, Richard, and JackVowles. 2006. “Strategic Learning in Campaigns with Proportional Representation: Evidence from New Zealand.” In Capturing Campaign Effects, eds Henry E.Brady and RichardJohnston. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    Jones, Mark.1995. Electoral Rules and the Survival of Presidential Democracies. Notre Dame, IN: Notre Dame University Press.
    Kabeer, Naila.2005. “The Beijing Platform for Action and the Millennium Development Goals: Different Processes, Different Outcomes.” UNDAW Expert Group Meeting, Baku, Azerbaijan, February.: Different Processes, Different Outcomes.” UNDAW Expert Group Meeting, Baku, Azerbaijan, February.
    Kaid, Lynda Lee.1999. “Political Advertising: A Summary of Research Findings.” In The Handbook of Political Advertising, ed. BruceNewman. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
    Kaid, Lynda Lee, and ChristinaHoltz-Bacha, eds 2006. The Sage Handbook of Political Advertising. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412973403
    Kanter, Rosabeth Moss.1977. Men and Women of the Corporation. New York: Basic Books.
    Karam, Azza.1998. Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance.
    Katz, Richard S.1996“Party Organizations and Finance.” In Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voting in Global Perspective, eds LawrenceLeDuc, Richard G.Niemi, and PippaNorris. London: Sage.
    Katz, Richard S.1997. Democracy and Elections. New York: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195044294.001.0001
    Katz, Richard S.2002. “The Internal Life of Parties.” In Political Challenges in the New Europe: Political and Analytical Challenges, eds Kurt RichardLuther and FerdinandMüller-Rommel. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Katz, Richard.2005. “Why Are There so Many or so Few Electoral Reforms?” In The Politics of Electoral Systems, eds MichaelGallagher and PaulMitchell. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Katz, Richard S., and PeterMair. 1995. “Changing Models of Party Organization and Party Democracy: The Emergence of the Cartel Party.”Party Politics1: 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068895001001001
    Kayser, Mark Andreas.2006. “Trade and the Timing of Elections.”British Journal of Political Science36: 437–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123406000238
    Kayser, Mark, and ChristopherWlezien. 2006. “Performance Pressure: Patterns of Partisanship and the Economic Vote.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia.: Patterns of Partisanship and the Economic Vote.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia.
    Key, V.O., Jr.1964. Politics, Parties and Pressure Groups,
    5th edn.
    New York: Crowell.
    Key, V.O., Jr.1966. The Responsible Electorate. New York: Vintage Books.
    Kim, HeeMin, and Richard C.Fording. 1998. “Voter Ideology in Western Democracies.”European Journal of Political Research33: 73–97.
    Kim, HeeMin, and Richard C.Fording. 2002. “Government Partisanship in Western Democracies, 1945–1998.”European Journal of Political Research41: 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00009
    Kim, HeeMin, G. BinghamPowell, and Richard C.Fording. Forthcoming. “Electoral Systems, Party Systems, and Ideological Representation: Ideological Distortion in Western Democracies.”Comparative Politics.
    King, Gary, JamesAlt, NancyBurns, and MichaelLaver. 1990. “A Unified Model of Cabinet Dissolution in Parliamentary Democracies.”American Journal of Political Science34: 846–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111401
    Kirchheimer, Otto.1966. “The Transformation of the Western European Party Systems.” In Political Parties and Political Development, ed. JosephLaPalombara and MyronWeiner. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
    Kitschelt, Herbert, ZdenkaMansfeldova, RadoslawMarkowski, and GáborTóka. 1999. Post-Communist Party Systems: Competition, Representation and Inter-Party Cooperation. New York: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139175173
    Klapper, Joseph T.1960. The Effects of Mass Communication. New York, NY: Free Press.
    Klingemann, Hans-Dieter, Richard I.Hofferbert, and IanBudge. 1994. Parties, Policies and Democracy. Boulder, CO: Westview.
    Klingemann, Hans-Dieter, AndreaVolkens, JudithBara, IanBudge, and Michael D.McDonald. 2006. Mapping Policy Preferences II. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Knutsen, Oddbøjrn.1995. “Left–Right Materialist Value Orientations.” In The Impact of Values, eds J.Van Deth and E.Scarbrough. New York: Oxford University Press.
    Knutsen, Oddbøjrn.2006. Class Voting in Western Europe: A Comparative Longitudinal Study. Latham, MD: Lexington Books.
    Knutsen, Oddbjørn.2007. “The Decline of Social Class?” In Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior, eds Russell J.Dalton and Hans-DieterKlingemann. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Kopecký, Petr. 2006, “Political Parties and the State in Post-Communist Europe: The Nature of Symbiosis.”Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics22: 251–73.
    Kopecký, Petr, and PeterMair. 2003. “Political Parties and Government.” In Political Parties in Africa, ed. Mohamed A.Salih. London: Pluto.
    Kostadinova, Tatiana, and Timothy J.Power. 2007. “Does Democratization Depress Participation? Voter Turnout in the Latin American and Eastern European Transitional Democracies.”Political Research Quarterly60: 363–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912907304154
    Krook, Mona Lena.2008. “Campaigns for Candidate Gender Quotas: A New Global Women's Movement?” In Women's Movements: Flourishing or in Abeyance?, eds SandraGrey and MarianSawer. London: Routledge.
    Krosnick, Jon A., and Donald R.Kinder. 1990. “Altering the Foundations of Support for the President through Priming.”American Political Science Review84: 497–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963531
    Kuenzi, Michelle, and GinaLambright. 2001. “Party System Institutionalization in 30 African Countries.”Party Politics7: 437–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068801007004003
    Laakso, Markku, and ReinTaagepera. 1979. “The Effective Number of Parties: A Measure with Application to West Europe.”Comparative Political Studies12: 3–27.
    Ladner, Matthew, and ChristopherWlezien. 2007. “Partisan Preferences, Electoral Prospects, and Economic Expectations.”Comparative Political Studies40: 571–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005285758
    Lau, Richard R., LeeSigelman, and Ivy BrownRovner. 2007. “The Effects of Negative Political Campaigns: A Meta-Analytic Reassessment.”Journal of Politics69: 1176–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00618.x
    Laver, Michael.2003. “Government Termination.”Annual Review of Political Science6: 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.6.121901.085530
    Laver, Michael, and NormanSchofield. 1990. Multiparty Government: The Politics of Coalition in Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Lawson, Chappell.2008. “Election Coverage in Mexico: Regulation Meets Crony Capitalism.” In Handbook of Election News Coverage around the World, eds JesperStrömback and Lynda LeeKaid. London: Routledge.
    Lawson, Kay, AndreaRömmele, and GeorgiKarasimeonov, eds 1999. Cleavages, Parties, and Voters: Studies from Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Romania. Westport, CT: Praeger.
    Lazarsfeld, Paul F., BerelsonBernard, and GaudetHazel. 1944. The People's Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce.
    LeDuc, Lawrence.2003. The Politics of Direct Democracy: Referendums in Global Perspective. Peterborough, Ontario, and Orchard Park, NY: Broadview Press.
