Challenge and Strategy: Rethinking India's Foreign Policy
Publication Year: 2009
Challenge and Strategy: Rethinking India's Foreign Policy examines India's foreign policy options in order to ensure that the country retains its space for manoeuvre, to follow an independent foreign policy in the 21st century global scenario.
- Front Matter
- Back Matter
- Subject Index
- Chapter 1: The 21st Century World
- Chapter 2: India and South Asia
- Chapter 3: Pakistan and Afghanistan
- Chapter 4: Bangladesh, Myanmar and Northeast Region
- Chapter 5: Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bhutan
- Chapter 6: Tibet and China
- Chapter 7: ‘Look East’ Policy
- Chapter 8: Persian Gulf, Palestine and Israel
- Chapter 9: Russia and Eurasia
- Chapter 10: US and Nuclear Issues
- Chapter 11: Energy Security
- Chapter 12: Economic Diplomacy
- Chapter 13: Defence and Diplomacy
- Chapter 14: Traditions and Institutions
- Chapter 15: India's Strategic Choices
- Chapter 16: India Rising?
Copyright © Rajiv Sikri, 2009
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.
First published in 2009 by
SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd
B1/I-1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area
Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044, India
SAGE Publications Inc
2455 Teller Road
California 91320, USA
SAGE Publications Ltd
1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road
London EC1Y 1SP, United Kingdom
SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd
33 Pekin Street
#02-01 Far East Square
Published by Vivek Mehra for SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd, typeset in 10.5/12.5 pt. Georgia by Innovative Processors, Delhi and printed at Chaman Enterprises, New Delhi.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Available
ISBN: 978-81-321-0080-5 (HB)
The SAGE Team: Elina Majumdar, P.K. Jayanthan, Mathew P.J. and Trinankur Banerjee
To my late father, Baldev Raj Sikri, who inculcated in me the love for books, and who inspired and encouraged me to join the Indian Foreign Service.[Page vi]
List of Abbreviations[Page ix]
ACMECS Ayeyawady–Chao Phraya–Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy ACSA Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement ADB Asian Development Bank AFRICOM Africa Command AMU Arab Maghreb Union APEC Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation APT ASEAN Plus Three (China, Japan, the Republic of Korea) APTA Asia–Pacific Trade Agreement ARF ASEAN Regional Forum ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEM Asia–Europe Meeting ASSOCHAM Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry AU African Union AWACS Airborne Warming and Control System BCIM Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar BHEL Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited BIMST-EC Bangladesh–India–Myanmar–Sri Lanka–Thailand Economic Cooperation BIMSTEC Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation BOAD Banque Ouest Africaine de Développement (West African Development Bank) BRIC Brazil–Russia–India–China BSF Border Security Force [Page x] CENTCOM Central Command CEO Chief Executive Officer CEPEA Comprehensive Economic Partnership in East Asia CHIBSA China–India–Brazil–South Africa CICA Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building in Asia CII Confederation of Indian Industry CLMV Cambodia–Laos–Myanmar–Vietnam COMESA Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa CSCAP Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific CTBT Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty CTF 150 Combined Task Force 150 DIA Defence Intelligence Agency DSU Dispute Settlement Understanding EAC East African Community EAS East Asia Summit ECCAS Economic Community for Central African States ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States EEZ Exclusive Economic Zone ERIA Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia EU European Union E-7 Emerging Economies of seven countries, namely Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Russia, Turkey FBR Fast Breeder Reactor FICCI Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry FMCT Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty FTA Free Trade Agreement GATS General Agreement on Trade in Services GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade GCC Gulf Cooperation Council GDP Gross Domestic Product GMS Greater Mekong Subregion GRF Gulf Regional Forum [Page xi] GSP Generalized System of Preferences G–4 Group of four countries (India, Japan, Germany and Brazil) G–7 Group of seven countries (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, United Kingdom and United States) G–8 Group of eight countries (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, United Kingdom and United States) G–15 Group of 15 countries G–20 Group of 20 countries G–33 Group of 33 countries G–77 Group of 77 countries HAL Hindustan Aeronautics Limited HINDRAF Hindu Rights Action Force HIPC Heavily Indebted Poor Countries IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency IAI Initiative for ASEAN Integration IB Intelligence Bureau IBSA India–Brazil–South Africa ICVL International Coal Ventures Limited IGAD Intergovernmental