Analysing China's Soft Power Strategy and Comparative Indian Initiatives
Publication Year: 2017
A comprehensive analysis of China's efforts to build and utilize soft power as a distinctive part of its foreign policy This volume examines the evolution and application of China's soft power with particular focus on various strategic initiatives such as cultural and public diplomacy, Confucius institutes, development assistance and infrastructure building, media collaborations and healthcare diplomacy. This is to emphasize cooperation and partnerships while advancing the theory of harmonious development through these initiatives across the world.
- Front Matter
- Back Matter
- Subject Index
Part I: : Soft Power and China
- Chapter 1: Soft Power: Concepts, Discussions and Debates
- Chapter 2: Chinese Soft Power: Historical Background and Contemporary Context
Part II: : Chinese Soft Power: Regional Studies
- Chapter 3: South Asia: Expanding Influence Through Economic Engagement
- Chapter 4: Southeast Asia: Cultural Diplomacy, Economics and Regional Cooperation
- Chapter 5: Northeast Asia, Oceania and South Pacific: From Periphery to Greater Periphery
- Chapter 6: Africa and Europe: Warmer Relations, New Partnerships
- Chapter 7: US, Canada, Latin America: Bridging Distance for New Alignments
- Chapter 8: Central Asia, Russia, Mongolia and Middle East: Reshaping Relations on New Priorities
Part III: : Indian Soft Power, China–India Engagement and Comparative Dimensions
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Copyright © Parama Sinha Palit, 2017
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.
First published in 2017 by
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Available
ISBN: 978-93-860-6265-9 (HB)
SAGE Team: Supriya Das, Guneet Kaur Gulati and Ritu Chopra
Published by Vivek Mehra for SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd, typeset in 10/13 pt Berkeley Book by Fidus Design Pvt. Ltd., Chandigarh 31D, and printed at Chaman Enterprises, New Delhi.
I dedicate this book to my parents, Ms Swapna and Dr Pradip Chandra Sinha, for their endless love and support. They have taught me the value of education and hard work—the two fundamentals that have inspired and guided me all along.
List of Tables[Page ix]
- 2.1 Official Communications of ‘Benign Image’ 38
- 6.1 China–Europe Cultural Activities 142
- 7.1 Major Landmarks in Sino-US Relationship 155
- 7.2 Energy and Mineral Resources in Latin America 167
- 7.3 Major Chinese-supported Infrastructure Projects in Latin America 169
- 7.4 Latin American Universities with China Centres and Programmes 174
- 9.1 India's ‘Live’ Cultural Exchange Programmes (CEPs) 230
- 9.2 ICCR Cultural Centres in South Asia, Southeast Asia, Africa and South America 231
- 9.3 Indian Investments in Africa 255
- 9.4 Major Indian Companies and their Initiatives in Africa 257
- 9.5 Indian Companies in LAC 260
- 10.1 China Study Centres in India 284 [Page x]
List of Abbreviations[Page xi]
American Centre Library
Asian Development Bank
Asia-Pacific Free Trade Agreement
Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank
Australian National University
ASEAN Regional Forum
Association of Southeast Asian Nations
Approved Tourist Destination
Border Defence Cooperation Agreement
Birendra International Convention Centre
Bangladesh National Party
Barrels Per Day
Bangladesh Small and Cottage Industries Corporation
Central Asian Regional Economic Cooperation
Central Asian Republics
China–Arab States Economic and Trade Forum
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
Confidence Building Measures
China–Central Asia Friendship Association
China Development Bank
China Europe International Business School
Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting
China Investment Corporation
Confederation of Indian Industry
Australian Centre on China in the World
China National Petroleum Corporation[Page xii]
Chinese People's Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries
Communist Party of China
China–Pakistan Economic Corridor
China Radio International
China Scholarship Council
Duty Free Tariff Preference
Defence White Paper
European Association for Chinese Studies
East Asia Summit
European Union–China Academic Network
Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement
Eurasian Economic Union
Escuela Superior Politecnica del Litoral
European Union National Institutes for Culture
Fixed Dose Combination
Foreign Direct Investment
Federation of Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry
Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences
Forum on China–Africa Cooperation
Foundation of SAARC Writers and Literature
Free Trade Agreement
Free Trade Zone
Gulf Cooperation Council
Greater Mekong Subregion
Industrial and Commercial Bank of China
Indian Council for Cultural Relations
Information and Communications Technology
Inter-American Development Bank
Fourth International Forum for Contemporary Chinese Studies
International Monetary Fund
Indian Ocean Region
Indian Peace Keeping Force
Indian Premier League[Page xiii]
Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation
Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
Jawaharlal Nehru University
Line of Actual Control
Land Border Agreement
Look East Policy
Line of Credit
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs
Memorandum of Understanding
National Ayurveda Research and Training Centre
National Development and Reform Commission
National Online System of Access to Information on China
National Peoples' Congress
Nuclear Power Corporation of India
National Security Strategy
Pacific Islands Forum
Persons of Indian Origin
People's Liberation Army
Papua New Guinea
People's Republic of China
Preferential Trade Agreements
Russian Far East
Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies
Regional Trading Agreements
South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation
Sino-American Culture and Arts Foundation
Sino-American Friendship Association
South Asian University
Shanghai Cooperation Organization[Page xiv]
Strategic Economic Dialogue
Shanghai Institute for International Studies
Sea Lanes of Communication
Singapore Mercantile Exchange
Treaty of Amity and Cooperation
University of British Columbia
UN Security Council
Universidad de Santiago de Chile
Western Development Strategy
I knew little about China except for the Sino-Indian War of 1962 that heavily influenced my perception of the neighbour since I was a toddler. I recall my mother recounting her experiences as a young National Cadet Corps (NCC) volunteer in the small town of Dibrugarh in India's northeastern state of Assam during the war and thereafter. She would narrate the sudden blackouts and deafening sirens that would send people scurrying for cover into tunnels constructed in every house for shelter. As I grew up, apart from 1962, I became increasingly familiar with Anini—a little-known town in India's northeastern state of Arunachal Pradesh bordering China, where my father served as a young doctor some years after the 1962 conflict. It was hardly surprising that Anini's geographical proximity to China made it geographically vulnerable to Chinese aggression—a fact that hung heavy over the town and its people, including my father.
During my days as a postgraduate student and a research scholar in the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) at Delhi in the late 1990s, China hardly figured prominently in my academic studies with the US being my focus. It would cross my path only contextually, mostly in relation to Pakistan and the impact of the relationship on India, South Asia and the region. It was not until we (my husband Amitendu and I) shifted to Singapore in early 2008 that I began developing my research interest in the dragon's ‘attraction’. The interest became intense during our travels to various parts of China and the fascinating interactions that we had (and keep having) with different scholars and experts, many of whom, over time, have become our close friends. The visits and interactions not only yielded fascinating insights into China but also revealed little-known aspects of the multifaceted engagement between China and India. One such example, gleaned from our travel to Tianjin and the Tianjin University of Finance and Economics, was the collaboration between the University and the Honeybee Network of India for patenting grass-roots innovation enabling farmers in both countries to acquire intellectual rights over frugal innovation. I also realized, rather early on during my travels to China, the importance of knowing Mandarin for comprehending the ‘real’ China. The motivation was strong enough to [Page xvi]spur me on to learning the language, a decision that in hindsight proved most significant, as it has enabled me to access vast primary sources during the research for this book and engage in detailed conversations with scholars during my fieldwork.
As a regular visitor to the American Centre Library (ACL), New Delhi, from my postgraduate days, the mesmerizing ‘pull’ of higher education institutions in the US was my first instinctive impression of national ‘soft power’. Much like China, ‘soft power’ was hardly a focus of my early research. The latter was influenced predominantly by the thematic foci of the research institutions I worked with in Delhi during the early years of the last decade and the key strands of the discourse in strategic policy circles in India. Soft power was as unknown and delinked from the discourse as it could be with the latter overwhelmingly dominated by realist ‘hard power’ notions pertaining to conflict management, military preparedness and a host of geostrategic concerns shaping India's international relations with its neighbours and other powers. While soft power has gained considerable currency in the global discussion on international and strategic relations, including in India, it continues to be treated somewhat contemptuously, particularly by hard-core realists. This was evident from the discussions that I had with scholars across the world, among whom many were sceptical about its conceptual application to the wider strategic and foreign policy discourse as well as its efficacy in securing strategic benefits.