    LeDuc, Lawrence, Richard G.Niemi, and PippaNorris, eds 1996. Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voting in Global Perspective. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
    Lee, Aie-Rie.2008. “Value Cleavages, Issues and Partisanship in East Asia.” In Party Politics in East Asia, eds RussellDalton, Doh ChullShin and Yun-hanChu. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.
    Levitsky, Steven, and Lucan A.Way. 2002. “The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism.”Journal of Democracy13: 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0026
    Lewis-Beck, Michael S.1988. Economics and Elections: The Major Western Democracies. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    Lewis-Beck, Michael S.1991. “Introduction.” In Economics and Politics: The Calculus of Support, eds HelmutNorpoth, Michael S.Lewis-Beck, and Jean-DominiqueLafay. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    Lewis-Beck, Michael S.1997. “Who's the Chef? Economic Voting under a Dual Executive.”European Journal of Political Research31: 315–25.
    Lewis-Beck, Michael S.2005. “Election Forecasting: Principles and Practice.”British Journal of Politics and International Relations7: 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856X.2005.00178.x
    Lewis-Beck, Michael, William G.Jacoby, HelmutNorpoth, and Herbert F.Weisberg. 2008. The American Voter Revisited. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    Lewis-Beck, Michael S., and MaryStegmaier. 2000. “Economic Determinants of Electoral Outcomes.”Annual Review of Political Science3: 183–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.183
    Lijphart, Arend. 1994. Electoral Systems and Party Systems: A Study of Twenty-Seven Democracies, 1945–1990. New York: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273479.001.0001
    Lijphart, Arend.1999. Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
    Lindberg, Staffan I.2006. Democracy and Elections in Africa. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
    Linz, Juan J.1990. “The Perils of Presidentialism.”Journal of Democracy1: 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1990.0059
    Lippmann, Walter.1922. Public Opinion. New York: Harcourt.
    Lipset, Seymour Martin, and SteinRokkan. 1967. Party Systems and Voter Alignments. New York: Free Press.
    Lodge, Milton, MarcoSteenbergen, and ShawnBrau. 1995. “The Responsive Voter: Campaign Information and the Dynamics of Candidate Evaluation.”American Political Science Review89: 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082427
    López-Escobar, Esteban, TeresaSádaba, and RicardoZugasti. 2008. “Election Coverage in Spain: From Franco's Death to the Atocha Massacre.” In Handbook of Election News Coverage around the World, eds JesperStrömback and Lynda LeeKaid. London: Routledge.
    López-Pintor, Rafael.2000. Electoral Management Bodies as Institutions of Governance. New York, NY: Bureau for Development Policy, United Nations Development Programme, http://www.undp.org/governance/docs/Elections-PubEMBbook.pdf
    Lösche, Peter.1993. “Problems of Party and Campaign Financing in Germany and the United States–Some Comparative Reflections.” In Campaign and Party Finance in North America and Western Europe, ed. Arthur B.Gunlicks. Boulder, CO: Westview.
    Lovenduski, Joni.2005. Feminizing Politics. Cambridge: Polity Press.
    Lovenduski, Joni, and PippaNorris. 1993. Gender and Party Politics. London: Sage.
    Lowell, A. Lawrence.1897. Government and Parties in Continental Europe. Vol 1,
    2nd edn
    . Boston, MA: Houghton, Mifflin and Co.
    Lutz, Georg, and MichaelMarsh. 2007. “Introduction: Consequences of Low Turnout.”Electoral Studies26: 539–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2006.10.001
    Lyons, William, and RobertAlexander. 2000. “A Tale of Two Electorates: Generational Replacement and the Decline of Voting in Presidential Elections.”Journal of Politics62: 1014–34
    Mackay, Fiona.2004. “Gender and Political Representation in the UK: The State of the Discipline.”British Journal of Politics and International Relations6: 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856X.2004.00129.x
    Mackay, Fiona.2006. “Descriptive and Substantive Representation in New Parliamentary Spaces: The Case of Scotland.” In Representing Women in Parliament: A Comparative Study, eds MarianSawer, ManonTremblay, and LindaTrimble. London: Routledge.
    MacKuen, Michael B., Robert S.Erikson, and James A.Stimson. 1992. “Peasants or Bankers? The American Electorate and the U.S. Economy.”American Political Science Review86: 597–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964124
    Madrid, Raúl.2005. “Indigenous Voters and Party System Fragmentation in Latin America.”Electoral Studies24: 689–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2005.02.005
    Mainwaring, Scott.1999. Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press.
    Mainwaring, Scott, and MarkJones. 2003. “The Nationalization of Parties and Party Systems: An Empirical Measure and an Application to the Americas.”Party Politics9: 139–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540688030092002
    Mainwaring, Scott, and Timothy R.Scully. 1995. “Introduction: Party Systems in Latin America.” In Building Democratic Institutions, ed. ScottMainwaring and TimothyScully. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
    Mainwaring, Scott, and MatthewShugart. 1997. Presidentialism and Democracy in Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139174800
    Mainwaring, Scott, and MarianoTorcal. 2006. “Party System Institutionalization and Party System Theory after the Third Wave of Democratization.” In Handbook of Party Politics, eds Richard S.Katz and WilliamCrotty. London: Sage. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781848608047
    Mainwaring, Scott, and EdurneZoco. 2007. “Political Sequences and the Stabilization of Interparty Competition.”Party Politics13: 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807073852
    Mair, Peter.2002. “Comparing Party Systems.” In Comparing Democracies 2, eds LawrenceLeDuc, Richard G.Niemi, and PippaNorris. London: Sage.
    Mair, Peter, and Ingridvan Biezen. 2001. “Party Membership in Twenty European Democracies, 1980–2000.”Party Politics7: 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068801007001001
    Mair, Stefan.2000. “Germany's Stiftungen and Democracy Assistance: Comparative Advantages, New Challenges.” In Democracy Assistance: International Co-operation for Democratization, ed. PeterBurnell. London: Frank Cass.
    Malbin, Michael.2008. “Rethinking the Campaign Finance Agenda.”The Forum6/1, article 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1540-8884.1233
    Manion, Melanie.1996. “The Electoral Connection in the Chinese Countryside.”American Political Science Review90: 736–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945839
    Mansbridge, Jane.2003. “Rethinking Representation.”American Political Science Review97 (3): 515–28.
    Massicotte, Louis, AndréBlais, and AntoineYoshinaka. 2004. Establishing the Rules of the Game: Election Laws in Democracies. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
    Mateo Diaz, Mercedes.2005. Representing Women? Female Legislators in West European Parliaments. Colchester: ECPR Press.
    Matland, Richard E.2006. “Electoral Quotas: Frequency and Effectiveness.” In Women, Quotas and Politics, ed. DrudeDahlerup. London: Routledge.
    Matland, Richard E., and Donley T.Studlar. 1996. “The Contagion of Women Candidates in Single-Member District and Proportional Representation Electoral Systems: Canada and Norway.”Journal of Politics58: 707–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2960439
    Matthews, Donald R., and HenryValen. 1999. Parliamentary Representation: The Case of the Norwegian Storting. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press.