Authority on Development IISS International Institute of Strategic Studies IMF International Monetary Fund IMTRAT Indian Military Training Team IOR-ARC Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation IPI Iran–Pakistan–India (gas pipeline project) IPKF Indian Peace Keeping Force ISAF International Security Assistance Force ISAS Institute of South Asian Studies ISI Inter–Services Intelligence ITEC Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation J&K Jammu and Kashmir LDC Least Developed Country LNG liquefied natural gas LPG liquefied petroleum gas LTTE Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam [Page xii] LWR Light Water Reactor MEA Ministry of External Affairs MERCOSUR Mercado Comun del Sur or Southern Common Market (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay) MFA Multi Fibre Arrangement MFN Most–Favoured–Nation MGC Mekong–Ganga Cooperation MTCR Missile Technology Control Regime NAFTA North American Free Trade Agreement NAM Non-Aligned Movement NAMA Non-Agriculture Market Access NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NDA National Democratic Alliance NEPAD New Economic Partnership for Africa's Development NGO Non-governmental organization NPT Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NRI Non-resident Indian NSA National Security Adviser NSG Nuclear Suppliers Group NSSP Next Steps in (India-US) Strategic Partnership OBC Other Backward Classes ODA Official Development Assistance OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development OIC Organization of Islamic Conference ONGC Oil and Natural Gas Corporation OPEC Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries OVL ONGC Videsh Limited O–5 Five Outreach countries (Brazil, China, India, Mexico and South Africa) PACOM Pacific Command PFBR Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor PHWR Pressurized Heavy Water Reactor PIO Person of Indian Origin PLO Palestine Liberation Organization POK Pakistan Occupied Kashmir PPP Pakistan People's Party [Page xiii] PTA Preferential Trade Agreement PTA Bank Eastern and Southern African Trade and Development Bank RAW Research and Analysis Wing ReCAAP Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia RIC Russia–India–China group R:P ratio Reserves-to-Production ratio RTA Regional Trading Arrangement SAARC South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation SADC South African Development Community SAFTA South Asian Free Trade Area SCO Shanghai Cooperation Organisation SLOCs Sea Lines of Communication SSM Special Safeguard Mechanism TAPI Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan–India (gas pipeline project) TEAM-9 Techno-Economic Approach for Africa–India Movement TERC Trade and Economic Relations Committee TPA Trade Promotion Authority TRIMs Trade-Related Investment Measures TRIPS Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights ULFA United Liberation Front of Asom UN United Nations UNCLOS United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea UPA United Progressive Alliance WTO World Trade Organization
Foreign policy is an instrument available to a country to protect and promote its national interests. There is broad agreement on the concept of national interest, namely that it comprises the obligation to defend the country's national security, to maximize economic benefits for its citizens from international trade and commerce, as also to enhance the effectiveness of its ‘soft power’ through propagation of its core cultural assets. The tool of foreign policy is also used energetically to promote and export a country's ideological agenda such as spread of communism or religious revolutionary fervour or, in more recent times, export of democracy. The objective of the foreign policy of a country should be to create more space and more options for itself in the international arena. This calls for flexibility and pragmatism of a high order.
Palmerston's dictum that a country does not have permanent friends or enemies but only permanent interests does not tell the full story. A country, in fact, can have relatively permanent friends, as can be seen from the ‘friendship’ between Pakistan and China which has lasted for over five decades. Pakistan also seems to regard India as a permanent enemy. India, on the other hand, falls under Palmerston's dictum and does not have permanent friends or enemies. It can perhaps be said that the weaker a country, the more its need for permanent friends. Obversely, the stronger and more self-confident a country, the less it needs permanent friends. The modern trend is for countries to establish ‘strategic relationships or [Page xvi]partnerships’; India has strategic relationships with as many as 30 countries. As far as national interests are concerned, while it is true that a country will permanently have national interests, the content of the national interest will vary with time and circumstances. In the ultimate analysis, it is for the government of the day to determine what the country's interests are at a given point in time. A successor government may take a different view and reverse the decision of the previous government on precisely the same ground of national interest.