It was, therefore, all the more surprising for me to note the traction gained by soft power in the academic and policy discourses in China, including the specific coining of ruan shi li, meaning soft power in Mandarin! Beijing's ceaseless efforts towards image-building for conveying positive signals on its benign intentions and responsible conduct to the international community have led to the growth of a rich and varied discourse on soft power in China. The discourse has gathered momentum from China's pursuit of cultural diplomacy—a strategy used since the ancient times—and several other soft power tools for communicating with the rest of the world. China has put a premium on culture in correcting adverse impressions produced by its remarkable strategic rise while also aiming to ‘balance’ the global discourse on image-building, positive perception and soft power through constructive perceptions rather than through reactive means.[Page xvii]
I have been struck by not only the scale of efforts in China towards building its image through continuous exploration of innovative ideas and employment of soft power tools but also the vigorous debate and discussion among policymakers, government agencies, scholars and the media. Chinese government agencies and academic institutions have been working together for a clearer and pragmatic conceptual understanding of soft power and its application. In 2007, Qin Gang, the then Foreign Ministry spokesperson, outlined the eight diplomatic philosophies that were to guide China's external engagement. The pronouncement indicated China's disinterest in seeking hegemony and was similarly indicative of China's active pursuit of soft power. From the Chinese perspective, soft power has entailed more of cultural diplomacy, which has been integral to its policies of external engagement and outreach in modern times, while public diplomacy—a more developed and structured element of soft power strategy and articulation in the West—is more ‘work in progress’ in China. Given its newness in Chinese discourse, the Chinese leadership has been striving to gather more knowledge on public diplomacy while making its application amenable to China's specific interests and circumstances by imparting it ‘Chinese characteristics’. Indeed, appreciating the importance of reciprocity and response for meaningful public diplomacy, the Chinese leadership is showing greater proclivity ‘to listen’ to the others, thus attempting to make it an important characteristic of its larger strategy.
Chinese soft power, in addition to exhaustive cultural diplomacy and incipient public diplomacy, is also characterized by its pronounced economic content. The Chinese leadership's use of varied economic tools in different countries underlines its tact and pragmatism in spotting and securing strategic ‘windows’. This is evident from extending ‘aid without strings’ to countries and establishments shunned by mainstream Western aid donors and responding to needs and demands of countries suffering from chronic social and physical infrastructure deficits. By providing generous resources for overcoming infrastructure gaps, China behaves as a benign large power capable of mitigating global challenges and also succeeds in securing strategic loyalty to an extent. Recent initiatives such as One-Belt-One-Road (OBOR) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) might be expanding the objectives further, apart from positing China as a firm alternative to the established [Page xviii]large global powers in the ability to spend well in creating global public goods.
The other conspicuous aspect of China's soft power—a feature that is almost inescapable and has resonated variously across the chapters in this book—is its coexistence with references and emphasis on hard power (a duality inherent in Chinese diplomacy and foreign policy). Beijing's extensive employment of varied soft power tools has not refrained it from striking ‘hard’ postures on issues and with respect to countries with which it has outstanding contentious differences—most importantly the South China Sea and some countries of the Southeast Asian region being important examples. The reference to hard power has become more distinct and prominent under President Xi, evident from his speech at the Politburo study session in January 2013, where he emphatically underlined the importance of protecting China's core national interests.
It could well be this coexistence, apart from the Western strategic mainstream impression of China as an ‘aggressor’, that has led to much less study of the nuances of China's soft power, both theoretically and empirically. The lack of focused attention on modern China's extensive deployment of soft power, the distinct nuances and variations visible across countries and regions, and satisfaction of core strategic goals have been the motivation behind this book. As an Indian scholar of international relations, I have been fascinated to note the diversity of people-to-people contacts and engagements in the Sino-Indian context, which are hardly reflected and discussed.