    Mazzoleni, Gianpietro.1987. “Media Logic and Party Logic in Campaign Coverage: The Italian General Election of 1983.”European Journal of Communication2: 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323187002001005
    McAllister, Ian.1991. “Party Elites, Voters and Political Attitudes: Testing Three Explanations of Mass-Elite Differences.”Canadian Journal of Political Science24: 237–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0008423900005072
    McAllister, Ian.2008. “Social Structure and Party Choice.” In Party Politics in East Asia, eds RussellDalton, Doh ChullShin, and Yun-hanChu. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.
    McCombs, Maxwell E.2004. Setting the Agenda: The Mass Media and Public Opinion. Cambridge: Polity Press.
    McCombs, Maxwell E., EstebanLopez-Escobar, and Juan PabloLlamas. 2000. “Setting the Agenda of Attributes in the 1996 Spanish General Elections.”Journal of Communication50: 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2000.tb02842.x
    McCombs, Maxwell E., and Donald L.Shaw. 1972. “The Agenda-Setting Function of Mass Media.”Public Opinion Quarterly36: 176–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/267990
    McDonald, Michael D., and IanBudge. 2005. Elections, Parties, Democracy: Conferring the Median Mandate. New York: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0199286728.001.0001
    McDonald MichaelD.., Silva M.Mendes, and IanBudge. 2004. “What Are Elections For? Conferring the Median Mandate.”British Journal of Political Science34: 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123403000322
    McDonough, Peter, Samuel H.Barnes, and Antonio LópezPina. 1998. The Cultural Dynamics of Democratization in Spain. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
    McFaul, Michael.1997. Russia's 1996 Presidential Election. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution.
    McKenna, Laura, and AntoinettePole. 2008. “What Bloggers Do: An Average Day on an Average Political Blog.”Public Choice134: 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-007-9203-8
    McKinney, Mitchell S., and Diana B.Carlin. 2004. “Political Campaign Debates.” In Handbook of Political Communication Research, ed. Lynda LeeKaid. London: Routledge.
    McLeod, Douglas M., Gerald M.Kosicki, and Jack M.McLeod. 1994. “The Expanding Boundaries of Political Communication Effects.” In Media Effects: Advances in Theory and Research, eds JenningsBryant and DolfZillmann. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
    Milbrath, Lester W.1965. Political Participation. Chicago, IL: Rand McNally.
    Miller, Arthur H., Edie N.Goldenberg, and LutzErbring. 1979. “Type-Set Politics: Impact of Newspapers on Public Confidence.”American Political Science Review73: 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1954731
    Miller, Joanne M., and Jon A.Krosnick. 2000. “News Media Impact on the Ingredients of Presidential Evaluations: Politically Knowledgeable Citizens Are Guided by a Trusted Source.”American Journal of Political Science44: 301–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2669312
    Miller, Warren E., and DonaldStokes. 1963. “Constituency Influence in Congress.”American Political Science Review57: 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1952717
    Miller, Warren E., and J. MerrillShanks. 1996. The New American Voter. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
    Miller, E.Warren, RoyPierce, JacquesThomassen, RichardHerrera, SörenHolmberg, PeterEsaisson, and BernhardWessels. 1999. Policy Representation in Western Democracies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Miller, William L.1991. Media and Voters: The Audience, Content, and Influence of Press and Television at the 1987 General Election. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
    Milner, Henry.2002. Civic Literacy: How Informed Citizens Make Democracy Work. Medford, MA: Tufts University Press.
    Molomo, Mpho, and DavidSebudubudu. 2005. “Funding of Political Parties: Levelling the Political Playing Field.” In 40 Years of Democracy in Botswana, 1965–2005, ed. ZibaniMaundeni. Gaborone: Mmegi Publishing House.
    Mozaffar, Shaheen, and JamesScarritt. 2005. “The Puzzle of African Party Systems.”Party Politics11: 399–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068805053210
    Mughan, Anthony.2000. Media and the Professionalization of Parliamentary Campaigns. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403920126
    Muller, Edward N., and Karl-DieterOpp. 1986. “Rational Choice and Rebellious Collective Action.”American Political Science Review80: 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958269
    Munck, Geraldo L., and JayVerkuilen. 2002a. “Conceptualizing and Measuring Democracy: Evaluating Alternative Indices.”Comparative Political Studies35: 5–34.
    Munck, Geraldo L., and JayVerkuilen. 2002b. “Generating Better Data: A Response to Discussants.”Comparative Political Studies35: 52–7.
    Nadeau, Richard, and Michael S.Lewis-Beck. 2001. “National Economic Voting in U.S. Presidential Elections.”Journal of Politics63: 159–81.
    Nadeau, Richard, Richard G.Niemi, and AntoineYoshinaka. 2002. “A Cross-National Analysis of Economic Voting: Taking Account of the Political Context across Time and Nations.”Electoral Studies21: 403–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794%2801%2900002-6
    Nassmacher, Karl-Heinz.2003. “Monitoring, Control and Enforcement of Political Finance Regulation.” In Funding of Political Parties and Election Campaigns, ed. ReginaldAustin and MajaTjernström. Stockholm: International IDEA.
    Nannestad, Peter, and MartinPaldam. 1997. “From the Pocketbook to the Welfare Man: A Pooled Cross-section Study of Economic Voting in Denmark.”British Journal of Political Science27: 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123497220053
    Neumann, Sigmund.1956. “Towards a Comparative Study of Political Parties.” In Modern Political Parties, Sigmund Neumann. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
    Newman, Bruce I.1999. Handbook of Political Marketing. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
    Nie, Norman H., SidneyVerba, and John R.Petrocik. 1979. The Changing American Voter. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
    Nieuwbeerta, Paul, and Nan DirkDe Graaf. 1999. “Traditional Class Voting in 20 Postwar Societies.” In The End of Class Politics?, ed. GeoffreyEvans. New York: Oxford University Press.
    Nohlen, Dieter.1984. “Chances and Choices in Electoral Systems.” In Choosing an Electoral System, eds ArendLijphart and BernardGrofman. New York: Praeger.
    Nohlen, Dieter.1997. “Electoral Systems in Eastern Europe: Genesis, Critique, Reform.” In Electoral Systems for Emerging Democracies: Experiences and Suggestions, ed. J.Elklit. Copenhagen: Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
    Norpoth, Helmut.1996. “The Economy.” In Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voters in Comparative Perspective, eds LawrenceLeDuc, Richard G.Niemi, and PippaNorris. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
    Norris, Pippa.1985. “Women's Legislative Participation in Western Europe.”West European Politics8: 90–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388508424556
    Norris, Pippa.1995. “Introduction: The Politics of Electoral Reform.”International Political Science Review16: 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251219501600101
    Norris, Pippa.1997. Passages to Power: Legislative Recruitment in Advanced Democracies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Norris, Pippa.1999. A Virtuous Circle: Reinventing Political Activism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Norris, Pippa.2000. A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Postindustrial Societies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511609343
    Norris, Pippa.2001. Digital Divide: Civic Engagement, Information Poverty, and the Internet Worldwide. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139164887
    Norris, Pippa.2002. “Campaigns Communications.” In Comparing Democracies 2, eds LarryLeDuc, Richard G.Niemi, and PippaNorris. London: Sage.