A country's foreign policy is often described as an extension of its domestic politics. This is certainly true. Presidents and Prime Ministers will often lobby for the sale and export of a particular commodity because the producers of that commodity form part of their electoral constituency. Mrs Margaret Thatcher felt no compunction in making a strong sales pitch in India for Westland helicopters since the manufacturing unit was located in her constituency.
What is different and new in today's world is the impact that foreign policy has on domestic politics in many countries. The most obvious example for India is the huge controversy that the India–US civil nuclear cooperation agreement generated in the country. It was probably for the first time that a government in India was obliged to seek a vote of confidence on a foreign policy issue. There are other, more serious, issues on which the government of the day will have to tread carefully and cautiously because of their impact on the internal situation within the country. Nothing is more crucial than to avoid doing anything in the field of foreign affairs that could have negative consequences for peace and harmony among all the communities that form our multi-religious, multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society. The government will have to be vigilant and sensitive to this aspect in the conduct of our international relations.
By and large, the governments in New Delhi since the end of the Cold War have followed realistic and pragmatic foreign policies. This is not to suggest that Mr Nehru was simply an idealist and followed a strictly ‘principled’ foreign policy. He was ready to take the war to Pakistan in 1948 when things were getting difficult in Jammu and Kashmir but was overruled by his British army chief. He took the Kashmir question to the [Page xvii]United Nations under pressure from the British Governor General of India. In the early years of India's Independence, he was faced with a difficult decision on the question of Palestine. The way he handled the issue was a shrewd combination of principle and pragmatism. India voted against the proposal for the partition of the Palestinian land and deferred recognition of the State of Israel for a few years after it was admitted to the UN. He was acutely conscious of the impact that this question had on the domestic scene in India. Similarly his criticism of Soviet action in Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968 was less than forthright, even though principles of non-alignment would have called for a severe condemnation. Mrs Indira Gandhi was, if anything, even more pragmatic.
Over the past decade and a half, the ‘strategic’ community in India has been talking excitedly about India becoming a major or global power, one of the half dozen ‘poles’ in the international firmament; we feel offended if our country is described merely as a regional power. True, we have done well in terms of our economic growth rate though we started from a low baseline. We still have huge poverty in India. Our share in world trade has barely touched 1 per cent. India has yet to acquire the kind of economic clout that China already has. Furthermore, surely, one of the criteria to be counted as a major power ought to be the capacity to produce at home the major weapons systems needed for modern warfare-fighter and bomber aircraft, long range artillery, tanks, AWACS, helicopter gunships, and so on. Woefully, more than 60 years after Independence, we are totally dependent on foreign suppliers in respect of all these strategic items. Having a few nuclear warheads and missiles is not going to make us a global power; even Pakistan has them. But the more relevant question to ask is: why are we anxious to become or be acknowledged as a major power? Is it because it will make us feel good about ourselves? Or, are we planning to use that status for some defined objectives?
There has been a lot of discussion in India in recent years about an independent foreign policy. People in all countries are sensitive if their government is perceived to be more concerned about some other country's concerns than to their own. Public opinion in England was extremely unhappy with [Page xviii]Prime Minister Tony Blair, who was perceived by the British people as sacrificing Britain's independence and dignity when he decided to support President George W. Bush on the Iraq intervention in 2003, no matter what. The people of India are proud of their heritage and expect their leaders to show sensitivity to this aspect in their dealings with foreign countries. Nevertheless, situations can arise when a country might have to temporarily compromise on the independence of its foreign policy when national interests clearly, conclusively and transparently demand it and a vast majority of the public opinion endorses such action.