The larger point is the substantive content of the contemporary Sino-India relationship that includes several positives. China's significance as a supplier of hardware and hand phones in facilitating India's mobile telephony expansion is hardly discussed. The suspicion over cheap Chinese goods flooding the Indian market is hardly tempered by the realization that the burgeoning diverse consumption needs of a rapidly expanding Indian economy would have been left unmet had Chinese products not been available the way they have. China has been for India, what it has been for most of the rest of the world: an inexhaustible source of cheap manufactures. On a larger collaborative plane, it is interesting that China and India have rarely found it difficult to ally on common global concerns be it trade, climate change or the international [Page xix]financial architecture. Such collaborations, apart from being examples of greater South–South cooperation manifesting through developing and emerging market country coalitions, can also be seen as examples of occasions where both countries are ready to overlook bilateral estrangement. Indeed, the importance of collaborating on global issues for maximizing national interests, quite a bit of which are similar for both countries, has been an important factor in influencing both countries to engage each other meaningfully. Enabling mechanisms like a hotline connection between heads of states of the two countries have been able to manage and de-escalate border tensions from time to time. At the same time, cultural and public diplomacies, in addition to business links, have become significant in promoting understanding and assimilating goodwill.
Communicating the right signal, while perceiving intentions of the ‘other’, underlines China's diplomatic interaction with countries far and near, including India. India has also advanced to adopt diplomatic engagement reflecting similar characteristics—a trajectory that has become increasingly visible with assumption of office by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The Chinese President Xi Jinping and the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi have maintained the tradition of top leaders of both countries meeting frequently and have had several interactions on various occasions shaping conditions for facilitating further interaction and better understanding. The personal bonhomie and the larger constructive strategic engagement of each other, however, have not obliterated friction and contentious circumstances from time to time, which, needless to say, have warranted hard postures. The dichotomy remains a remarkable aspect of the current Sino-Indian relationship and is expected to become more conspicuous over time as both countries attempt to court constructive engagement while not yielding ground on sovereign concerns. While much more can be done by both on engagement, it is important to note that the constructive approach to engagement has not reversed during the last decade and a half and has quietly consolidated over time. Consolidation, no doubt, will increase further, creating greater need and scope for application of soft power on both sides. Future research on Sino-Indian relations will remain vacuous unless it pays adequate attention to the role of soft power.
[Page xx]While China is the context, subject and discussion for most of the book, it reflects on India too, particularly the more recent developments in India's foreign policy that focus on greater use of soft power tools. Although India's soft power efforts have been limited and less conspicuous compared to its larger eastern neighbour, Indian foreign policy is increasingly adapting exercises for expanding global soft power, such as celebrating the International Yoga Day, partly shaking off the policy inertia created by hollow beliefs that India need not be proactive on exercising soft power since the world sees it naturally benign, at least compared with China. It is only now that Indian soft power outreach is witnessing a proactive role of the state, compared with the ‘hands off’ policy earlier that left soft power export to non-state actors. In this respect, Indian foreign policy has arguably turned a new leaf and soft power efforts are expected to become larger and varied over time. This is consistent with New Delhi's quest for greater global strategic space and influence.
While the leadership might further hone its soft power tools to connect better with the world, India's soft power will continue to encounter formidable challenges, probably even more than what China does in some respect, given the rather dismal global perception of India in critical segments of state performance. Notwithstanding China's perception of being a more ‘aggressive’ state, the world appears to have much greater faith, till now, in the Chinese state's ability to deliver better qualities of lives to its citizens, compared with India. Thus, despite the emphasis on India's cultural and civilizational virtues, many remain unconvinced about India's earnestness in pursuing soft power with views ranging from dismissive to cautiously optimistic ones. More on these follow in the various chapters.
Writing the book has been an amazing and humbling journey. The most remarkable outcome of the effort has probably been the insights that I have gathered into China—a fascinating country that never ceases to surprise and endows me with new impressions each time I go back. The book is my modest effort to bring to light China's consummate efforts to change global perceptions on it in a largely unfavourable international environment, the challenges it faces and the adjustments it makes, not necessarily with best results. I also look at the Chinese context and subject to look more closely at the new trajectory of engagement in [Page xxi]Sino-Indian relations and the new constructivism in India's foreign policy. I can no way have the last word on these issues and can only claim to have attempted to contribute some different insights into and perspectives on the research on China's soft power and contextual assessment of Sino-Indian relations, where much more ground is left to be covered.[Page xxii]
It has been a fascinating journey writing this book on soft power and more so on China's evolving ‘non-military strategy’ (soft power) to connect with the world. The book would not have been possible without the interactions, discussions and several informal chats that I have had with many people along the way. I take this opportunity to deeply thank all of them for contributing to this book in various capacities and apologize for my inability to pen down many of them.