    Norris, Pippa.2003. “Preaching to the Converted.”Party Politics9: 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135406880391003
    Norris, Pippa.2004. Electoral Engineering: Electoral Rules and Voting Behavior. New York: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511790980
    Norris, Pippa, and RonaldInglehart. 2004. Sacred and Secular: Religion and Politics Worldwide. New York: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511791017
    Norris, Pippa, JoniLovenduski, and RosieCampbell. 2004. Gender and Political Participation. Research Report. London: UK Electoral Commission.
    Norris, Pippa, and ChristopherWlezien. 2005. Britain Votes. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Oates, Sarah.2008. “Election Coverage in the Russian Federation.” In The Handbook of Election News Coverage around the World, eds JesperStrömbäck and Lynda LeeKaid. London: Routledge.
    O'Dwyer, Conor, and BranislavKovalcik. 2007. ‘And the Last Shall Be First: Party System Institutionalization and Second-Generation Economic Reform in Postcommunist Europe.”Studies in Comparative International Development41: 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF02800469
    Olson, Mancur.1965. The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
    Opp, Karl-Dieter.1986. “Soft Incentives and Collective Action: Participation in the Anti-Nuclear Movement.”British Journal of Political Science16: 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400003811
    Opp, Karl-Dieter, KäteBurow-Auffarth, and UweHeinrichs. 1981. “Conditions for Conventional and Unconventional Political Participation: An Empirical Test of Economic and Sociological Hypotheses.”European Journal of Political Research9: 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1981.tb00596.x
    Opp, Karl-Dieter, PeterVoss, and ChristianGern. 1995. Origins of a Spontaneous Revolution: East Germany 1989. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    Pacek, Alexander, and BenjaminRadcliff. 1995. “Economic Voting and the Welfare State: A Cross-National Analysis.”Journal of Politics57: 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2960270
    Page, Benjamin I. and Robert Y.Shapiro. 1992. The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans' Policy Preferences. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226644806.001.0001
    Parry, Garaint, GeorgeMoyser, and NeilDay. 1992. Political Participation and Democracy in Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511558726
    Pastor, Robert A.2006. “The US Administration of Elections: Decentralized to the Point of Being Dysfunctional.” In Electoral Management Design: The International Idea Handbook, ed. AlanWall, et al. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance.
    Pateman, Carole.1970. Participation and Democratic Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Patterson, Thomas.1993. Out of Order. New York: Alfred Knopf.
    Patterson, Thomas.1998. “Political Roles of the Journalist.” In The Politics of News, the News of Politics, eds Doris A.Graber, DenisMcQuail, PippaNorris, and Joseph N.Cappella. Washington, DC: CQ Press.
    Paterson, William E., and JamesSloam. 2005. “Gerhard Schröder and the Unlikely Victory of the German Social Democrats.” In Precarious Victory: The 2002 German Federal Election and Its Aftermath, eds David P.Conradt, Gerald R.Kleinfeld, and ChristianSoe. New York: Berghahn Books.
    Payne, J. Mark.2007. “Party Systems and Democratic Governability.” In Democracies in Development: Politics and Reform in Latin America, eds J.Mark, Payne, Daniel Zovatto, and Mercedes MateoDíaz. Washington, DC: InterAmerican Development Bank.
    Pedersen, K., and J.Saglie. 2005. “New Technology in Ageing Parties. Internet Use in Danish and Norwegian Parties.”Party Politics11: 359–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068805051782
    Persson, Torsten, GérardRoland, and GuidoTabellini. 1997. “Separation of Powers and Political Accountability.”Quarterly Journal of Economics112: 1163–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003355300555457
    Pew Research Center. 2006. Pew Research Center Biennial News Consumption Survey, http://people-press.org/reports/pdf/282.pdf
    Pew Research Centre for People and the Press. 2008. http://people-press.org/report/468/obama-leads-mccain-in-final-days
    Phillips, Anne.1995. The Politics of Presence. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
    Pickup, Mark, and RichardJohnston. 2007. “Campaign Trial Heats as Electoral Information: Evidence from the 2004 and 2006 Canadian Federal Elections.”Electoral Studies26: 460–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2007.03.001
    Pierre, Jon, LarsSvåsand, and AndersWidfeldt. 2000. “State Subsidies to Political Parties: Confronting Rhetoric with Reality.”West European Politics23: 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380008425381
    Pinto-Duschinsky, Michael.2002. “Financing Politics: A Global View.”Journal of Democracy13: 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0074
    Pitkin, Hanna F.1967. The Concept of Representation. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
    Plasser, Fritz, and GundaPlasser. 2002. Global Political Campaigning: A Worldwide Analysis of Campaign Professionals and Their Practices. Westport, CT: Praeger.
    Platform for Action (PFA). 1995. Report of the Fourth World Conference on Women. A/CONF.177/20. New York: United Nations.
    Plutzer, Eric.2002. “Becoming a Habitual Voter: Inertia, Resources, and Growth in Young Adulthood.”American Political Science Review96: 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055402004227
    Poe, Steven C., C. NealTate, and Linda CampKeith. 1999. “Repression of the Human Right to Personal Integrity Revisited.”International Studies Quarterly43: 291–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.00121
    Poguntke, Thomas, and PaulWebb, eds 2005. The Presidentialization of Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0199252017.001.0001
    Posada-Carbó, Eduardo.2008. “Democracy, Parties and Political Finance in Latin America.” Kellogg Institute Working Papers, No. 346.
    Pottie, David.2003. “Party Finance and the Politics of Money in Southern Africa.”Journal of Contemporary African Studies21: 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589000305451
    Powell, G. Bingham.1982. Contemporary Democracies: Participation, Stability and Violence. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
    Powell, G. Bingham.2000. Elections as Instruments of Democracy: Majoritarian and Proportional Visions. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
    Powell, G. Bingham.2004. “Political Representation in Comparative Politics.”Annual Review of Political Science7: 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104815
    Powell, G. Bingham.2009. “The Ideological Congruence Controversy.”Comparative Political Studies42.
    Powell, G. Bingham, and GeorgVanberg. 2000. “Election Laws, Disproportionality and the Left–Right Dimension.”British Journal of Political Science30: 383–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400000168
    Powell, G. Bingham, and Guy D.Whitten. 1993. “A Cross-National Analysis of Economic Voting: Taking Account of the Political Context.”American Journal of Political Science37: 391–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111378
    Przeworski, Adam, Michael E.Alvarez, Jose AntonioCheibub, and FernandoLimongi. 2000. Democracy and Development: Political Institutions and Well-Being in the World, 1950–1990. New York: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511804946
    Puddington, Arch.2008. Freedom in Retreat: Is the Tide Turning? Findings of Freedom in the World 2008. Washington, DC: Freedom House. http://www.freedomhouse.org
    Putnam, Robert D.2000. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon and Schuster.