While foreign policy is the preserve of the government, diplomats have to implement it. In actual practice, diplomats do, from time to time, contribute to the formulation of policy but they are principally engaged in the art and practice of conducting negotiations with representatives of other States. In order to be able to conduct diplomacy meaningfully, diplomats need to have a more than passing acquaintance with the problems and issues they have to contend with during their professional career. Rajiv Sikri's book provides an extremely useful guide to the increasingly complex questions which Indian diplomats are called upon to deal with. Concise yet comprehensive, it is a highly commendable professional effort. Happily, he has adopted a thematic as well as a regional and sub-regional approach in his analysis and has not let any personal prejudices affect his judgement and observations except perhaps once, and that too obliquely. His primary concern is with national interest and that would put him in the ‘realist’ school of foreign policy. At the same time, he has emphasized the importance of not neglecting its moral dimensions. This is a very useful contribution to the study of India's foreign policy challenges and opportunities and should be of much help to academics as well as practitioners of diplomacy.
The idea of this book originated during my association with the Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS) in the National University of Singapore in 2007. Veena, my wife and colleague in the Indian Foreign Service, prodded me into this venture with her persistent and infectious enthusiasm.
A wide cross-section of the Indian intelligentsia, be they politicians, officials, businessmen, professionals, intellectuals or simply concerned citizens, think that India can and should play a larger and more active role in the world of the 21st century. An essential pre-requisite for this is that India's decision-makers and the public be more knowledgeable on foreign affairs. The controversy over the India–US nuclear deal has brought this out most emphatically. I hope this book can spread awareness of India's foreign policy challenges in the 21st century by stimulating an informed debate on India's policy options among Indians, particularly the younger generation.
This is neither an academic textbook on foreign policy nor a diplomat's memoirs. It does not claim to be comprehensive. My monograph on India's Foreign Policy Priorities in the Coming Decade written during my stay in Singapore provides the framework for this book though it has been expanded to cover additional topics. I have tried to concentrate on India's strategic relationships and issues. The emphasis is on trends rather than events, regions rather than individual countries and underlying long-term factors rather than details. Some new, possibly controversial, ideas have been put forward. The [Page xx]views expressed are strictly personal, based on my academic grounding and practical experience in foreign affairs. Having no pretensions to omniscience, I do not offer definitive solutions.
Many institutions and individuals have helped me in this project. I would like to acknowledge with gratitude the assistance and generous support of the Institute of South Asian Studies, in particular of Mr Gopinath Pillai and Professor Tan Tai Yong. Without that, it would have been difficult to undertake this venture. With her many ideas and constructive suggestions, my wife Veena was an invaluable sounding board-cum-critic. She also helped me immensely in the editing of the manuscript. I deeply appreciate the numerous suggestions of many former colleagues, friends and other well-wishers. Finally, my thanks go to the Indian Government, in particular the Ministry of External Affairs. My lifelong career in the Indian Foreign Service gave me the opportunity to learn about diplomacy and foreign affairs firsthand. In addition, had the government not created the circumstances that led to a premature parting of ways two years ago, this book might not have seen the light of day!