I express my deep gratitude to Professor Ma Jiali, deputy director, China Reform Forum, Beijing; Professors Shen Dingli and Zhang Gui Hong, Fudan University, Shanghai; Dr Yang Xiaoping, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), Beijing; Professor Xue Tang, Shanghai University of International Business and Economics (SUIBE); Dr Zhou Xinyu, Beijing Foreign Studies University; Dr Mao Ji Kang, Academy of World Watch, Hainan; Li Yang, China Daily, Beijing; Professor Cai Penghong, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences (SASS); Dr Shao Yuqun, deputy director, Center for South Asia Studies, Shanghai Institute for International Studies (SIIS); Dr Iftekar Choudhury, Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS), National University of Singapore (NUS); and Professor Xiaohe Cheng, Renmin University, Beijing. I also sincerely thank Professor Li Mingjiang from the Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University (NTU), Singapore, for connecting me to a lot of academics in China with whom I have had enlightening deliberations on several issues that I have discussed in the book.
I especially thank Dr Hu Yong, SUIBE for his academic inputs and prompt response to my queries. I thank Professor Rajesh Basroor, RSIS and Professor Zhao Hong, East Asia Institute (EAI), Singapore for going through parts of my manuscript and offering several useful comments. I have received several valuable suggestions from the anonymous referees of SAGE who reviewed the manuscript, and I am grateful to them for the valuable suggestions. My research on the book was considerably facilitated by my access to the wealth of resources at the library of the EAI in the NUS. I specifically thank [Page xxiv]Mr James Tan, Manager, EAI and the staff at the library for their kind cooperation.
While researching for my book, I profited considerably from Leslie, my Chinese tutor from Xi'an in Shaanxi province, who was ever ready to help me with translation and interpretation of primary documents. My knowledge and application of the Mandarin language has benefited a lot from my various interactions with Dr Pradeep Taneja of the University of Melbourne—a good friend and academic colleague. Our dear friend, Mr Susen Dutta's anecdotes and experiences of living in China as well as his amazing hospitality will remain fond memories for their warmth and sincerity, apart from contributing variously in my understanding of perceptions.
The idea of the book came from a friend Ms Haimanti Dey, who actually coaxed me into writing this book. I also thank the entire SAGE team, New Delhi for their continuous effort and collaboration in publishing this book. I specially thank Supriya Das and Guneet Kaur Gulati at SAGE Publications for their unyielding support. I take the opportunity to thank my good friend Ms Jennifer Mitchell as well for all her support and encouraging words all through the way. Ms Mitchell and my cousin, Sohini, are the two people most excited about my book. At a personal level, I thank my in-laws Kalyani and Dibyendu Palit for their support. I also thank my aunt Saswati Sen, my brother Parijat Sinha and sister-in-law Debarati Banerjee for always being around and for their patience in hearing me out whenever I was bogged down with work. I also thank my parents for their stalwart support and encouragement at all times and also for believing in me and providing me with all the possible opportunities.
Finally there is one person I owe this book to and can never thank him enough for his relentless support all through—my husband Amitendu. It was his constant urging that helped to wash away my initial reluctance in developing the idea further and finally write the book. His patience, continuous prodding and encouraging words saw me through the long journey which we both undertook together. The book has benefited enormously from his insights over numerous meals and weekend chats, as well as his patient edits and suggestions over the manuscript from time to time. The work would be as much his as mine, and I thank him for all his support and encouragement. All errors and shortcomings, however, are entirely mine.
Annexures[Page 301]Annexure I: Recipients of Chinese and Indian Development Assistance
Region China India Africa Angola, Congo, Gabon, Ethiopia, Equatorial Guinea, Mozambique, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Uganda, Zambia Angola, Cameroon, Chad, Congo, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritius, Mozambique, Niger, Rwanda, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Suriname, Tanzania, Zambia Latin America & Caribbean Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Grenada, Peru, Venezuela, Uruguay Columbia, Ecuador, Guyana, Honduras, Jamaica, Peru, Venezuela Southeast Asia Indonesia, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam Cambodia, Myanmar, Laos, Vietnam South Asia Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka
Source: Palit (2011).
Note: The above list of countries is not entirely exhaustive.[Page 302]Annexure II: Location of Confucius Institutes (CIs) Worldwide[Page 306]Annexure III: President XI Jinping's Global Visits
2015 April July Pakistan RussiaAnnexure IV: Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Global Visits 2014–15
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