    Rae, Douglas. 1967, 1971. The Political Consequences of Electoral Laws. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
    Rahat, Gideon.2004. “The Study of the Politics of Electoral Reform in the 1990s: Theoretical and Methodological Lessons.”Comparative Politics36: 461–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4150171
    Rahat, Gideon.2008. The Politics of Regime Structure Reform in Democracies: Israel in Comparative and Theoretical Perspective. New York: State University of New York Press.
    Rahat, Gideon, and ReuvenHazan. 2005. “Israel: The Politics of an Extreme Electoral System.” In The Politics of Electoral Systems, eds MichaelGallagher and PaulMitchell. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Rai, Shirin M., FarzanaBari, NazmunnessaMahtab, and BidyutMohanty. 2006. “South Asia: Gender Quotas and the Politics of Empowerment: A Comparative Study.” In Women, Quotas and Politics, ed. DrudeDahlerup. London: Routledge.
    Randall, Vicky, and LarsSvåsand, 2002. “Party Institutionalization in New Democracies.”Party Politics8: 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068802008001001
    Ranney, Austin.1954. The Doctrine of Responsible Party Government. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
    Reilly, Ben.2001. Democracy in Divided Societies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511491108
    Reilly, Ben, and AndrewReynolds. 1999. “Electoral Systems and Conflict in Divided Societies.”Papers on International Conflict Resolution, No. 2. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.
    Renwick, Alan.2009. Changing the Rules of Democracy: The Politics of Electoral Reform. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Reynolds, Andrew.1999. Electoral Systems and Democratization in Southern Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0198295103.001.0001
    Reynolds, Andrew, ed. 2002. The Architecture of Democracy: Constitutional Design, Conflict Management and Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0199246467.001.0001
    Reynolds, Andrew, BenReilly, and AndrewEllis. 2005. Electoral Systems Design: The New International IDEA Handbook. Stockholm: International IDEA.
    Rice, Ron, and CharlesAtkin, eds 2001. Public Communication Campaigns,
    3rd edn.
    Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781452233260
    Richards, David L.1999. “Perilous Proxy: Human Rights and the Presence of National Elections.”Social Science Quarterly80: 648–65.
    Richards, David, and Ronald P.Gelleny. 2007. “Good Things to Those Who Wait? National Elections and Government Respect for Human Rights.”Journal of Peace Research44: 505–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343307078946
    Riker, William H. 1982a. “The Two-Party System and Duverger's Law: An Essay on the History of Political Science.”American Political Science Review76: 753–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962968
    Riker, William H. 1982b. Liberalism against Populism. San Francisco, CA: W.H. Freeman.
    Riker, William H., and Peter C.Ordeshook. 1968. “A Theory of the Calculus of Voting.”American Political Science Review62: 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1953324
    Rohrschneider, Robert, and StephenWhitefield. 2009. “Understanding Cleavages in Party Systems: Issue Position and Issue Salience in 13 Post-Communist Democracies.”Comparative Political Studies42: 280–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008325285
    Rokkan, Stein.1970. Citizens, Elections, and Parties: Approaches to the Comparative Study of the Process of Development. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget.
    Rommele, Andrea.2003. “Political Parties, Party Communication and New Information and Communication Technologies.”Party Politics9: 7–20.
    Rose, Richard, and Doh ChullShin. 1999. “Democratization Backwards: The Problem of Third Wave Democracies.”Studies in Public Policy 314, Glasgow: Centre for the Study of Public Policy.
    Royed, Terry J.1996. “Testing the Mandate Model in Britain and the United States.”British Journal of Political Science26: 45–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400007419
    Rucht, Dieter.2007. “Social Movements.” In The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior, eds Russell J.Dalton and Hans-DieterKlingemann. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Rule, Wilma.1981. “Why Women Don't Run: The Critical Contextual Factors in Women's Legislative Recruitment.”Political Research Quarterly34: 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591298103400106
    Rule, Wilma.1987. “Electoral Systems, Contextual Factors and Women's Opportunity for Election to Parliament in Twenty-Three Democracies.”Western Political Quarterly40: 477–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448386
    Saffu, Yaw.2003. “The Funding of Political Parties and Election Campaigns in Africa.” In Funding of Political Parties and Election Campaigns, eds ReginaldAustin and MajaTjernström. Stockholm: International IDEA.
    Saggar, Shamit.2007. “Race and Political Behavior.” In Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior, eds RussellDalton and Hans-DieterKlingemann. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Samuels, David.2004. “From Socialism to Social Democracy: Party Organization and the Transformation of the Workers' Party in Brazil.”Comparative Political Studies37: 999–1024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004268856
    Sànchez, Fernando.2003. “Dealignment in Costa Rica: A Case Study of Electoral Change.” PhD Thesis. St Anthony's College, University of Oxford.
    Sanders, David.1996. “Economic Performance, Management Competence, and the Outcome of the Next General Election.”Political Studies44: 203–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb00323.x
    Sanders, David.2000. “The Real Economy and the Perceived Economy in Popularity Functions: How Much Do the Voters Need to Know?”Electoral Studies19: 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794%2899%2900052-9
    Sanders, David, DavidMarsh, and HughWard. 1987. “Government Popularity and the Falklands War.”British Journal of Political Science17: 281–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400004762
    Sapiro, Virginia.1981. “When Are Interests Interesting? The Problem of the Political Representation of Women.”American Political Science Review75: 701–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960962
    Sapiro, Virginia, W. PhilipsShively, and the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. 2003. Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, 1996–2001: Module I Micro-District Macro Data [dataset]. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan, Center for Political Studies [producer and distributor].
    Sarakinsky, Ivor.2007. “Political Party Finance in South Africa: Disclosure versus Secrecy.”Democratization14: 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340601024330
    Sartori, Giovanni.1976. Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Sartori, Giovanni.1997. Comparative Constitutional Engineering: An Inquiry into Structures, Incentives and Outcomes,
    2nd edn.
    London: Palgrave Macmillan.
    Sawer, Marian.2006. “When Women Support Women … EMILY's List and the Substantive Representation of Women in Australia.” In Representing Women in Parliament: A Comparative Study, eds MarianSawer, ManonTremblay, and LindaTrimble. London: Routledge.
    Sawer, Marian.2007. “Gender Divisions: Crossing the Floor for Women.” Paper to ECPR Workshop on Substantive Representation, Helsinki.
    Sawer, Marian, ManonTremblay, and LindaTrimble, eds 2006. Representing Women in Parliament: A Comparative Study. London: Routledge.
    Scammell, Margaret, and HolliSemetko. 1995. “Political Advertising in Television: The British Experience.” In Political Advertising in Western Democracies, eds Lynda LeeKaid and ChristinaHoltz-Bacha. London: Sage.
    Scammell, Margaret, and Holli A.Semetko. 2008. “Election News Coverage in the U.K.” In Handbook of Election News Coverage around the World, eds JesperStrömback and Lynda LeeKaid. London: Routledge.