Select Bibliography[Page 301]Books2008. Smoke and Mirrors: An Experience of China. New Delhi: Fourth Estate..2008. Travelling through Conflict: Essays on the Politics of West Asia. New Delhi: Pearson Longman..1999. The Fate of Tibet: When Big Insects Eat Small Insects. New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications..1999. Russia and India: From Ideology to Geopolitics, 1947–1998. Delhi: Dev Publication..2004. Russia–China Relations: Relevance for India. Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2004..Banerjee, Dipankar (ed.). 2002. South Asian Security: Futures. Colombo: Regional Centre for Strategic Studies.2008. SAARC: Towards Greater Connectivity. New Delhi: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung.and .2004. In Defense of Globalization. New Delhi: Oxford University Press..Bhandare, Namita (ed.). 2007. India: The Next Global Superpower?New Delhi: Roli Books.Bhaumik, T.K. (ed.). 2003. Doha Development Agenda: A Global View. New Delhi: Penguin Enterprise.1998. Modern South Asia: History, Culture, Political Economy. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.and .1997. The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and its Geostrategic Imperatives. New York: Basic Books..2004. The Choice: Global Domination or Global Leadership. New York: Basic Books..2006. Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China, India and Japan. New Delhi: HarperCollins.. [Page 302]2001. India: Emerging Power. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.2002. War and Diplomacy in Kashmir, 1947–48. New Delhi: Sage Publications.Dash, P.L. (ed.). 2008. Emerging Asia in Focus: Issues and Problems. Delhi: Academic Excellence.2006. India and Southeast Asia: Towards Security Convergence. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies..1996. My South Block Years. New Delhi: UBS Publishers' Distributors.2002. India–Pakistan in War & Peace. New Delhi: Books Today. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/97802033011042003. External Affairs: Cross-Border Relations. New Delhi: Roli Books.2003. India's Foreign Policy 1947–2003. New Delhi: Picus Books.2007. India's Foreign Policy since Independence. New Delhi: National Book Trust.2008. Rivals: How the Power Struggle Between China, India and Japan will Shape Our Next Decade. London: Allen Lane..Foreign Service Institute. 1998. Indian Foreign Policy: Agenda for the 21st Century (2 vol.). Delhi: Konark Publishers.Foreign Service Institute. 2007. Indian Foreign Policy: Challenges and Opportunities. New Delhi: Academic Foundation.2000. The Lexus and the Olive Tree. New York: Anchor Books.2005. The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Globalized World in the 21st Century. London: Allen Lane.2008. Hot, Flat and Crowded: Why the World Needs a Green Revolution and How We can Renew Our Global Future. London: Allen Lane Penguin.1992. The End of History and the Last Man. London: Penguin Books..2006. The Horseshoe Table: An Inside View of the UN Security Council. New Delhi: Pearson Longman.1995. India's Rise to Power in the Twentieth Century and Beyond. London: Macmillan Press..2007. India after Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy. New Delhi: Picador..1984. Outside the Archives. Hyderabad: Sangam Books.1966. Kashmir: A Study in India–Pakistan Relations. Bombay: Asia Publishing House..2009. India China Relations: The Border Issue and Beyond. New Delhi: Viva Books.and ,1971. A Diplomatic History of Modern India. Calcutta: Allied Publishers.and . [Page 303]1996. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New Delhi: Penguin Viking.Joshi, Nirmala (ed.). 2003. Central Asia: The Great Game Replayed: An Indian Perspective. Delhi: New Century Publications.2008. The Return of History and the End of Dreams. London: Atlantic Books..1998. India 2020. A Vision for the New Millennium. New Delhi: Viking Penguin..2000. The Coming Anarchy: Shattering the Dreams of the Post Cold War. New York: Vintage Books.Kapur, Ashok, Y.K.Malik, H.A.Gould and A.G.Rubinoff (eds). 