    Scarrow, Susan.2002. Perspectives on Political Parties. New York: Palgrave. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230107403
    Scarrow, Susan E.2007. “Political Finance in Comparative Perspective.”Annual Review of Political Science10: 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.080505.100115
    Schattschneider, E.E.1942. Party Government. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
    Schedler, Andreas.2002. “The Menu of Manipulation.”Journal of Democracy13: 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0031
    Schleiter, Petra, and EdwardMorgan-Jones. Forthcoming. “Citizens, Presidents, and Assemblies: The Study of Semi-Presidentialism beyond Duverger and Linz.”British Journal of Political Science.
    Schlesinger, Joseph.1994. Political Parties and the Winning of Office. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    Schmitt, Hermann, and JacquesThomassen. 1999. Political Representation and Legitimacy in the European Union. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0198296614.001.0001
    Schmitt-Beck, Rudiger.2007. “New Modes of Campaigning.” In Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior, eds Russell J.Dalton and Hans-DieterKlingemann. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Schofield, Norman, and ItaiSened. 2006. Multiparty Democracy: Elections and Legislative Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511617621
    Schumpeter, Joseph A.1950. Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy,
    3rd edn.
    New York: Harper and Row.
    Selolwane, Onalenna Doo.2002. “Monopoly Politikos: How Botswana's Opposition Parties Have Helped Sustain One-Party Dominance.”African Sociological Review6: 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/asr.v6i1.23203
    Semetko, Holli.1996. “The Media.” In Comparing Democracies: Elections and Voting in Global Perspective, eds LawrenceLeDuc, Richard G.Niemi, and PippaNorris. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
    Semetko, Holli A., Jay G.Blumler, MichaelGurevitch, and DavidWeaver. 1991. The Formation of Campaign Agendas: A Comparative Analysis of Party and Media Roles in Recent American and British Elections. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
    Shaefer, Tamir, GabrielWeimann, and YarivTsfati, 2008. “Campaigns in the Holy Land: The Content and Effects of Election News Coverage in Israel.” In Handbook of Election News Coverage around the World, eds JesperStrömback and Lynda LeeKaid. London: Routledge.
    Shaw, Daron R.1999. “A Study of Presidential Campaign Event Effects from 1952 to 1992.”Journal of Politics6: 387–422.
    Shugart, Matthew S.2001. “Electoral ‘Efficiency’ and the Move to Mixed-Member Systems.”Electoral Studies20: 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794%2800%2900007-X
    Shugart, Matthew S. 2005a. “Semi-Presidential Systems: Dual Executive and Mixed Authority Patterns.”French Politics3: 323–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fp.8200087
    Shugart, Matthew S. 2005b. “Comparative Electoral Systems Research: The Maturation of a Field and New Challenges Ahead.” In The Politics of Electoral Systems, eds MichaelGallagher and PaulMitchell. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Shugart, Matthew, and JohnCarey. 1992. Presidents and Assemblies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Shugart, MatthewSoberg, Melody EllisValdini, and KatiSuominen. 2005. “Looking for Locals: Voter Information Demands and Personal Vote-Earning Attributes of Legislators under Proportional Representation.”American Journal of Political Science49: 437–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00133.x
    Shugart, Matthew, and Martin P.Wattenberg, eds 2001. Mixed-Member Electoral Systems: The Best of Both Worlds?Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Smith, Alastair.2004. Election Timing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Snyder, Jack.2000. From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict. New York: Norton.
    Somolekae, Gloria.2005. Political Parties in Botswana. EISA Research Report No. 27. Johannesburg: EISA.
    Southall, Roger.2006. “Party Assistance and the Crisis of Democracy in Southern Africa.” In Globalising Party Democracy: Party Politics in Emerging Democracies, eds PeterBurnell. London: Routledge.
    Stanley, Harold W., and Richard G.Niemi, 2007. Vital Statistics on American Politics 2007–2008. Washington, DC: CQ Press.
    Stevens, Anne.2007. Women, Power and Politics. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
    Stevenson, Randolph, and LynnVavreck. 2000. “Does Campaign Length Matter? Testing for Cross-National Effects.”British Journal of Political Science30: 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400000107
    Stolle, Dietlind.2007. “Social Capital.” In The Oxford Handbook of Political Behavior, eds. Russel J.Dalton and Hans-DieterKlingemann. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Stolle, Dietlind, and MarcHooghe. 2004. “Consumers as Political Participants? Shifts in Political Action Repertoires in Western Societies.” In Politics, Products, and Markets: Exploring Political Consumerism Past and Present, eds MicheleMicheletti, AndreasFollesdal, and DietlindStolle. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.
    Stolle, Dietlind, and MarcHooghe. 2005. “Inaccurate, Exceptional, One-Sided or Irrelevant? The Debate about the Alleged Decline of Social Capital and Civic Engagement in Western Societies.”British Journal of Political Science34: 703–21.
    Strom, Kaare.1997. “Democracy, Accountability and Coalition Bargaining.”European Journal of Political Research31: 47–62.
    Strömback, Jesper, and Lynda LeeKaid. 2008a. “Election News Coverage around the World: A Comparative Perspective.” In Handbook of Election News Coverage around the World, ed. JesperStrömback and Lynda LeeKaid. London: Routledge.
    Strömbäck, Jesper and Lynda LeeKaid, eds 2008b. The Handbook of Election News Coverage around the World. London: Routledge.
    Studlar, Donley T., and IanMcAllister. 2002. “Does a Critical Mass Exist? A Comparative Analysis of Women's Legislative Representation since 1950.”European Journal of Political Research41: 233–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00011
    Swanson, David L., and PaoloMancini. 1996. Politics, Media, and Democracy: International Study of Innovations in Electoral Campaigning and Their Consequences. Westport, CT: Praeger.
    Swers, Michele L.2002. The Difference Women Make: The Impact of Women on Congress. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
    Taagepera, Rein.1998. “How Electoral Systems Matter for Democratization.”Democratization5: 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510349808403573
    Taagepera, Rein.2007. Predicting Party Sizes: The Logic of Simple Electoral Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287741.001.0001
    Taagepera, Rein, and Matthew S.Shugart. 1989. Seats and Votes. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
    Taylor, Peter J. and RonJohnston. 1979. Geography of Elections. London: Penguin.
    Teorell, Jan, MarianoTorcal, and José RamónMontero. 2007. “Political Participation: Mapping the Terrain.” In Citizenship and Involvement in European Democracies: A Comparative Analysis, eds JanVan Deth, José RamónMontero, and AndersWestholm. London: Routledge.
    Thomassen, Jacques.1994. “Introduction: The Intellectual History of Election Studies.”European Journal of Political Research25: 239–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb00419.x
    Thomassen, Jacques, and HermannSchmitt1997. “Policy Representation.”European Journal of Political Research32: 165–84.
    Thomson, Robert.2001. “The Programme to Policy Linkage: The Fulfillment of Election Pledges on Socio-economic Policy in the Netherlands, 1986–1998.”European Journal of Political Research40: 171–97.
    Tóka, Gábor.1998. “Party Appeals and Voter Loyalty in New Democracies.” In Parties and Democracy, ed. RichardHofferbert. Oxford: Blackwell.