2002. India and the United States in a Changing World. New Delhi: Sage Publications.Kargil Review Committee Report, The. 2000. From Surprise to Reckoning. New Delhi: Sage Publications.1979. Diplomacy in Peace and War. Ghaziabad: Vikas.2000. A Diplomat's Diary (1947–1999): China, India and USA (The Tantalising Triangle). New Delhi: Macmillan.1989. The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. London: Fontana Press..1994. Preparing for the Twenty-First Century, London: Fontana Press..2007. Billions of Entrepreneurs: How China and India are Shaping their Futures – and Yours. New Delhi: Viking Penguin..Khosla, I.P. (ed.). 2005. Energy and Diplomacy. Delhi: Konark Publishers.Kumar, Nagesh, K.Kesavapany and YaoChaocheng (eds). 2008. Asia's New Regionalism and Global Role: Agenda for the East Asia Summit. New Delhi: Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS).1993. India and the US: Estranged Democracies. Washington D.C.: National Defense University Press..Lall, Marie (ed.) 2009. The Geopolitics of Energy in South Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.2007. Deception: Pakistan, the US and the Global Nuclear Weapons Conspiracy. London: Atlantic Books.and .Lok Sabha Secretariat. 1959. Foreign Policy of India: Texts of Documents 1947–59. New Delhi: Lok Sabha Secretariat.2008. The New Asian Hemisphere: The Irresistible Shift of Global Power to the East. New York: PublicAffairs..1999. Cold War in the High Himalayas: The USA, China and South Asia in the 1950s. Richmond, Surrey (UK): Curzon.2008. IDSA Asian Strategic Review 2007. New Delhi: Academic Foundation.1961. India's Foreign Policy: Selected Speeches, September 1946–April 1961. New Delhi: Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India..1969. Diplomacy. London: Oxford University Press.. [Page 304]2008. Imagining India: Ideas for the New Century. New Delhi: Allen Lane Penguin..2008. India: The Emerging Giant. New Delhi: Oxford University Press..2008. India's North-Eastern Region: Insurgency, Economic Development and Linkages with South-East Asia. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers.1956. The Principles and Practice of Diplomacy. Bombay: Asia Publishing House.1967. Asia and Western Dominance: A Survey of the Vasco da Gama Epoch of Asian History 1498–1945. London: Allen & Unwin.2008. Dragon's Shadow Over Arunachal: A Challenge to India's Polity. New Delhi: Rupa & Co.1973. Indo-Soviet Relations: 1947–1972. New Delhi: Allied Publishers..2005. Security Dimensions of India and Southeast Asia. New Delhi: Tata McGraw Hill.and .Raghavan, V. R. and W.LawrenceS.Prabhakar (eds). 2008. Maritime Security in the Indian Ocean Region: Critical Issues in Debate. New Delhi: Tata McGraw-Hill.2003. Crossing the Rubicon: The Shaping of India's New Foreign Policy. New Delhi: Viking Penguin.2006. Impossible Allies: Nuclear India, US and the Global Order. New Delhi: India Research Press.2005. Making Sense of Chindia: Reflections on China and India. New Delhi: India Research Press..2000. Inside Diplomacy. New Delhi: Manas Publications.2005. The 21st Century Ambassador: Plenipotentiary to Chief Executive. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.2000. India and China: The Way Ahead After “Mao's India War”. New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications.and .2005. Central Asia: Present Challenges and Future Prospects. New Delhi: Knowledge World.and .Rasgotra, Maharajakrishna (ed.). 2007. The New Asian Power Dynamic. New Delhi: Sage Publications.Rumley, Dennis and SanjayChaturvedi (eds). 2004. Geopolitical Orientations: Regionalism and Security in the Indian Ocean. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers.Sahai, Paramjit S. (ed.) 2008. India-Eurasia: The Way Ahead. Chandigarh: Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development.Santhanam, K., K.Baizakova and R.Dwivedi (eds). 2007. India–Kazakhstan Perspectives: Regional and International Interactions. New Delhi: Anamaya Publishers.2004. Asian Security and China, 2000–2010. Delhi: Shipra Publications.and .2006. India–Kazakhstan Relations: Enhancing the Partnership. New Delhi: Anamaya Publishers.and . [Page 305]2007. India–Tajikistan Cooperation: Perspectives and Prospects. New Delhi: Anamaya Publishers.and .Saradgi, IqbalAhmed, S.K.Sahni and R. N.Srivastava (eds). 