    Towns, Ann.2003. “Understanding the Effects of Larger Ratios of Women in National Legislatures. Proportions and Gender Differentiation in Sweden and Norway.”Women and Politics25: 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J014v25n01_01
    Tremblay, Manon.1998. “Do Female MPs Substantively Represent Women? A Study of Legislative Behaviour in Canada's Thirty-fifth Parliament.”Canadian Journal of Political Science3: 435–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0008423900009082
    Tremblay, Manon, ed. 2008. Women and Legislative Representation: Electoral Systems, Political Parties and Sex Quotas. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230610378
    Trenaman, Joseph M., and DenisMcQuail. 1961. Television and the Political Image: A Study of the Impact of Television on the 1959 General Election. London: Methuen.
    Trimble, Linda.1997. “Feminist Politics in the Alberta Legislature, 1972–1994.” In In the Presence of Women: Representation in Canadian Governments, ed. JaneArscott and LindaTrimble. Toronto: Harcourt Brace.
    Trimble, Linda.2006. “When Do Women Count? Substantive Representation of Women in Canadian Legislatures.” In Representing Women in Parliament: A Comparative Study, eds MarianSawer, ManonTremblay, and LindaTrimble. London: Routledge.
    UNDP. 2008. Human Development Indices 2008. http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/data/
    Uslaner, Eric M.1989. “Looking Forward and Looking Backward: Prospective and Retrospective Voting in the 1980 Federal Elections in Canada.”British Journal of Political Science19: 495–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400005603
    van Biezen, Ingrid.2003. Political Parties in New Democracies: Party Organization in Southern and East-Central Europe. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403937858
    van Biezen, Ingrid.2008. “State Intervention in Party Politics: The Public Funding and Regulation of Political Parties.”European Review16: 337–53.
    van Biezen, Ingrid, and PetrKopecký. 2007. “The State and the Parties: Public Funding, Public Regulation and Rent-Seeking in Contemporary Democracies.”Party Politics13: 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807073875
    van der Brug, Wouter, Ceesvan der Eijk, and MarkFranklin. 2007. The Economy and the Vote: Economic Condition and Elections in Fifteen Countries. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511618857
    van der Eijk, Cees, and MarkFranklin. 1996. Choosing Europe? The European Electorate and National Politics in the Face of Union. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    van der Eijk, Cees, and Mark N.Franklin. 2009. Elections and Voters. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
    Van Deth, Jan, José RamónMontero, and AndersWestholm, eds. 2007. Citizenship and Involvement in European Democracies: A Comparative Analysis. London: Routledge.
    van de Walle, Nicolas. 2003, “Presidentialism and Clientelism in Africa's Emerging Party Systems.”Journal of Modern African Studies41: 297–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0022278X03004269
    Van Praag, Philip, and KeesBrants. 1999. “The 1998 Campaign: An Interaction Approach.”Acta Politica34: 179–200.
    Verba, Sidney, Kay LehmanSchlozman, and Henry E.Brady. 1995. Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
    Vickers, Jill.2006. “The Problem with Interests: Making Political Claims for “Women’.” In The Politics of Women's Interests: New Comparative Perspectives, ed. LouiseChappell and LisaHill. London: Routledge.
    Wahl-Jorgensen, Karin.2002. “Understanding the Conditions for Public Discourse: Four Rules for Selecting Letters to the Editor.”Journalism Studies3: 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616700120107347
    Wall, Alan, AndrewEllis, AymanAyoub, Carl W.Dundas, JoramRukambe, and SaraStaino. 2006. Electoral Management Design: The International IDEA Handbook. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance.
    Wallsten, Kevin.2007. “Agenda Setting and the Blogosphere: An Analysis of the Relationship between Mainstream Media and Political Blogs.”Review of Policy Research24: 567–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-1338.2007.00300.x
    Wängnerud, Lena.2000. “Testing the Politics of Presence: Women's Representation in the Swedish Riksdag.”Scandinavian Political Studies23: 67–91.
    Ward, Stephen, DianaOwen, RichardDavis, and DavidTars, eds. 2008. Making a Difference: A Comparative View of the Role of the Internet in Election Politics. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
    Waring, Marilyn.2000. Politics: Women's Insight. Geneva: IPU.
    Warwick, Paul V.1994. Government Survival in Parliamentary Democracies. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
    Wass, Hanna.2007. “The Effects of Age, Generation, and Period on Turnout in Finland, 1975–2003.”Electoral Studies26: 648–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2007.06.002
    Wattenberg, Martin.1991. The Rise of Candidate-Centered Politics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
    Wattenburg, Martin P.1994. The Decline of American Political Parties, 1952–1992. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
    Wattenberg, Martin P.2007. Is Voting for Young People?New York: Pearson Longman.
    Way, Lucian A.2005. “Authoritarian State Building and the Sources of Regime Competitiveness in the Fourth Wave: The Cases of Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine.”World Politics57: 231–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2005.0018
    Way, Lucian A., and StevenLevitsky. 2006. “The Dynamics of Autocratic Coercion after the Cold War.”Communist and Post-Communist Studies39: 387–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2006.07.001
    Waylen, Georgina.2008. “Enhancing the Substantive Representation of Women: Lessons from Transitions to Democracy.”Parliamentary Affairs61: 518–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsn013
    Weaver, David G., Maxwell E.McCombs, Doris A.Graber, and Chaim H.Eyal. 1981. Media Agenda-setting in a Presidential Election: Issues, Images, and Interests. New York: Praeger.
    Weisberg, Herbert, and SteveGreene. 2003. “The Political Psychology of Party Identification.” In Electoral Democracy, eds MichaelMacKuen and GeorgeRabinowitz. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
    West, Darrell.2000. Checkbook Democracy. Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press.
    Whitten, Guy D., and Harvey D.Palmer. 1999. “Cross-National Analysis of Economic Voting.”Electoral Studies18: 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794%2898%2900043-2
    Wilkinson, Steven.2004. Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Ethnic Riots in India. New York: Cambridge University Press. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511510458
    Williams, Andrew Paul, and John C.Tedesco, eds 2006. The Internet Election: Perspectives on the Web in Campaign 2004. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.
    Wlezien, Christopher, and Robert S.Erikson. 2001. “Campaign Effects in Theory and Practice.”American Politics Research29: 419–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673X01029005001
    Wlezien, Christopher, and Robert S.Erikson. 2002. “The Timeline of Presidential Election Campaigns.”Journal of Politics64: 969–93.
    Wlezien, Christopher, MarkFranklin, and DanielTwiggs. 1997. “Economic Perceptions and Vote Choice: Disentangling the Endogeneity.”Political Behavior19: 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1024841605168
    Wolfinger, Raymond and StevenRosenstone. 1980. Who Votes?New Haven: Yale University Press.