2007. SAARC – The Road Ahead. New Dehi: Foundation for Peace and Sustainable Development.2005. The Shadow of the Great Game: The Untold Story of India's Partition. New Delhi: HarperCollins..1997. Kashmir in the Crossfire. New Delhi: Viva Books..2005. The Argumentative Indian: Writings on Indian History, Culture and Identity. London: Allen Lane..2005. Russia, China and Multilateralism in Central Asia. Delhi: Shipra Publications..2001. India and Russia: Towards Strategic Partnership. New Delhi: Lancer's Books..2008. Are We Deceiving Ourselves Again? Lessons the Chinese Taught Nehru but Which We Refuse to Learn. New Delhi: Rupa & Co..1987. The Origins of the Partition of India, 1936–1947. New Delhi: Oxford University Press..2008. Conflict & Diplomacy: US and the Birth of Bangladesh, Pakistan Divides. New Delhi: Rupa & Co.and .1999. Transforming Eastern South Asia: Building Growth Zones for Economic Cooperation. Dhaka: University Press..2000. Rediscovering the Southern Silk Route: Integrating Asia's Transport Infrastructure. Dhaka: University Press..2002. Globalization and its Discontents. New Delhi: Penguin Books..2001. India's China Perspective. Delhi: Konark Publishers..2004. Engaging India: Diplomacy, Democracy and the Bomb. New Delhi: Penguin Viking..2007. ‘What should We Expect from India as a Strategic Partner?’, in H.Sokolski (ed.). Gauging US–Indian Strategic Cooperation. Carlisle, Pennsylvania: Strategic Studies Institute, US Army War College..2001. Reorienting India: The New Geo-politics of Asia. Delhi: Konark Publishers.2007. A J&K Primer: From Myth to Reality. New Delhi: India Research Press.Vohra, N.N. (ed.). 1999. Culture, Society and Politics in Central Asia and India. Delhi: Shipra Publications.Vohra, N.N. (ed.). 2001. Culture, Democracy and Development in South Asia. Delhi: Shipra Publications.Vohra, N.N. (ed.). 2003. History, Culture and Society in India and West Asia. Delhi: Shipra Publications.2000. The Global Me: Why Nations will Succeed or Fail in the Next Generation. St. Leonards, New South Wales (Australia): Allen & Unwin..2008. The Post–American World. New York: W.W. Norton & Company..[Page 306]JournalsAgni: Studies in International Strategic Issues, Journal of the Forum for Strategic and Security Studies.Himalayan and Central Asian Studies, Journal of Himalayan Research and Cultural Foundation.Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, A Quarterly of the Association of Indian Diplomats.Journal of Indian Ocean Studies, Tri-Annual Publication of the Society for Indian Ocean Studies.Strategic Analysis, Bimonthly journal of the IDSA.U.S.I. Journal, The Journal of the United Service Institution of India.Internet Resourceshttp://www.carnegieendowment.org – Carnegie Endowment for International Peacehttp://www.cprindia.org – Centre for Policy Researchhttp://www.southasiamonitor.org – Contemporary Studies Societyhttp://www.idsa.in – Institute for Defence Studies and Analyseshttp://www.ipcs.org – Institute of Peace and Conflict Studieshttp://www.isas.nus.edu.sg – Institute of South Asian Studies, Singaporehttp://www.crisisgroup.org – International Crisis Grouphttp://www.meaindia.nic.in – Ministry of External Affairs, Indiahttp://www.observerindia.com – Observer Research Foundationhttp://www.ris.org.in – Research and Information System for Developing Countrieshttp://www.southasiaanalysis.org – South Asia Analysis Grouphttp://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/genrep/repintengy.pdf – Planning Commission
About the Author[Page 318]
Rajiv Sikri was a career diplomat for more than 36 years with the Indian Foreign Service. He retired in 2006 as Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs. In this capacity he had overall responsibility for India's relations with East Asia, ASEAN, Pacific region, the Arab world, Israel, Iran and Central Asia. Earlier he was Special Secretary for Economic Relations supervising foreign economic relations, including India's external technical and economic assistance programmes. He has served as India's Ambassador to Kazakhstan, and headed the Departments dealing with West Europe as well as the Soviet Union and East Europe in the Ministry of External Affairs. His other diplomatic assignments abroad include Deputy Chief of Mission in Paris, Political Counsellor in Moscow, Deputy Consul General and Commercial Consul in New York, and Political First Secretary in Kathmandu.