    Women's Environment and Development Organization (WEDO). 2007. Getting the Balance Right in National Cabinets. http://www.wedo.org/files/5050_CabinetsFactsheet02.pdf
    Young, Iris Marion.2000. Inclusion and Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Young, Lisa.2004. “Regulating Campaign Finance in Canada: Strength and Weaknesses.”Election Law Journal3: 444–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/1533129041492259
    Zakaria, Fareed.1997. “The Rise of Illiberal Democracy.”Foreign Affairs76: 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048274
    Zaller, John.1998. “Politicians as Prize Fighters: Electoral Selection and Incumbency Advantage.” In Party Politics and Politicians, ed. JohnGeer. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
    Zaller, John.2002. “Assessing the Statistical Power of Election Studies to Detect Communication Effects in Political Campaigns.”Electoral Studies21: 297–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0261-3794%2801%2900023-3
    Zaller, John.2004. “Floating Voters in U.S. Presidential Elections, 1948–2000.” In The Issue of Belief: Essays in the Intersection of Non-Attitudes and Attitude Change, ed. PaulSniderman and WillemSaris. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
    Zielinski, Jakub, Kazimierz M.Slomczynski, and GoldieShabad. 2005. “Electoral Control in New Democracies: The Perverse Incentives of Fluid Party Systems.”World Politics57: 365–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0006
    Zovatto, Daniel.2003. “The Legal and Practical Characteristics of the Funding of Political Parties and Election Campaigns in Latin America.” In Funding of Political Parties and Election Campaigns, eds ReginaldAustin and MajaTjernström. Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance.

    Author Index

    • Achen, Christopher, 172
    • Allen, Mike, 124
    • Almond, Gabriel, 160
    • Altheide, David L., 130
    • Arceneaux, Kevin, 138
    • Banducci, Susan A., 138
    • Bell, Daniel, 144–5, 149, 151, 155
    • Bennett, Stephen Earl, 138
    • Berelson, Bernard, 138
    • Blais, André, 171, 235
    • Blumler, Jay G., 129
    • Bodet, Marc A., 235
    • Boix, C., 39
    • Brady, Henry E., 173
    • Brundtland, Gro Harlem, 213
    • Caldera, Rafael, 237
    • Campbell, Angus, 7
    • Cappella, Joseph N., 137
    • Casas-Zamora, Kevin, 65, 76–7, 83
    • Cheibub, José Antonio, 9, 230
    • Colomer, Josep, 237
    • Converse, Philip E., 133–4
    • Cox, Gary, 234
    • Dahl, Robert, 13
    • Dahlerup, Drude, 211, 218
    • DAlessio, Dave, 124
    • Dalton, Russell, 134, 157
    • De Vreese, Claes H., 138
    • Downs, Anthony, 7, 170–1
    • Drew, Dan, 137
    • Duch, Raymond M., 186, 191, 197
    • Duverger, Maurice, 35–6, 39, 49, 102
    • Epstein, Leon, 49
    • Ezrow, Lawrence, 233
    • Farrell, David, 122
    • Fearon, James D., 189
    • Fording, Richard C., 236
    • Franklin, Mark, 161, 171–2, 191
    • Freedman, Paul, 128
    • Gastil, Raymond, 14
    • Ghandi, Jennifer, 9
    • Gibson, Rachel K., 128
    • Golder, Matt, 233–5
    • Gomez, Brad T., 190
    • Greene, Steve, 157
    • Gurevitch, Michael, 129
    • Hallin, Daniel C., 123–4, 126
    • Hellwig, Timothy, 198
    • Hillygus, D. Sunshine, 138
    • Hooghe, Marc, 174
    • Howard, Morje Marc, 227
    • Huber, Gregory, 138
    • Huff, Barbara, 227
    • Huntington, Samuel P., 38–9
    • Inglehart, Ronald, 146, 150
    • Jamieson, Kathleen Hall, 137
    • Kanter, Rosabeth Moss, 217–18
    • Karp, Jeffrey A., 138
    • Katz, Richard S., 40, 79, 82, 235
    • Key, V.O., 187–8
    • Kim, HeeMin, 236
    • Kinder, Donald R., 137
    • Kirchheimer, Otto, 47
    • Klapper, Joseph T., 121
    • Kostadinova, Tatiana, 169
    • Krosnick, Jon A., 137
    • Lawson, Chappell, 131
    • Lewis-Beck, Michael S., 186–7, 189
    • Lijphart, Arend, 49, 103, 194
    • Lippmann, Walter, 136
    • Lipset, Seymour Martin, 7
    • Lowell, Lawrence, 49
    • McCombs, Maxwell E., 136
    • McQuail, Denis, 136
    • Mair, Peter, 79, 82
    • Mancini, Paolo, 123–4, 126
    • Mansbridge, Jane, 215
    • Margolis, Michael, 128
    • Mazzoleni, Gianpietro, 130
    • Miller, Arthur H., 138
    • Miller, Warren E., 233
    • Neumann, Sigmund, 49
    • Norpoth, Helmut, 200
    • Norris, Pippa, 40, 122, 128, 136; co-editor
    • Opp, Karl-Dieter, 180
    • Ordershook, Peter C., 170–1
    • Page, Benjamin I., 134
    • Parry, Geraint, 179–80
    • Phillips, Anne, 215
    • Pierre, Jon, 80
    • Pitkin, Hannah, 214
    • Powell, G. Bingham, 236
    • Power, Timothy J., 169
    • Przeworski, Adam, 9–10, 230
    • Putnam, Robert D., 181
    • Rae, Douglas, 26
    • Reilly, Ben, 38–9
    • Reynolds, Andrew, 38–9
    • Riker, William, 170–1, 227–8
    • Roessler, Philip G., 227
    • Rokkan, Stein, 7, 39
    • Rucht, Dieter, 178
    • Rule, Wilma, 206
    • Samuels, David, 198
    • Sánchez, Fernando, 158
    • Sarakinsky, Ivor, 78
    • Sartori, Giovanni, 49–51
    • Scarrow, Susan E., 66
    • Schattschneider, E.E., 13, 62
    • Schedler, Andreas, 226
    • Schumpeter, Joseph, 6, 9
    • Semetko, Holli A., 130, 138
    • Shapiro, Robert Y., 134
    • Shaw, Donald L., 136
    • Shugart, Matthew S., 40
    • Sinnott, Richard, 172
    • Snow, Robert P., 130
    • Southall, Roger, 76
    • Stegmaier, Mary, 187
    • Stevenson, Randolph, 100, 117, 186, 191, 197
    • Stokes, Donald, 233
    • Stolle, Dietlind, 174
    • Stramski, Jacek, 233–5
    • Tedesco, John C., 128
    • Teorell, Jan, 174
    • Trenaman, Joseph M., 136
    • van der Brug, Wouter, 191
    • van der Eijk, Cees, 191
    • Vavreck, Lynn, 100, 117
    • Verba, Sidney, 160, 174, 179, 181
    • Wallsten, Kevin, 133
    • Wattenberg, Martin, 157
    • Weaver, David, 137
    • Webb, Paul, 122
    • Weisberg, Herbert, 157
    • West, Darrell, 77
    • William, Andrew Paul, 128
    • Wilson, J. Matthew, 190
    • Young, Iris Marion, 215
    • Zovatto, Daniel, 80

    • Loading...
Back to Top

Copy and paste the following HTML into your website